Suchergebnisse

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Bachelor of Laws Degree at Strathmore University Law School ; This paper is about Youth Suffrage and discusses minimum voting age in South Sudan. It questions the validity and appropriateness of the prevailing minimum voting age of 18 and proposes a minimum voting age framework of 16 years in line with socio-legal justifications in the country. The paper presented in six chapters which outlay specific contents. Chapter One is the introduction and formulate the research hypothesis, the research questions, research method, theoretical underpinnings, and contextual background of the research the encompasses a brief history of South Sudan in the context and background analysis of the problem that necessitate the research. Chapter Two reviews the literature that discuses Universal Suffrage and Youth Suffrage. It also reviews the experiences of countries that have had minimum voting age lowered including lessons learnt from those countries. The Chapter also looks into the intellectual arguments presented on the questions of maturity and democratic prudence more in more depth. Chapter three and Four analyse perceptions and international standards respectively on the ages of participations. Chapter Five attempts a framework for minimum voting age in South Sudan. In conclusion, this paper is a report of an original research on a question

In clause features of the left youth policy in the Russian Federation are investigated. The author considers it as the factor political социализации and adaptations of youth, aspires to show, as the youth policy alongside with state becomes a condition of preservation of political continuity in formation of political values and traditions, observance of a principle of alternativeness and equal access of participation of various political actors. ; В статье исследуются особенности левой молодёжной политики в Российской Федерации. Автор рассматривает её как фактор политической социализации и адаптации молодежи, стремится показать, как молодежная политика наряду с государственной становится условием сохранения политической преемственности в формировании по- литических ценностей и традиций, соблюдения принципа альтернативности и равного доступа участия различных политических актеров.

Two questions are posed: (1) Do black adolescents express greater feelings of political inefficacy than whites? & (2) Do social deprivation & low self-esteem contribute to political alienation in both races? Research has produced contradictory results in answering these questions, depending upon how variables have been conceptualized. But evidence does suggest that a belief that events are externally controlled is typical of blacks. To investigate a model of deprivation, competence, & alienation among black & white adolescents, 9 hypotheses were tested. Data were gathered from a questionnaire given to secondary school students (number of cases = 953) of Fayette County, Ky in May, 1973. 'Slow students' were excluded from the study. The teacher administered the questionnaire which was given to a student population 89% white & 51% M. Cantril's Self Anchoring Striving Scale was employed. Expected differences between blacks & whites failed to materialize, perhaps because blacks have mechanisms for compensating for their deprived social status. Statistical analysis indicates that the relationship between competence & alienation is higher for the blacks in the sample. The black student may be shielded from low self-competence by family socialization mechanisms & by blaming the sociopolitical system. The proposed reactance model of alienation has implications for theories of socialization, & other factors may be determined with future research. 4 Tables, 1 Figure. L. Kamel.

This study extends past research on the relationship between news use and participation by examining how youth combine news exposure across an array of media devices, sources, and services. Results from a national survey of U.S. youth ages 12 to 17 reveal four distinct news repertoires. We find that half of youth respondents are news avoiders who exhibit the lowest levels of participation. The other half of youth respondents are characterized by one of three patterns of news use, each distinct in how they seek out (or avoid) using new media platforms and sources for news, and in their levels of participation.

The tendency to marginalize young people for increasingly longer periods in educational settings, vocational training programs, & employment schemes is discussed against the background of the development of the Swedish welfare society & the comprehensive reforms of the Swedish educational system. The belief in prolonged education as a solution to youth unemployment has resulted in a 90% participation rate in secondary education & the exclusion of youths under age 18 from the labor market. A plethora of employment schemes has led to a lockup effect & the creation of an "unemployment career" that keeps young people out of the regular labor market even in times of economic boom. As a counteractive to the governmental schemes, several local alternatives have been established. The effects of these alternatives on the youth employment situation are analyzed & compared with traditional employment schemes. Though the creation of local employment initiatives for youth can be seen as a move away from traditional centralized labor-market policy, expectations that alternative youth enterprises will be able to solve the youth unemployment problems in Sweden are not realistic, if youth participation in traditional labor remains at a low level. 3 Tables, 2 Figures, 2 Photographs, 38 References. AA

This article seeks to develop a preliminary analysis of how neo-liberal thought and policies have impacted on youth political engagement in the UK, specifically by attempting to understand how macro-economic and other public policies can influence the individual psychology of citizens and their subsequent behaviour. The article sets out a clear definition and explanation of neo-liberalism and summarises six key neo-liberal impacts particularly pertinent to political engagement: marketisation and the tension this brings with democratic norms ; responsibilisation narratives ; increased inequality ; the changing character of the state through privatisation and deregulation ; the preference among policy-makers for 'expert rule' ; and repression of labour. It argues that the main psychological effects that result, and which underpin and define the personal experience of neo-liberal policy, are declines in political efficacy and increases in individualism, the ramifications of which for political engagement are discussed.

International audience ; It is hard to characterise the political voice of the French rioters and their friends or family members as mere indifference to politics. On the contrary, the rioters surely display a set of justifications that rationalise collective violence both as a legitimate reaction against any form of hogra and as a natural refusal to compromise with conventional politics. These considerations do not imply, of course, that daily attitudes and behaviours amount to a strict observance of Islamic principles, nor that the place assumed by Islamic ethics in their way of life makes them turn into radical salafists. But, in turn, social scientists are too often prone to considering the place of religion in urban upsurges in France through the (salutary) aphorism that riots are not jihads, or by making the argument that the apparent refusal of French society hides a strong desire to be part of it, without having enough consideration of what is at stake in religious-driven notions of what 'political' means. To this extent the growing importance given by Islam to the rationalisation of the world and the experience of the self in the daily course of the cités youths' existence definitely separates their political protest from the institutionalised field of politics. Far from indifference towards politics, this political ethic rather amounts to a strong adherence to a massive refusal of the mundane political as it is practised and celebrated in France. To this extent, such an attitude evokes what Michel Foucault described as the 'enigma of uprising' in 1978 Iran: 'a strike against politics' launched in a vacuum between an impossible (and undesired) millenarism for an Islamic society and a political refusal to be part of the usual political game.

This book focuses on Arab youth marginalization along intersectional lines of gender, ethnicity and social class in four cities: Jerusalem, Amman, Cairo, and Tunis. The author explores how the political and economic climates in each city influence the life prospects of youth and uncovers their narratives around their aspirations, disappointments and life choices. Providing an interdisciplinary approach, the project will interest a wide range of audiences including graduate students, scholars, and policy makers in the fields of the Middle Eastern studies, political science, urban studies, and education. Rawan Asali Nuseibeh is an Assistant Professor at the Institute of Educational Research, Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia.

The work focuses on results of the research developmented during 2014- 2015, titled "Youth participation rights regarding Impacts project and institutional culture of public schools" for the convening of the Ministry of Science and Technology University 2014 Nacional de Córdoba, Argentina. The object of study called us to investigate the impacts instituent organized student participation in school raises the Culture Project and Institutional Public Schools Córdoba. Specifically, the paper addresses three types of instituting impacts arising in the institutional dimension of public schools Project to juvenile political participation, emphatizing in there impacts that offer the ability to objectify, train or consolidate rights in the school space. Finally, in the conclusions are incorporated to the debate some results of the doctoral, that can are nutritive for the reflection ; El presente artí­culo aborda los principales resultados de una investigación realizada durante los años 2014-2015, titulada "Participación juvenil en relación a derechos: Impactos en el Proyecto y Cultura Institucional de las escuelas públicas", correspondiente a la convocatoria de la Secretarí­a de Ciencia y Técnica 2014 de la Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, Argentina3 . El objeto de estudio permitió investigar los impactos instituyentes que la participación estudiantil organizada en la escuela plantea al Proyecto y la Cultura Institucional de escuelas públicas, de la mencionada ciudad. Especí­ficamente, el trabajo aborda tres tipos de impactos instituyentes que se plantean en la dimensión del Proyecto Institucional de escuelas públicas frente a la participación polí­tica juvenil, poniendo énfasis en aquellos impactos que ofrecen la posibilidad de objetivar, entrenar o consolidar derechos en el espacio escolar. Finalmente, en las conclusiones se incorporarán al debate algunos resultados de mi tesis doctoral4 , cuya afinidad temática puede resultar provechosa para la reflexión

The article looks at the issues of the developing and actualizing the political capability of the new generation of the Russian youth, with a special focus on the specific details of the youth's political positions. We analyze the political and social resources of the younger generation as a special cohort of society, which at the same time does not appear as a unified group. Further participation of young people in the social and political life of their country will be determined by the youth's internal social, economic and political differentiation. In the article, we outline the structure of value ideas among the youth, which is a crucial factor for its level of involvement in the political and social life of Russian society.We have analyzed the outcomes of sociological studies of how youth is integrated in social and political practices, including "Youth: Age Limits, Values, Specific Features" by the Public Opinion Foundation (FOM) (2014), and "The Youth of the Oryol Oblast in 2015" (2015). We have chosen the level of interest in political events as an indicator of socio-political self-determination of the Russian youth. On the one hand, young people do possess the required capability of influencing the political sphere, but on the other, their social activity requires support from both the state and public institutes. As the research has shown, lability of consciousness and instability of political orientations and views are typical for young citizens. These characteristics can promote disorganization and development of protest behavior among the youth.Also outlined are the prospects of actualizing the political capabilities of Russia's young citizens. Political education is paramount for the rise of formation of political subjectness of the youth in contemporary Russia. We have focused on the objective and subjective factors influencing both political socialization of the youth and its participation in the political process of the country. ; В статье раскрываются проблемы формирования и реализации политического потенциала нового поколения российской молодежи. Авторы останавливаются на специфике становления политической позиции молодых граждан. Анализируется специфика политических и социальных ресурсов молодежи как особой социально-демографической группы, которая тем не менее не обладает целостностью. Внутренняя социальная, экономическая и политическая дифференциация определяет дальнейшее участие молодого поколения в общественно-политической жизни страны. Приводится дифференциация ценностных представлений молодежи, обусловливающих степень ее включения в политическую и социальную сферы российского общества.В статье проанализированы результаты социологических исследований процесса интеграции молодежи в социально-политические практики, в том числе Фонда общественного мнения «О молодежи: возрастные границы, ценности, особенности» (2014), «Молодежь Орловской области в 2015 году» (2015). В качестве показателя социально-политического самоопределения российской молодежи рассматривается уровень ее интереса к политическим событиям. С одной стороны, молодежь имеет необходимый потенциал влияния на политическую сферу государства, а с другой — нуждается в поддержке своей социальной активности со стороны государственных и общественных институтов. Авторы показывают, что молодых граждан отличает лабильность сознания, неустойчивость политических ориентаций и взглядов. Данные характеристики молодежной группы могут способствовать ее дезорганизации и развитию протестного поведения.Обоснованы перспективы реализации политического потенциала молодых граждан. Политическое воспитание имеет первостепенное значение в становлении политической субъектности молодежи в современных российских условиях. Авторы акцентируют внимание на объективных и субъективных факторах, влияющих на процессы политической социализации и участия молодежи в политическом процессе страны.

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).