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Recent responses to Asian immigration in Australia can be assessed in relation to Australia's search for a national identity. Australian nationalism has always had its racist elements, reflected in the maintenance of the White Australia Policy until it was abolished by the Whitlam government in 1973. Asian immigration has built up considerably since them, though no one source country has been dominant. Since the late 1970s, generally one third or more of settler arrivals have been from Asian countries. Migrants to Australia from Asian countries have been, on average, more highly educated and have achieved higher income levels than the rest of the population. However, some groups have had below average education levels, notably refugees from the Indo-chines region. The polls indicate majority opposition to Asian immigration, as to immigration in general, though multiple issue opinion polling does not show immigration to be an issue of major concern. Since the maiden speech in parliament by the independent member for Oxley, Pauline Hanson, in September 1996, a "race controversy" has erupted which has reflected not only the persistence of racist attitudes among a section of the Australian population, but also that there is a class and education element: anti-Asian sentiment is more prevalent among the Anglo-Australian working class than among the better educated and those of immigrant background. Avoidance of further widening of these fault lines in Australian society will require statesmanship of a high order from Australia's political leaders.

Abstract: The Industries Assistance Commission has been a new ingredient to the policymaking process for Australian primary industry. The traditional process contained a number of features — close association with the Country Party, Federal/State bargaining, a powerful Department of Primary Industry and myriad non‐departmental authorities — which together led to policies which were ad hoc, complicated and often based on social rather than economic criteria. The Whitlam government, with the support of the Liberal Party, but against the opposition of the Country Party, included the examination of assistance to primary industry within the scope of the IAC. Advising on primary industry was a special challenge for the IAC. The Commission devoted considerable energies to expanding its own resources into this field and establishing working relations with other institutions working in this area. Since 1974 about a sixth of the IAC's resources have been devoted to inquiries into primary industries, though the workload has decreased in recent years. The consequence of the IAC's entry into the field has meant primarily that other actors in the process, such as State departments and industry organisations have had to supplement their own resources by the employment of professional agricultural economists to write their submissions. The style of debate has been indelibly altered. This, rather than the direct impact of the IAC's recommendations on assistance to primary industries, stands as the new institution's greatest achievement.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of contributors -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- Introduction: The history of the far left in Australia since 1945 -- Outlining the history of the far left -- The need for a history of the far left in Australia -- Notes -- PART 1: Organisational histories -- 1. Australian Communism in crisis - 1956 -- Russia -- America -- Great Britain -- Australia -- Hungary -- Notes -- 2. The current of Maoism in the Australian Far Left -- The emergence of the Communist Party of Australia (MarxistLeninist) -- The CPA (M-L), the Sino-Soviet split, and the wider Cold War context -- A case study of Maoist students: Monash University -- Understanding the Maoist student movement -- The Maoists and the penal powers struggle -- The Maoists and the Builders' Labourers Federation: Black Bans, Green Bans and Norm Gallagher -- The Maoists and the era of the Whitlam government -- The Maoists and campaigns on the cultural front -- Maoist and Trotskyist rivalries within the Australian Far Left -- The CPA (M-L) and China -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 3. Breaking with Moscow: The Communist Party of Australia's new road to socialism -- The secret speech -- Czechoslovakia -- The position of the opposition -- Untangling the CPA's evolution -- Notes -- 4. 'The "White Australia" policy must go': The Communist Party of Australia and immigration restriction -- Labourism and 'White Australia' -- The industrial workers of the world -- The Communist Party of Australia and the Comintern in the 1920s -- From the Third Period to World War II -- 'Australia's Monroe Doctrine': critiquing White Australia -- Good and bad refugees: opposing mass migration and contesting deportations -- An 'immoral policy'?: Communism and White Australia in the 1960s

The 1970s was a time when previous cultural restrictions on middle-class Australia were lifted, and the country saw a transition to a raft of 'alternative' agendas. The vast majority of those working in the visual arts, especially contemporary art, were swept up in these changes. This was the decade that saw the first of the baby-boomer generation come to maturity. High expectations were placed on this generation of children by parents who had experienced World War II, either as combatants or as suffering civilians. New professional standards began to be seen as the norm in many fields in Australia, including in art museums. In all of this, politics played its part. After the election of the Whitlam Government in December 1972, increased funding for the arts combined with a restructured Australian Council for the Arts, enabled curators to think on a larger scale, while the rise of second- wave feminism encouraged a critical assessment of all exhibitions and their potential to reinforce the patriarchy. Generous Australia Council support enabled many smaller institutions to see their exhibitions as part of global trend.This paper looks at how key curators in the three major state art galleries—the Art Gallery of South Australia in Adelaide (AGSA); Art Gallery of New South Wales in Sydney (AGNSW); and the National Gallery of Victoria in Melbourne (NGV)—responded differentially to these changes. In particular, it will examine the landmark Link, Project and Survey series of exhibitions. These are contrasted with related exhibitions mounted by artist-run initiatives and collectives, especially the University of Melbourne Union's Ewing and George Paton Galleries (Ewing and Paton).

ON 11 JULY 1987 THE AUSTRALIAN LABOR PARTY (ALP) WAS returned, with an increased majority, to an unprecedented third term in federal government. The election result was doubly remarkable. First, the ALP has traditionally been unable to gain more than two terms in office. Schisms and factional conflict have generally ruined Labor's chances of a third period in office, as in 1949, when Ben Chifley failed to gain a third term, and in 1975, when the same fate befell Gough Whitlam, following a constitutional crisis. Secondly, the party retained office during a period of economic crisis unprecedented in Australia's modern history, a crisis which might have been expected to sweep the opposition Liberal–National coalition to power.

The rise and decline of Australian multiculturalism is argued within a theoretical framework compromising elements of the sociology of knowledge and conceptions of class and ethnicity allied with an analysis of the social ideology underpinning corporate management. The rise of multiculturalism is charted through the pre-Whitlam, Whitlam and Fraser government years. The decline of multiculturalism is posited as a concomitant of the Hawke government's drive for economic rationalism and ultimately for a vision of a "productive culture". (International Political Science Association)

This article explores the evolution of Malcolm Fraser's views on China. While Gough Whitlam is fondly remembered as a trailblazer for normalizing Australia‐China relations, Fraser was a pioneer in rendering a sense of bipartisanship in Australia's China policy. Fraser was not initially a Sino‐enthusiast, however. He came from a background of staunch anti‐Communism and throughout the 1950s and 1960s believed that China posed a major threat to stability in the Asia‐Pacific. The Liberal Party fiercely opposed the Whitlam government's decision to normalise diplomatic relations with China in 1972. Following the Whitlam dismissal in 1975, Fraser became Prime Minister and, in what seemed to be an abrupt departure from the Liberal Party's position, thoroughly embraced relations with China. As Leader of the Opposition, Whitlam called out the hypocrisy of the Liberal Party's radical policy shift. This study examines the domestic and international dynamics that shaped Fraser's views on China and ultimate adoption of a successful China policy. This is the untold story of a crucial turning point in Australia‐China relations under the leadership of a conservative government, in which a strong relationship with China became a cornerstone of bipartisan Australian foreign policy.

Gough Whitlam's father was one of Australia's most significant public servants. Deputy Crown Solicitor and Crown Solicitor at a time of great constitutional and international change, Frederick Whitlam maintained an unusually advanced perspective on the use of international instruments to protect rights and to expand powers of nationhood. Gough Whitlam's war‐time experiences in the Air Force, in particular during the referendum campaign to expand Commonwealth Powers to aid post‐war reconstruction, cemented these aspects as central to his developing notions of democratic citizenship. In his 1973 Sir Robert Garran Memorial lecture, fourteen years after his father had delivered the inaugural oration, Gough Whitlam acknowledged the influence of his father as a "great public servant" committed to public service and the developing institutions of internationalism: "I am Australia's first Prime Minister with that particular background". This paper explores "that particular background".I have never wavered from my fundamental belief that until the national government became involved in great matters like schools and cities, this nation would never fulfil its real capabilities.1

An Australian decision -- The truth of the Reserve Powers -- Kerr cultivates the palace -- The Queen and recall -- A disgruntled Governor-General -- The judges: Barwick and Mason -- Whitlam's half-senate election folly -- Fraser: Engineer of the crisis -- Kerr: To resign or not to resign -- Whitlam, Fraser and the palace -- Kerr under siege -- Kerr and Charles: A special relationship -- The Republic -- The modern Governor-General.

Since 1940, when an Australian legation was established in Washington DC, Australian governments have expected much from their representatives in the American capital. This book brings together expert analyses of those who have served as heads of mission and of the challenges they have faced. Ranging beyond conventional studies of the Australian–United States relationship, it provides insights into the dynamics between Australian and US policymakers and into the culture of one of Australia's oldest and most important overseas missions. It provides an appreciation of the importance of the embassy and the head of mission in Washington in mediating the relationship between Australia and the United States and of their role in managing expectations in Canberra and Washington. Australia Goes to Washington also sheds new light on personal trials and achievements at the coalface of Australian–United States relations.

The Australia in World Affairs series commenced in 1950 and provides a continuous, researched scholarly account of Australia's foreign policy. This fifth volume, Australia in World Affairs 1971-1976, includes the final years of the Coalition's post-1949 time in government, and describes and evaluates the foreign policy and diplomacy of the Whitlam Labor Government. Gough Whitlam not only led his party to its first taste of power in almost a quarter of a century, but also dominated his government's dealings with the world outside. Where for so long Australia's external relations had been based on what were seen as 'natural' alignments - especially with Britain and the United States - the nation now faced the much more difficult problems involved in forging and maintaining alignments of convenience with states with whom she lacked ethnic, cultural or historical bonds, and from whom she could not expect any special consideration or tolerance.

TRADITIONALLY AUSTRALIA HAS HAD STRONG POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC TIES WITH WHITE SOUTHERN AFRICA AND VERY FEW TIES WITH BLACK AFRICA. AN IMPORTANT AIM OF THE WHITLAM LABOR GOVERNMENT HAS BEEN TO WORK TOWARDS REVERSING THESE PRIOR SO FAR PRACTICAL ACHIEVEMENTS HAVE FALLEN A LONG WAY SHORT OF RHETORIC, CHIEFLY BECAUSE THE GOVERNMENT FEELS INHIBITED BY ECONOMICS FACTORS

In this reappraisal of recent Australian political life, Paul Strangio and James Walter analyse the performances of five prime ministers (Whitlam, Fraser, Hawke, Keating and Howard) against the background of changes in the political system over the past three decades and assess the leadership style of a potential prime minister, Kevin Rudd. The authors argue that good democratic leadership requires robust institutions, including a fearless public service, a strong Opposition and alternative policy advice

Intro -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Uncovering A Hidden History -- Proem -- 1 What Did The Palace Know? -- 2 What Did The High Court Justice(S) Know? -- 3 What Did Malcolm Fraser Know? -- 4 Ambush: The Half-Senate Election -- 5 Sir John Kerr's Second Dismissal -- 6 'The Man Who Would Be King' -- Postscript -- Notes

Intro -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Prime Ministers of Australia: 1949-2016 -- Introduction -- 1. The Politics of Consolidation: Robert Menzies -- 2. The Burden of Succession: Harold Holt, John Gorton and William McMahon -- 3. Harnessed by History: Gough Whitlam and Malcolm Fraser -- 4. Agents of Change: Bob Hawke and Paul Keating -- 5. Speaking for the Mainstream: John Howard -- 6. Harbingers of Decline? Kevin Rudd, Julia Gillard and Tony Abbott -- 7. From Pre-eminence to Paradox: the Australian Prime Ministership, 1949-2016 -- Notes -- Acknowledgements -- Index.