Suchergebnisse

Indo-African relations in KwaZulu-Natal are about competition and rivalry for limited resources and privileges not only between these two segments, but by all four categories1 that make up South African society. It has been conditioned by White hegemony and the politics of divide-and-rule among the four classified racial groups who were stratified along a line of differentiated privileges. With Whites always on the top, Coloureds and Indians oscillated between 2nd and 3rd positions according to imputed criteria for the purposes of analysis by researchers, and Africans were always considered the least privileged. Ever since their arrival in 1860, Indians moved from being most welcomed and appreciated to most detested and unwanted among their White forbears. The reasons for this lay in the juxtaposition of their labour significantly and appreciatively boosting productivity in the colonial economy within a short space of time, and the unwanted challenges that post-indentured Indians provided to the nascent White entrepreneurial class who struggled to keep pace with their competence in petty trading. Similar situations of unwelcome politics of competition have bedevilled Indo-African relations in the 20th century and have filtered into the 21st century in ways that do require constructive analysis to contemporary conditions. This paper analyses three periods of anti-Indianism since 1860 viz. the latter period of the 19th century when Whites turned against Indians, the 1949 African-Indian clashes, and recent anti-Indian sentiments by a small segment of Africans in KwaZulu- Natal. This paper argues that if South Africans do not rise to challenge such sentiments, they will rise to dangerously engulf us.

There is a growing recognition of the dangers of electoral violence. Yet, the theoretical foundation for systematic research and for adequate policy is still underdeveloped. This article aims to develop the theoretical understandings of strategies to manage and prevent electoral violence. This is accomplished by integrating research conducted within the two academic discourses on democratization and conflict management and also by drawing on the experiences from the conflict-ridden province KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa. The five strategies identified are monitoring, mediation, legal measures, law enforcement and self-regulating practices. In the article, the functions and mechanisms of the strategies are discussed. In addition, we analyse the limitations and usefulness of each of the strategies in turn and also provide suggestions on how to improve electoral security.

The article investigates the level of satisfaction with the South African Department of Public Work's Contractor Development Programme (CDP) in terms of its effectiveness. A mixed method research approach (combination of quantitative and qualitative approach) is employed for the collection of both statistical and in-depth information on the perceptions of participants on the CDP. Survey data collected from 364 participants and interview data from six focus-group participants in the KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) province of South Africa forms the data sets for the article. Data was analysed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) version 23. Descriptive statistics is used to report the reliability of the various constructs, mean scores, standard deviations, and correlations. The findings show that participants not only deemed the programme unsatisfactory, but also reported an overall negative experience with the programme. Specific findings show that the CDP offers no training opportunities to registered members, lacks effective communication mediums, and benefited only those with political connections. The correlation results show that there is a strong relation between population and registering on the CDP, thus confirming that the open and easy access when registering on the CDP allows any interested person to automatically become a contractor creating the possibility of abuse of the programme. The study was limited to KZN contractors only and may, therefore, not be generalised to the entire national population of contractors. This article is relevant, as it gives insight into how satisfied contractors are with the CDP. It may help potential contractors to consider whether the CDP will be beneficial to them, before they decide to join the programme.

RESUMO O objetivo do estudo foi investigar características da estrutura das unidades de saúde e dos processos gerenciais e assistenciais da Atenção Pré-Natal (APN) no âmbito da Atenção Primária à Saúde (APS) no Brasil, em municípios que aderiram ao Programa Nacional de Melhoria do Acesso e da Qualidade da Atenção Básica (PMAQ-AB). Trata-se de avaliação normativa com dados de 16.566 equipes de saúde da família que aderiram ao PMAQ-AB. Foi elaborado um modelo lógico dos componentes da APN, composto pelas dimensões de análise, gerencial e assistencial, e de 42 critérios de estrutura e processo e seus respectivos padrões. A estrutura das unidades básicas e as ações prestadas pelas equipes não obedeciam à maioria dos padrões, destacando-se a existência de barreiras estruturais, indisponibilidade de medicamentos e exames essenciais, problemas na oferta do elenco de ações assistenciais, envolvendo a atenção individual e o cuidado clínico, bem como de promoção da saúde e ações coletivas e domiciliares ofertadas. Conclui-se que, apesar da alta cobertura da APN e da sua institucionalização nos serviços de APS, persistem problemas que devem ser alvo de iniciativas governamentais que garantam atenção integral e de qualidade no ciclo gravídico-puerperal e que repercutam na melhoria dos indicadores de saúde materno-infantil.

Since the early 1980s, at least 12,000 people have died in political violence in KwaZulu/Natal. Thousands more have been injured, rendered homeless, cast adrift as refugees. This study attempts to explain the horror that has occurred. It examines 16 years of conflict by describing two rival views regarding the violence. The first, developed by the African National Congress (ANC), attributes the conflict to Inkatha, acting as a surrogate of the former South African state and in collusion with 'third force' elements within the police and army to retard or undermine the transition to democracy. The second, developed by the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), attributes the conflict to the ANC/SACP alliance, and the strategy of violent destabilisation it developed to overthrow the government, eliminate black political competitors, and introduce a centralised and socialist state. The study also describes relevant reports of the Goldstone commission and the Transitional Executive Council (TEC), as well as the De Kock and Malan trials and the insights these provide into the 'third force' role in violence. (DÜI-Hff)

Armutsbedingte Wanderungsbewegungen gehören zu den am stärksten vernachlässigten Erscheinungsformen ländlicher Armut in Südafrika. Millionen haben in KwaZulu-Natal in den vergangenen 15 Jahren ihre angestammte Heimat auf der Suche nach besseren Lebensbedingungen verlassen. Die Mehrheit von ihnen wanderte in andere, ebenfalls ländliche, aber mehr versprechende Gebiete in der Nähe kleiner Ortschaften und Städte. Die Autoren zeichnen die Gründe und den jeweiligen Weg der Wanderungsbewegungen nach, denen ohne Ausnahme wirtschaftliche Motive zugrundeliegen. Über eine Landreform und andere Prozesse, die einen erleichterten Zugang, ein Klima der Sicherheit und wirtschaftliche Möglichkeiten gewähren, müssen dringend Siedlungsalternativen für diese Wanderungsströme geschaffen werden. (DÜI-Hlb)

Der Autor analysiert die Kommunalwahlen in KwaZulu-Natal von 1996, indem er die einzelnen Parteien und ihre Wahlkampagnen vorstellt sowie die Gründe für ein bestimmtes Wählerverhalten aufzeigt. Die größte Konkurrenz innerhalb der afrikanischen Gemeinschaft besteht zwischen ANC und IFP. Unterschiede im Wahlverfahren traten zwischen der Stadt- und der eher traditionell eingestellten Landbevölkerung auf. Der ANC-Wahlkampf auf dem Land gestaltete sich wegen des Verhaltens der traditionellen Chiefs, die die IFP favorisieren und quasi no-go-areas einrichteten, schwieriger. Von der National Party wurden vor allem die Minderheiten als Zünglein an der Waage umworben. Als ethnische Partei konnte die Minority Front zahlreiche indische Wähler gewinnen. Ansonsten gelang es keiner Partei, über ihre Stammwählerschaft hinaus in neue Regionen vorzustoßen. Aufgrund der Wahlergebnisse sind besonders ANC und IFP auf eine gute Zusammenarbeit angewiesen. (DÜI-Blm)