Suchergebnisse

In this volume, which was originally published in 2003, a distinguished collection of specialists analyzes the critical elections that ushered out the Boris Yeltsin era in Russia and ushered in the leadership of Vladimir Putin. These parliamentary and presidential elections were critical for the future of Russia.

Donald Trump can best be understood in the context of the rise of authoritarian populist, nationalist, and antiglobalist movements throughout the world. In this article, I focus on the assault on globalization in the Trump campaign, look at his administration and actions as president, and raise questions about whether he has betrayed his antiglobalist followers and is pursuing business-as-usual for global, corporate capitalism—or something else. This investigation also leads us into engaging the Trump campaign/administration connections with Russia and the role of Russia, cyberwar, and global computer networks in Election 2016.

The relative bargaining power of rulers and right holders is thought to be a key determinant of property rights, but because it both shapes and is shaped by property rights, it is difficult to estimate the impact of bargaining power on property rights. We take advantage of a natural experiment by comparing the responses of managers interviewed just before and just after a surprising parliamentary election in Russia that weakened the relative bargaining power of the ruling party. This electoral shock had little impact on the perceived property rights of the average firm, but firms with close economic ties to the state viewed their property as more vulnerable after the election. By exploiting largely exogenous variation in the timing of survey interviews, we estimate the impact of bargaining power on property rights with greater precision. We also contribute to the literature on elections under autocracy by focusing on their economic, rather than political, impacts on individuals.

Formal models of negative campaigning offer several predictions about the volume, sources, & targets of candidates' attacks on one another. We test these predictions & predictions drawn from other perspectives by analyzing public statements by candidates in the 1996 & 2000 Russian presidential campaigns. Our tests provide mixed support for the model-derived predictions. Concluding discussion centers on the need to reconsider some of the models' basic assumptions & to incorporate some neglected factors. 3 Tables, 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

Rescission of the direct popular election of Russia's regional executives was interpreted by many observers as a cardinal indicator of the trend toward authoritarianism in Russia. In the wake of a series of vocal national protests against electoral fraud following the State Duma elections of December 2011, President Dmitrii Medvedev announced the reinstatement of gubernatorial elections, and a federal law was passed in May 2012 implementing this decision; the first gubernatorial elections under the new system took place in five Russian oblasts on 14 October 2012. This paper analyzes the campaigns and outcomes of these elections, as well as media and expert commentary surrounding them, with a goal of exploring whether the reinstitution of a gubernatorial electoral process presents a significant potential for renewed political competition or popular political mobilization at the regional level in Russia. Analysis of these early cases suggests that while these elections offer a real potential for genuine electoral contestation, the political establishment also exhibited the ability to apply a variety of formal and informal mechanisms to assure the desired outcome. Realization of the potential of gubernatorial elections to promote electoral competition would require a greater resolve and unity of opposition parties, including at the subregional level.