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Recent decades have witnessed increased public concern about vehicle emissions and growing frustrationwith political inaction and business preferences for the status quo. This article provides historical perspectiveon such regulatory dynamics by analyzing the Swiss and the Swedish cases of vehicle emission governance inthe1970s-1980s. Relying on archival documents detailing the policy process in both countries as well as oninternational regulatory arenas, the analysis focuses on political solutions for reducing the toxicity of vehicleemissions. It uncovers the influence of national as well as international business groups and the existence ofthe tension between various national ministries, arising from conflicting environmental and trade-relatedgoals. Is also highlights the importance of different institutional settings in creating the expertise to explainthe political outcomes. While the Swiss corporatist system gave a great deal of power to a variety of interestgroups at each stage of the political process, the Swedish government invested significant resources in thecreation of independent expertise and enjoyed a relative autonomy, despite the importance of the Swedishcar industry. The analysis also assesses the importance of the Swiss–Swedish collaboration in overcomingcertain obstacles and their contribution to the implementation of stricter regulations in Europe thatultimately occurred at the margins of the European Economic Community.

AbstractThis essay analyzes agricultural politics and activism in the United States during the farm crisis of the 1970s and 1980s. Although journalists and social scientists studied farm activism at the time, historians have neglected it. As this article demonstrates, however, the farm crisis is valuable for analyzing why ordinary Americans mobilized as citizens and activists in a period of economic dislocation. Informed by the recent "emotional turn" in social movement studies, the essay frames farm organizing as an archetypal example of "front porch politics". Mostly, farmers organized out of a sense of being wronged; the resulting sense of injustice fueled a rural uprising.

What effect does a sector‐based negotiated economy have on industrial transformation, and what are the institutional mechanisms involved in negotiated sector‐regulation? These questions are tentatively answered through an analysis of the political economy of one of Norway's most important industrial sectors: the hydropower and energy‐intensive industry. The study focuses on factors that have allowed the sector to continue to expand throughout the 1970s and 1980s in spite of failing economic return and extensive political opposition. The over‐expansion is explained through the partial closure and self‐refercnciality found in the sector's regulatory system, which provides it with relative autonomy in relation to us economic and political environment. It is suggested that the pattern found in the hydropower and energy‐intensive sector may be typical of heavy industrial sectors in modern economies.

Abstract: This article constitutes a response to the article by Fabien Jobard (in this issue) concerning the recent riots in France. It explores differences and commonalities between the events in France in 2005 and the urban disorders that occurred in England and Wales from the 1980s to 2001, placing the latter into three distinct categorical and temporal waves. Initially, it revisits the essence of Jobard's piece before providing an overview of the UK riots. It then analyses the overarching contexts of each of the three periods, and those of the French riots, as a basis for identifying the main causal similarities.

Gladstone, Whiggery and the Liberal Party, 1874–1886. By T. A.Jenkins. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1988. vi, 328 pp. £32.50. The Gladstonian Turn of Mind: Essays Presented to J. B. Conacher. Edited by Bruce L. Kinzer. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 1985. xv, 294 pp. £35.00. Gladstone, Home Rule and the Ulster Question, 1882–93. By James Loughlin. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan. 1986. 369 pp. No price given. Parliamentary Politics and the Home Rule Crisis: The British House of Commons in 1886. By W. C. Lubenow. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1988. vii, 389 pp. £37.50. The Gladstone Diaries with Cabinet Minutes and Prime Ministerial Correspondence, Volume IX, January 1875‐December 1880. Edited by H. C. G. Matthew. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1986. xcvii, 714 pp. £55.00. Parnell and the First Home Rule Episode, 1884–87. By Alan O'Day. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan. 1986. x, 314 pp. £25.00.

In the French health care system, cost‐containment strategies have become the new priority. Novel instrumental values (e.g., benchmarking, incentivization or premiums, and Diagnostic‐Related Groups) and reforms of the hospital governance via the 2009 HPST Act served an austerity agenda at the expense of more patient‐centered approaches (e.g., patient choice and case management). Effecting actual changes proved more difficult than collecting data on the health system. Decision‐making powers are increasingly concentrated within the welfare elite at the expense of the medical profession. Hence, a return to the earlier French tradition of Jacobinism. Transparency has yet to be achieved.

Starting in the 1970s, the "ex-gay movement," a loose collection of conservative Christian counselors and therapists, experienced sizable growth in the United States. Importantly, women played a prominent role in the expansion of the ex-gay movement in the ensuing decades, both as counselors and as counselees. This article highlights the tension that arose between the patriarchal gender norms and the role women counselors played in the ex-gay movement. When read "along the grain," ex-gay texts demonstrate the production of a gendered hierarchy that not only valued "female femininity" over "female masculinity" but also reified patriarchal authority in the US. Female pastoral counselors, such as Leanne Payne and Elizabeth Moberly, advocated for the conservative gendered vision of the religious right. But as women, these counselors—and their books—could not transcend the patriarchal order of the religiously conservative ex-gay movement.