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UN AGENCIES' BEHAVIOR CAN PROVIDE A CLUE TO THEIR ROLE IN INTERNATIONAL CONFLICTS AND TO THE POSSIBILITY FOR MOBILIZING THEIR RESOURCES ON ONE SIDE OR THE OTHER IN THE FUTURE. THERE IS A DIFFERENCE IN PRINCIPLE BETWEEN THE POLICIES OF THE WORLD BANK GROUP AND THOSE OF OTHER AGENCIES, AND THAT THE PROBABLE REASON IS THE INTEGRATION OF THE WORLD BANK AND AFFILIATES INTO THE ACTIVITY OF WESTERN CAPITALISM.

Logos on cover: Army National Guard, Dept. of the Army, and United States Army Reserve. ; Shipping list no.: 86-179-P. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Belligerent Occupation — Joint Occupation — Occupation of Japan After Second World War — Responsibility of United States for Act of Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers in Japan — Legislative and Administrative Functions of Occupant — Act of Government of Occupied Territory Performed at Direction of Occupant — Retention of Seized Property by Government of Occupied Territory at Direction of Occupant — Whether Attributable to Occupant

Canned fruit industrywas a period of recession due to funding poor and inadequate management, but shows substantial potential for development, thanks to natural and materials resources that can be recovered efficiently in production/processing and launch policies marketing to promote canned fruits Romanian market and economic space of the European Union.Official data published by Eurostat in February 2015 shows that Romania ranks in the top eight member countries of the European Union, the value of agricultural production. Total production in 2014 was valued at 392.3 billion euros, while our country has produced worth 15.4 billion euros.This paper addresses theoretical and comparative market developments canned fruits, relevant data of economic efficiency of production and marketing strategy role in this branch of commercial activity. It is also highlighted developments and prospect market canned fruits in Romania.

Using the case of the United Fruit Company as an example of the fusion of the interests of the state and transnational corporations, this article attempts to show the continuity of colonization processes in Latin America. We analize the presence of the company in several countries of Central and South America during the 20th century in order to observe one of the most contemporary forms of the idea of coloniality in today's reality. The study will be structured as follows: the first section describes colonialism from a historical point of view, presenting the first phase of the presence of the powers in Latin America and analyzing it from a postcolonial perspective. In a second moment we address the case of the United Fruit Company in Latin American countries and the profound consequences it left on the ground. The third part presents the main argument showing the continuity of the colonial process in the region in the twenty-first century.

This article explores an important period in the relations between the United States and Colombia. After the discomfort generated by the loss of Panama, the presidency of Enrique Olaya Herrera achieved to overcome any prevention or wound in the national elites and offered the closest and fiercest defense of US interests ever seen in Colombia during the first decades of the 20th century. To study this hypothesis, the article briefly exposes the conditions preceding Olaya's government; his election as president among crucial agreements—both explicit and implicit ones—with bankers, oil companies and State bureaucrats in Washington; and finally, his decisive role in the presidency. Based on existing bibliography, press releases and, principally, on documents hitherto unedited from the National Archive of the United States, this article illustrates a series of events while it analyses and reproduces documents that at a certain time the us State Department refused to publish to avoid harming the relations between the two countries, to protect some of its high-ranking officials, and to avoid a strong opposition against Olaya Herrera in Colombia. ; En el presente artículo de investigación se propone abordar un importante periodo en las relaciones entre Estados Unidos y Colombia. Luego del malestar creado por la pérdida de Panamá, la presidencia de Enrique Olaya Herrera logró cerrar toda prevención o herida en las élites nacionales y propició la más cerrada y leonina defensa que de los intereses estadounidenses en Colombia se hubiera hecho durante las primeras décadas del siglo xx. Para argumentar tal hipótesis, el artículo expone brevemente las condiciones que precedieron al Gobierno de Olaya: su elección como presidente en medio de cruciales acuerdos —explícitos e implícitos— con banqueros, empresas petroleras y burócratas estatales en Washington y, finalmente, su decisivo papel en la máxima magistratura. Apoyado en la bibliografía existente, en observación de prensa, pero sobre todo en documentos hasta ahora inéditos del Archivo Nacional de Estados Unidos, el artículo deja en claro lo sucedido, al tiempo que analiza y reproduce sustancialmente documentos que en su momento el Departamento de Estado de los Estados Unidos se negó a publicar para no perjudicar las relaciones entre los dos países, protegiendo a algunos de sus altos funcionarios y evitando una fuerte oposición en contra de Olaya Herrera en Colombia. ; Neste artigo de pesquisa, propõe-se abordar um período importante nas relações entre os Estados Unidos e a Colômbia. Depois do mal-estar gerado pela perda do Panamá, a presidência de Enrique Olaya Herrera conseguiu fechar toda a prevenção ou ferida às elites nacionais e propiciou a mais fechada e leonina defesa dos interesses dos estadunidenses na Colômbia feita durante as primeiras décadas do século xx. Para argumentar tal hipótese, o artigo apresenta resumidamente as condições que precederam ao governo Olaya: sua eleição como presidente em meio a acordos cruciais —explícitos e implícitos— com banqueiros, companhias petroleiras e burocratas estatais em Washington e, finalmente, seu papel decisivo na máxima magistratura. Apoiado na bibliografia existente, na observação da prensa e em documentos inéditos do Arquivo Nacional dos Estados Unidos, o artigo deixa claro o ocorrido, ao mesmo tempo em que analisa e reproduz substancialmente documentos que à época o Departamento de Estado dos Estados Unidos recusaram-se a publicar para não prejudicar as relações entre os dois países, protegendo alguns de seus altos funcionários e evitando uma forte oposição contra Olaya Herrera na Colômbia.

"Prepared under the direction of the Military training division, Office of the quartermaster general."--p. [2] of cover. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The following is a review of The Fruit Machine documentary film directed by Sara Fodey. This documentary sheds light on a dark period in Canadian history. Using the testimonials of survivors and historical expert, The Fruit Machine film illustrates how a democratic state could legally wage a discriminatory campaign against its own citizens whose only crime was being (or suspected to be) "homosexual." For fifty years, Canadian state institutions hunted down and interrogated thousands of individuals suspected of homosexuality. This film is a must see. ; Voici une critique du documentaire The Fruit Machine réalisé par Sara Fodey. Ce documentaire fait la lumière sur une sombre période de l'histoire canadienne. À partir des témoignages de survivants et d'historiens, The Fruit Machine illustre comment un état démocratique a pu légalement mener une campagne de discrimination à l'encontre de ses propres citoyens dont le seul crime était d'être « homosexuel » (ou d'en être soupçonné). Pendant cinquante ans, des institutions gouvernementales canadiennes ont traqué et interrogé des milliers d'individus soupçonnés d'homosexualité. Ne manquez pas ce film.