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The purpose of this article is to examine and compare how the ethnicity, gender and social class conditions of citizenship influence, and are understood by, teachers and secondary school students in England and Sweden. The intention is also to compare how conditions of citizenship are dealt with in social studies for upper secondary school in England and Sweden. The relationship between students education and real conditions for citizenship is complex and partly differs between, as well as within, the two countries. The present comparative examination and analysis aims to visualize both specific and common conditions of citizenship in England and Sweden. This is to draw attention to how the meaning of frequently used terminology and images in the field of Citizenship Education do not always coincide with teachers' and students' own opinions and perceived meanings. By doing this we hope to contribute some new knowledge regarding one of the most difficult challenges that citizenship education is struggling with, whether the provided knowledge and values prepare todays youth to defend and develop future democratic and just societies. To achieve this, we have conducted a number of interviews with teachers and secondary school students and asked them about their experiences and opinions regarding Citizenship Education and the nature of citizenship. The following main questions were central to the interviews: What knowledge and skills does a citizen need in a democracy and how is the meaning of citizenship connected to gender, class and ethnicity? How are personal liberties affected by the citizen's gender, class and ethnicity according to the respondents? What are teachers' and students' experiences of Citizenship Education and how does school pay attention to citizens´ conditions based on gender, class and ethnicity? In recent years, both public debate and published research have shown that, in order to understand the real meanings of citizenship, it is necessary to understand and interpret formal citizenship rights and responsibilities from individuals' social and cultural conditions as characterised by gender, ethnicity and social class. During the 2000s, the Swedish National Agency for Education (Skolverket) presented recurrent reports that shows how socio-economic background, in combination with foreign background, are crucial for pupils school results. The reports also show how segregation between schools and residential areas has increased on the basis of residents socio-economic and ethnic background. This group of students are a part of tomorrows citizens, which are also likely to remain marginalized even as adults. The links between Swedish school policy, pupils school results and the democratic development of society at large has been observed and analysed in contemporary Swedish research. In England, the picture is slightly different with the 7 per cent of the population who experience private education being over-represented in positions of power and influence. In May 2012, the then Secretary of State for Education Michael Gove provided a list of leaders in the arts, sciences, politics, sports, journalism, entertainment and other fields who had all been to independent schools, concluding that "the sheer scale, the breadth and the depth, of private school dominance of our society points to a deep problem in our country . . . Those who are born poor are more likely to stay poor and those who inherit privilege are more likely to pass on privilege in England than in any comparable county." There is significant evidence that socio-economic background, in combination with ethnic background, continue to be highly influential on pupils school results. Links between national education policy, social class and pupils school results appear to remain entrenched in England. When we identify cultural and social conditions as in any way hindering the status of citizenship, we do so from a perspective which does not seek to blame the less powerful for holding particular cultural perceptions but which recognises the barriers a dominant culture sets against those with less power. The insight that tells us it is necessary to comprehend individuals' social and cultural conditions in order to understand and interpret their formal citizenship rights and responsibilities is not, however, particularly recent. Marx wrote over 160 years ago that, "if you assume a particular civil society . . . you will get particular political conditions", from which it must follow that any society divided on the grounds of class, ethnicity and gender will present political conditions which reflect such divisions. It is also the case that there is likely to be a significant space between what is (the real) and what is perceived (the formal); just because there is inequality it does not follow that everyone is aware of that inequality.

[spa] El objetivo de esta Tesis es analizar el desarrollo urbano de Aracaju desde su creación hasta el año 2005, considerando los procesos formales y no formales que estructuraron la ciudad en su trayectoria urbana. En el análisis de la constitución de la morfología urbana de Aracaju, pusimos énfasis en la cuestión del juego de los distintos agentes y/o actores responsables de la constitución de territorios homogéneos y territorialidades urbanas que, de cierta forma, traducen los estigmas de un proyecto histórico capitalizado por grupos político- económicos que trabajaron en la dirección contraria a las aspiraciones de construir una ciudad más justa e igualitaria. La tarea teórico metodológica utilizada relaciona el proceso de producción de la ciudad a las estrategias de los juegos de cartas y sus lógicas, que comprenden los distintos agentes/jugadores. En este sentido, dividimos la Tesis en tres partes, en la cuales discutimos: (1) el juego de la constitución del espacio urbano; (2) los momentos y acciones que proporcionaron procesos de producción y reproducción de espacio por agentes específicos, y (3) según la profesionalización de los agentes y la formulación de la ciudad dual, con la creación de barrios y nuevas formas de asociación del capital inmobiliario. En las conclusiones, realizamos una interpretación del desarrollo urbano, tratando de las contradicciones generadas en el proceso de expansión de la ciudad, que crearon una ciudad difusa y heterogénea, marcada por las distintas formas de segregación socioespacial. ; [eng] The objective of this thesis is to analyze the urban development of Aracaju since its creation until 2005, considering the formal and non-formal processes that structured the city in its urban trajectory. In the analysis of the constitution of the urban morphology of Aracaju, we emphasized the question of the game for the different agents and/or actors responsible for the constitution of homogeneous territories and urban territorialities. In a certain way, they translate the stigmas of a historical project capitalized by political-economic groups that worked in the opposite direction to the aspirations of constructing a more just and egalitarian city. The theoretical methodological task used relates the process of production of the city to the strategies of the card games and their logic, which comprise the different agents/players. In this sense, we divide the thesis into three parts, in which we discuss: (1) The game of the constitution of urban space; (2) The moments and actions that provided processes of production and reproduction of space by specific agents, and (3) according to the agents' professionalization and the formulation of the dual city, with the creation of neighborhoods and new forms of association for the Real estate capital. In the conclusions, we make an interpretation of the urban development, dealing with the contradictions generated in the expansion process of the city, which created a diffuse and heterogeneous city, marked by the different forms of socio-spatial segregation. ; [por] O objetivo desta Tese é analisar o desenvolvimento urbano de Aracaju desde a sua criação até 2005, considerando os processos formais e informais que estruturaram a cidade em sua história urbana. Na análise da constituição da morfologia urbana de Aracaju, colocamos ênfase na questão do jogo dos distintos agentes e/ou atores responsáveis pela criação de territórios homogéneos e territorialidades urbanas que, de certa forma, traduzem os estigmas de um projeto histórico capitalizado por grupos político-econômicos que trabalharam no sentido contrário às aspirações de construção de uma cidade mais justa e igualitária. A tarefa teórico-metodológica utilizada relaciona o processo de produção da cidade aos jogos de cartas com suas estratégias e lógicas, compreendendo diferentes agentes/jogadores. Neste sentido, dividimos a tese em três partes, em que discutimos: (1) o jogo da constituição do espaço urbano; (2) os momentos e ações que proporcionam processos de produção e de reprodução do espaço por agentes específicos, e (3) de acordo com a profissionalização dos agentes e a formulação da cidade dual, com a criação de bairros e novas formas de associação capital imobiliário. Nas conclusões, realizamos uma interpretação do desenvolvimento urbano, discutindo as contradições geradas no processo de expansão da cidade, que criou uma cidade difusa e heterogênea, marcada por várias formas de segregação socioespacial.

Actualmente, más del 50% de la población mundial vive en ciudades. Las ciudades se configuran como espacios complejos, donde interactúan diversos factores socioeconómicos, culturales, políticos, y ambientales. Mientras tanto, esta diversidad de componentes, no necesariamente brinda mejores condiciones a las personas que en ellas habitan. En el Perú, y en especial su capital Lima, está bordeada por urbanizaciones populares donde son elevados los índices de pobreza. Las intervenciones desarticuladas y sin planificación por parte del Estado han generado la segregación de las urbanizaciones populares de Lima y de sus pobladores, los cuales se han visto desfavorecidos al no poder desarrollar sus zonas de forma integral. El marco legal de la participación ciudadana en el Perú, se ha fortalecido con leyes que garantizaron la transparencia y el libre acceso a la información de los asuntos públicos en las últimas tres décadas. Sin embargo, la participación ciudadana, a través de algunas herramientas de planificación urbana, es limitada y no se considera a lo largo de todo el proceso de elaboración, ejecución y evaluación de los proyectos y programas sociales como componente urbanístico y de habitabilidad. De esta forma, identificaremos y analizaremos los factores que propician y permiten el diseño, construcción e implementación de políticas de mejoramiento urbano y analizaremos las implicancias de procesos participativos para el empoderamiento de actores a nivel local. En base a esta problemática, en el 2012, la Municipalidad Metropolitana de Lima crea el Programa BarrioMio, que pretendió, a través del componente del Proyecto Urbano Integral (PUI), proponer un proceso de planificación integral de las urbanizaciones populares en Lima Metropolitana mediante procesos participativos que involucraran a los futuros beneficiarios de la inversión pública proyectada por el Estado. De esta forma, analizaremos e identificaremos las acciones y las propuestas que los pobladores de la zona de José Carlos Mariátegui, en el distrito de Villa María del Triunfo, formularon en el proceso participativo del proyecto piloto del PUI JCM-VMT entre 2012 y 2014. La experiencia llevada a cabo por el Programa BarrioMio es relativamente nueva en América Latina e innovadora a nivel nacional. Es por ello que las metodologías y conceptos desarrollados a lo largo de esta investigación, posibilitarán la identificación de lecciones aprendidas y recomendaciones para futuras políticas de mejoramiento integral de barrios populares que se realicen de manera participativa. Palabras clave: Ciudad de Lima; Urbanizaciones Populares; Planificación Urbana; Participación Ciudadana. ; --- Currently, more than half of the world population lives in cities. Cities are configured as complex spaces, where different factors interact, socioeconomic, cultural, politic and environmental. Meanwhile, this component diversity, doesn't necessarily offers the best conditions to people that inhabit them. In Peru, especially its capital Lima, is surrounded by popular urbanizations with where poverty indexes are high. The disarticulated and nonplanned interventions by the government part have generated the segregation at Lima's popular urbanizations and their citizens, which have found themselves disadvantaged by not being able to develop their territory in an integral manner. Citizen participation's legal framework at Peru, has been fortified with norms that warranted the transparency and free access to information on public affairs over the last three decades. Nevertheless, citizen participation, through some urban planning tools, is limited and not taken into account through the whole project development process, execution and assessment for projects and social programs as an urbanistic and habitability component. In this way, we identify and analyze the factors that propitiate and allow the design, construction and implementation of urban improvement policy and we analyze the implication of participative process for the empowerment of actors at a local level. Based on this issue, on 2012, Lima Metropolitan Municipality creates BarrioMio Program, which pretended, through the Integral Urban Project (PUI), proposing an integral planning process for the populous urbanizations within Metropolitan Lima by participative processes involving future beneficiaries of the public investment projected by the State. In this way, we analyze and identify the actions and proposals that inhabitants from Jose Carlos Mariategui area inside Villa Maria del Triunfo district, formulated during the PUI JCM-VMT pilot project's participative process between 2012 and 2014. The experience carried on by BarrioMio Program is relatively new in Latin America and innovative on a National level. Because of that, methodologies and concepts developed throughout this investigation, will allow the identification of learned lessons and recommendations for future integral improvement policy for neighborhoods made in a participative manner. Key words: Lima City; Popular Urbanizations; Urban Planning; Citizen Participation. ; Tesis

Actualmente, más del 50% de la población mundial vive en ciudades. Las ciudades se configuran como espacios complejos, donde interactúan diversos factores socioeconómicos, culturales, políticos, y ambientales. Mientras tanto, esta diversidad de componentes, no necesariamente brinda mejores condiciones a las personas que en ellas habitan. En el Perú, y en especial su capital Lima, está bordeada por urbanizaciones populares donde son elevados los índices de pobreza. Las intervenciones desarticuladas y sin planificación por parte del Estado han generado la segregación de las urbanizaciones populares de Lima y de sus pobladores, los cuales se han visto desfavorecidos al no poder desarrollar sus zonas de forma integral. El marco legal de la participación ciudadana en el Perú, se ha fortalecido con leyes que garantizaron la transparencia y el libre acceso a la información de los asuntos públicos en las últimas tres décadas. Sin embargo, la participación ciudadana, a través de algunas herramientas de planificación urbana, es limitada y no se considera a lo largo de todo el proceso de elaboración, ejecución y evaluación de los proyectos y programas sociales como componente urbanístico y de habitabilidad. De esta forma, identificaremos y analizaremos los factores que propician y permiten el diseño, construcción e implementación de políticas de mejoramiento urbano y analizaremos las implicancias de procesos participativos para el empoderamiento de actores a nivel local. En base a esta problemática, en el 2012, la Municipalidad Metropolitana de Lima crea el Programa BarrioMio, que pretendió, a través del componente del Proyecto Urbano Integral (PUI), proponer un proceso de planificación integral de las urbanizaciones populares en Lima Metropolitana mediante procesos participativos que involucraran a los futuros beneficiarios de la inversión pública proyectada por el Estado. De esta forma, analizaremos e identificaremos las acciones y las propuestas que los pobladores de la zona de José Carlos Mariátegui, en el distrito de Villa María del Triunfo, formularon en el proceso participativo del proyecto piloto del PUI JCM-VMT entre 2012 y 2014. La experiencia llevada a cabo por el Programa BarrioMio es relativamente nueva en América Latina e innovadora a nivel nacional. Es por ello que las metodologías y conceptos desarrollados a lo largo de esta investigación, posibilitarán la identificación de lecciones aprendidas y recomendaciones para futuras políticas de mejoramiento integral de barrios populares que se realicen de manera participativa. Palabras clave: Ciudad de Lima; Urbanizaciones Populares; Planificación Urbana; Participación Ciudadana. ; --- Currently, more than half of the world population lives in cities. Cities are configured as complex spaces, where different factors interact, socioeconomic, cultural, politic and environmental. Meanwhile, this component diversity, doesn't necessarily offers the best conditions to people that inhabit them. In Peru, especially its capital Lima, is surrounded by popular urbanizations with where poverty indexes are high. The disarticulated and nonplanned interventions by the government part have generated the segregation at Lima's popular urbanizations and their citizens, which have found themselves disadvantaged by not being able to develop their territory in an integral manner. Citizen participation's legal framework at Peru, has been fortified with norms that warranted the transparency and free access to information on public affairs over the last three decades. Nevertheless, citizen participation, through some urban planning tools, is limited and not taken into account through the whole project development process, execution and assessment for projects and social programs as an urbanistic and habitability component. In this way, we identify and analyze the factors that propitiate and allow the design, construction and implementation of urban improvement policy and we analyze the implication of participative process for the empowerment of actors at a local level. Based on this issue, on 2012, Lima Metropolitan Municipality creates BarrioMio Program, which pretended, through the Integral Urban Project (PUI), proposing an integral planning process for the populous urbanizations within Metropolitan Lima by participative processes involving future beneficiaries of the public investment projected by the State. In this way, we analyze and identify the actions and proposals that inhabitants from Jose Carlos Mariategui area inside Villa Maria del Triunfo district, formulated during the PUI JCM-VMT pilot project's participative process between 2012 and 2014. The experience carried on by BarrioMio Program is relatively new in Latin America and innovative on a National level. Because of that, methodologies and concepts developed throughout this investigation, will allow the identification of learned lessons and recommendations for future integral improvement policy for neighborhoods made in a participative manner. Key words: Lima City; Popular Urbanizations; Urban Planning; Citizen Participation. ; Tesis

[spa] La mezcla social es el concepto estudiado en la presente Tesis. La mezcla social es la convivencia, en el mismo territorio, de población de diversos grupos étnicos, de diversas clases sociales y de diferentes generaciones. La mezcla social es un concepto relacionado con los conceptos de vecindad, comunidad, interculturalidad, segregación, gentrificación y exclusión. Expertos en arquitectura, urbanismo, economía, geografía, sociología y antropología elaboraron diversos análisis sobre el tema. Actualmente, la mezcla social es un concepto utilizado en políticas para justificar operaciones de mejora urbana. Surge como respuesta a los problemas relacionados con la segregación en las ciudades: pobreza, exclusión social y delincuencia. Pero los gobiernos de numerosos países utilizaron la mezcla social en planes de regeneración urbana para aumentar la rentabilidad del suelo a través su gentrificación. No era el objetivo perseguido por los precursores de la mezcla social. En efecto, apareció en el siglo XIX, como solución a los problemas de salud y de falta de viviendas de la población obrera. Las reformas higienistas, las iniciativas de socialistas utópicos, como C. Fourier, el movimiento de Ciudad Jardín, que creó H. Ebenezer, introdujeron la mezcla social. En el siglo XX, después de un urbanismo particularmente segregacionista y de la construcción de barrios obreros, se iniciaron políticas de desegregación. A finales del siglo XX y en el siglo XXI, el término de mezcla social apareció en la legislatura de numerosos países, empezando por Francia, en un contexto de regeneración urbana. El estudio de caso de mezcla social de la presente Tesis se ubica en los barrios del Poblenou, en el distrito de Sant Martí, en Barcelona. En el siglo XIX, la industrialización de esta antigua zona agrícola modificó profundamente su trama urbana y su población. Se convirtió en el Manchester Catalán. En 1976, se aprobó el Plan General Metropolitano (PGM) de Barcelona. Tres modificaciones del PGM marcaron profundamente la morfología de los barrios del Poblenou: los MPGM Vila Olímpica, el Front Marítim del Poblenou y el 22@. Las transformaciones urbanísticas provocaron la llegada de una población más diversa étnicamente, más joven, con más estudios que la población local, de otras Categorías Socio Profesionales y con Rentas Familiares Disponibles más altas. En 2011, la diversidad social y la diversidad residencial de los barrios del Poblenou, demuestran la existencia de mezcla social. Es eficiente económicamente porque dinamiza el sector económico. Su eficiencia social es más cuestionable porque por una parte mejora el bienestar de la población en su conjunto pero por otra parte, en algunos casos, puede tener un aspecto revanchista hacia las clases bajas de la población. Es decir, la mezcla social es eficiente socialmente pero no equitativa. Culturalmente, es eficiente porque permite mejorar los equipamientos municipales, ampliar y diversificar el tejido cultural, asociativo y artístico. ; [eng] Social mix is the central concept of this Thesis. Social mix is the coexistence, in the same territory, of ethnically, socially and generationally diverse populations. Social mix is a concept related to other concepts of neighbourhood, community, interculturality, segregation, gentrification and exclusion. Experts in architecture, urbanism, economy, geography, sociology and anthropology analysed the social mix. Currently, social mix is a concept in use in politics to justify gentrification. This is quite different from the goal of social mix at the origin of the concept. Effectively, social mix in hygienists' reforms, utopic socialists' initiatives and the Garden City pursued goals of social justice. In the twentieth century, the consequences of segregationist urbanism brought social mix in political discourses, particularly in Australia, the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, and in France. In the 1990's, social mix appeared in the French law. In Spain, in Cataluña, social mix was defined like a goal of urbanism in the 2000's. My study case of social mix is the neighbourhoods of Poblenou, the Catalan Manchester, in Barcelona. In 1976, when the General Metropolitan Plan was adopted, the transformation of this area of the city began. Three modifications affect it particularly: MPGM Vila Olímpica, MPGM Front Marítim and MPGM 22@. Urbanistic transformations attracted a new population, ethnically more diverse, younger, with higher level of studies and incomes. In 2011, the neighbourhoods of Poblenou appeared socially and residentially diverse. Social mix seems efficient economically because it boosts economic sector, efficient socially because improves the well-being of the population and efficient culturally because induces more municipal facilities, more associations and more artists.

[spa] Con "campos rom" se hace referencia, en Italia, a los asentamientos informales de barracas, situados en los márgenes de la ciudad y poblados por habitantes étnicamente connotados como rom, pero también a aquellas áreas urbanas formalmente construidas por las propias administraciones locales específicamente destinadas a las poblaciones romaníes, asimismo ubicadas en zonas urbanas periféricas de escaso valor en el mercado inmobiliario. La institución de tales asentamientos ha producido una ulterior marginalización de sus habitantes y una serie de conflictos urbanos. Una vez constatado el sustancial fracaso de la política de los campos se ha hecho necesario inaugurar una nueva fase política de "superación" de los mismos. En el presente trabajo, enfocado en la ciudad de Turín, se analizan diferentes procesos de "superación". Se exploran los significados, representaciones, estrategias relacionadas a la salida de un campo oficial por parte de una familia amplia y los significados, representaciones, discursos y prácticas asociados a la "superación" de asentamientos informales por parte de los actores de la gobernanza urbana: de los proyectos de regeneración urbanística y los proyectos de intervención social a los desalojos. En concreto, se analizan tres diferentes casos: - el del campo autorizado de la vía Germagnano, poblado por familias koraxané de origen bosnio, en cuyo vacío de gestión se injertan otras formas de gestión informales, produciendo conflictos incluso violentos, la expulsión de familias legítimamente beneficiarias de una vivienda al interior del campo y la apropiación del espacio por parte de familias nuevas, sin intervenciones por parte de la autoridad pública encargada de gestionar la asignación de las viviendas. Paralelamente, se sigue la transición de una da las familias expulsadas hacia su nueva residencia en otro terreno, adquirido en régimen de propiedad, a los márgenes de la ciudad. - el del pogromo de la Continassa, con sus repercusiones en la aceleración de los procesos de regeneración urbana en la zona y el desalojo de las familias victimas del pogromo. - el proyecto institucional de realojamiento / desalojo de las familias del más grande asentamiento informal de la ciudad, el de Lungo Stura Lazio. De esta forma, se exploran las estrategias adoptadas por un grupo de habitantes del campo de vía Germagnano para salir del mismo, y las estrategias adoptadas por las autoridades locales para desmantelar algunos asentamientos informales. Se compara de esta forma los distintos significados asociados al concepto de "superación" por los diferentes stakeholders. Se desentraña de esta forma el complejo enredo de intereses ligados al consenso electoral, el valor del suelo y el mantenimiento del trabajo del tercer sector que alimentan el antigitansimo institucional o "racismo democrático". Se evidencia el complejo conjunto de significado asociados al campo por parte de sus habitantes, revelando su carácter ambivalente de límite y recurso a la vez, reflejado por los procesos bidireccinales de entrada-salida del mismo. También se evidencia la corta visión de las políticas de desalojo o realojamiento. Tanto en el ámbito de la vivienda como en el del mercado laboral, las respuestas de las administraciones parecen consistir en la marginalización y precarización de aquellos sujetos ya marginales y precarios que deberían ser los objetos de las políticas públicas. Más o menos conocidos, invisibilizados o instrumentalizados, los barrios de barracas tienen como punto en común el hecho de ser alimentados y creados por las mismas políticas que pretenden reabsorberlos. De hecho la perspectiva espacial resulta particularmente útil para entender este tipo de dinámica: estos diferentes procesos de transición, de desalojo, de desplazamiento, de realojamiento no hacen sino desplazar el problema sin solucionarlo; acentúan el problema mismo que pretenden resolver, precarizan sin realojar. ; [eng] In Italy the expression "Rom camps" is used to refer both to informal settlements like slums and shantytowns and to urban areas formally built by local administrations, specifically inhabited by groups ethnically defined as Roma and situated in peripheral and low-value areas. The official institution of these settlements caused the growing marginalization of its dwellers and a series of urban conflicts. Once national authorities recognized the substantial failure of segregation policies, a new political phase – focused on "overcome" the camps issue – has been declared. This work analyses the meanings, representations and strategies connected with the resettlement of an extended family in the city of Turin and the meanings, representations and strategies of the actors of the urban governance aimed at "overcoming" the Roma issue: from projects of urban renewal to rehousing projects and evictions.

In most of the developed societies, in France too, we are now witnessing an increase of the social and economic disparities between regions, an occurrence and persistence of neighborhoods "in difficulty", concentrating the most vulnerable populations. "Spatial segregation" appears as a norm of urban organization and territory as an issue of social cohesion. Many economic and sociological studies have sought to explain the differentials observed between these populations, particularly in the labor market. Three main mechanisms explain the impact of the place of residence on the individuals' labor market achievement: the spatial mismatch, the social environment and the discrimination based on place of residence. In this doctoral dissertation we focus on this last mechanism through which the place of residence affects the individuals' labor market achievement. Across three studies covering three chapters, we highlight three important elements in the analysis of discrimination related to place of residence: the feeling of discrimination, wage discrimination and employment discrimination. These are illustrated by different methods: an analysis of subjective survey data, an analysis of objective survey data and, finally, an analysis of experimental data. The main results are as follows. We have shown that there are specific effects of place of residence on the feeling of discrimination among young people. We have shown that the place of residence has a direct influence on the probability of finding a job after the school as well as on the salary associated with the job. Using a decomposition of wage differentials we have shown that there is a potential discrimination related to the place of residence that affects especially young women. We found a major impact of the residential county on the individuals' chances of access to hiring. The same effect also exists, more weakly, at the level of the neighborhood reputation. An analysis of the order of answers to job candidates confirmed these results and revealed an even stronger discrimination. On the basis of these results, we propose policy recommendations related to different aspects of discrimination based on place of residence. ; Dans la plupart des sociétés développées, en France aussi, on assiste aujourd'hui à une augmentation des disparités sociales et économiques entre les territoires, à l'apparition et à la persistance de quartiers « en difficulté », concentrant les populations les plus fragiles. La « ségrégation spatiale » apparait comme une norme d'organisation urbaine et le territoire comme un enjeu de cohésion sociale. De nombreuses études issues de l'économie et de la sociologie ont cherché à expliquer les écarts de situations observés, notamment sur le marché du travail, entre ces populations. Trois mécanismes principaux expliquent l'impact du lieu d'habitation sur la réussite sur le marché du travail des individus : le spatial mismatch, l'environnement social et la discrimination en raison du lieu de résidence. Dans cette thèse de doctorat nous nous intéressons à ce dernier mécanisme à travers lequel le lieu de résidence affecte les performances sur le marché du travail des individus. Au travers de trois études couvrant trois chapitres, nous mettrons en évidence trois éléments importants dans l'analyse de la discrimination liée au lieu de résidence : le sentiment de discrimination, la discrimination salariale et la discrimination à l'embauche. Ceux-ci sont illustrés par des méthodologies différentes : une analyse de données d'enquêtes subjectives, une analyse de données d'enquêtes objectives et enfin une analyse de données expérimentales. Les résultats principaux sont les suivants. Nous avons montré qu'il y a des effets spécifiques du lieu de résidence sur le ressenti de discriminations des jeunes. Nous avons montré que le lieu de résidence a une influence directe sur la probabilité de trouver un emploi à la sortie des études ainsi que sur le salaire associé à cet emploi. A l'aide d'une décomposition des écarts salariaux nous avons montré qu'il existe une probable discrimination relative au lieu de résidence qui affecte notamment les jeunes femmes. Nous avons trouvé un effet déterminant du département de résidence sur les chances d'accès à l'embauche des individus. Le même effet existe aussi, de manière plus faible, au niveau de la réputation du quartier de résidence des candidats. Une analyse de l'ordre des réponses faites aux candidats a confirmé ces résultats et a même révélé une discrimination encore plus forte. A partir de ces résultats, nous proposons des recommandations de politiques publiques liées aux différents aspects de la discrimination liée au lieu de résidence.

Insignamentu bislinguu ; Integrazione ; Cumpetenze prufessiunale ; Guvernanza ; Rilazione Scola-famiglie ; Curriculum ; Mutivazione ; The Paradigm of the plurilingual and intercultural education seems to bring about a fruitful answer to the break of the natural transmission of the Corsican language, to parentocracy encouraging the involvement of families and to the disillusionment of the teaching community stemming from studies in the sociology of education. Appearing as a philosophic and didactic break with the national educational tradition, the implementation of a bilingual teaching at first came to life thanks to militant teachers, putting into question the material aspect of such a teaching, but also questioning the values of the various forces. The legal elaboration, still in process today, allowed crossing a qualitative and quantitative threshold permitting considering its generalization in the nursery schools of more than four classes. The structuration of the bilingual school does not refer to a top-down model of management. Because of the democratic process which started it, it involves a type of governance shared between the territorial and national political key players, and users as well. It is thus the question of the meaning not only of Education, but also the one that the various social forces give to this new educational paradigm which is questioned: Is it about an evolution that could develop social cohesion on a long term basis and result in a Corsican cultural citizenship? Taking into account the acknowledged societal stake of the Corsican language at School, what are the new consequences of the school processes of integration and differentiation elaborated by families in the context of generalization of the bi/plurilingual education in Corsica? We make the hypothesis that the optional school offer of a bilingual education in urban zones or in schools with double courses, participate in the segregation of the public according to their ethno-social background. We led our investigation with primary school teachers, but also with families, using either a questionnaire or a semi-managed interview. The collection and the analysis of academic data allow us to present a complete state of the bilingual school as well as the stakes the key players of its governance are confronted with. Beyond the identified obstacles, it is also a matter of thinking the possible improvements in terms of efficiency and equity in the compulsory state School. Key words: Bilingual education, Integration, Professional skills, Governance, School-family relationship, Curriculum, Motivation. ; Le paradigme de l'éducation plurilingue et interculturelle semble apporter une réponse féconde à la rupture de la transmission naturelle de la langue corse, à la parentocratie encourageant la mobilisation des familles et au désenchantement enseignant révélé par les travaux de la sociologie de l'éducation. Se présentant comme une rupture philosophique et didactique avec la tradition pédagogique nationale, la mise en place d'un enseignement bilingue d'abord animée par des enseignants militants, pose certes des questions de moyens, mais elle interroge aussi les valeurs des différents acteurs. L'élaboration juridique, encore en cours aujourd'hui, a permis de franchir un seuil qualitatif et quantitatif permettant d'envisager sa généralisation dans les maternelles de plus de quatre classes. La structuration de l'Ecole bilingue ne fait pas référence à un modèle de pilotage du haut vers le bas. Par le processus démocratique qui l'a impulsée, elle met en jeu un type de gouvernance partagée entre les acteurs politiques territoriaux et nationaux, ainsi que les usagers. Le développement de l'enseignement bilingue représente-t-il une évolution susceptible de développer durablement la cohésion sociale et de déboucher sur une citoyenneté culturelle corse ? Dans l'enjeu sociétal reconnu de la langue corse à l'Ecole, quelles sont les conséquences nouvelles des processus scolaires d'intégration et de différenciation élaborés par les familles dans le contexte de généralisation de l'enseignement bi/plurilingue en Corse ? Nous émettons l'hypothèse selon laquelle l'offre scolaire facultative d'un enseignement bilingue en milieu urbain ou dans des écoles à double filière, participe à la ségrégation des publics selon leurs origines ethno-sociales. Nous avons enquêté auprès des professeurs des écoles, mais aussi auprès des familles, par questionnaire ou par entretien semi-dirigé. Le recueil et l'analyse des données académiques nous permettent de présenter un état complet de l'école bilingue ainsi que les enjeux auxquels les acteurs de sa gouvernance sont confrontés. Au-delà des obstacles identifiés, il s'agit aussi d'envisager des pistes susceptibles d'améliorer l'efficacité et l'équité de l'Ecole publique et obligatoire. Mots clés : Enseignement bilingue, Intégration, Compétences professionnelles, Gouvernance, Relations Ecole-familles, Curriculum, Motivation.

Bibliography: leaves 170-173. ; In recent years it has become fairly commonplace to make comparisons between the Holocaust and Apartheid. This dissertation explores similarities and differences. It acknowledges that both systems were rooted in ideas of race, but while the tools used by the Nazis in Germany and the apartheid government in South Africa are superficially similar, their very different objectives brought about radically different outcomes once their policies were enforced. The dissertation opens with a discussion of the methods used by each of the different systems to define the victim races, and justify their inferior status. In Germany the reasons given were the desire to preserve the pure Aryan volk and protect the volkisch culture. In South Africa the stated premise was that each 'ethnic' group would best realise its full potential if it was encouraged to preserve its integrity and promote its own culture. In both countries separation was followed by deprivation of citizenship. Under German rule Jews were rendered stateless and expelled as far as possible from the Reich. In South Africa 'blacks' were made citizens of 'ethnic homelands'. Unlike the German Jews, South African 'blacks' had at least some kind of nominal right to equality in their designated 'homelands'. Freedom of movement was restricted and residential segregation enforced in both countries. Jews, previously prominent in the cultural, academic and economic life of Germany, were impoverished and dehumanized. 'Blacks' in South Africa were locked into their role of unskilled, manual labourers, a position that they had occupied since the beginning of 'white' settlement in the Cape. Initially Jews were confined to ghettos, eventually to labour and death camps. In South Africa people of colour were forcibly removed to rural 'homelands'. However the demand for cheap labour eventually necessitated their admission to the urban industrial areas, and although they were restricted to living in 'townships' their exclusion was never total and their physical destruction was never contemplated. In both countries government controlled local authorities kept tight rein on the administration of the residential areas that were demarcated for the disadvantaged. In Nazi Germany the SS appointed Judenrate (Jewish Councils) to administer the ghettos. These councils were used to secure the peaceful acquiescence of Jews en route to the death camps. Eventually the councillors were killed together with the people they were supposed to govern. In South Africa town councils were established for local government in the townships, but these councils were unsuccessful because they were government controlled and illegitimate. Their purpose was to administer the separate development areas, not to pave the way for eventual extermination of their inhabitants. In neither Germany nor South Africa did churches play an active role in preventing discrimination and injustice. In Germany this was simply a continuation of the traditional attitude of anti-Judaism nurtured by the refusal of Jews to convert to Christianity. In South Africa missionaries worked hard to convert 'blacks' to Christianity, but Dutch Reformed Church ministers believed that it was God's will that 'black' and 'white' should be kept separate, church services were strictly segregated, and this was in keeping with the apartheid ideal. With regard to the media, both Nazi Germany and the apartheid regime backed those sectors of the media that promoted negative images of Jews and 'blacks', while censoring those that were more liberally inclined. The fundamental differences between the Holocaust and apartheid became most apparent in their terminal stages. Whereas Nazism led to genocide, the leitmotif of apartheid was cheap labour, not planned extermination. The Nazis created death camps and designed advanced technology especially for the purpose of speeding up mass murder and body disposal. Apartheid killings in South Africa were carried out by traditional means on an individual basis and not by large-scale extermination techniques. The killings in South Africa were directed only at opponents of the regime and not for the purpose of exterminating a specific ethnic group. This dissertation presents two case studies of racist ideology which promoted discrimination and the elevation of a 'superior' race at the expense of the disadvantaged. In Germany this resulted in a programme of genocide whereas the apartheid system in South Africa, though intended to service the material interests of the ruling group, nevertheless proved dysfunctional and sowed the seeds of its own demise.

This thesis consists of four self-contained essays in economics. Tournaments and unfair treatment. This paper introduces the negative feelings associated with the perception of being unfairly treated into a tournament model and examines the impact of these perceptions on workers' efforts and their willingness to work overtime. The effect of unfair treatment on workers' behavior is ambiguous in the model in that two countervailing effects arise: a negative impulsive effect and a positive strategic effect. The impulsive effect implies that workers react to the perception of being unfairly treated by reducing their level of effort. The strategic effect implies that workers raise this level in order to improve their career opportunities and thereby avoid feeling even more unfairly treated in the future. An empirical test of the model using survey data from a Swedish municipal utility shows that the overall effect is negative. This suggests that employers should consider the negative impulsive effect of unfair treatment on effort and overtime in designing contracts and determining on promotions. Late careers in Sweden between 1970 and 2000. In this essay Swedish workers' late careers between 1970 and 2000 are studied. The aim is to examine older workers' career patterns and whether they have changed during this period. For example, is there a difference in career mobility or labor market exiting between cohorts? What affects the late career, and does this differ between cohorts? The analysis shows that between 1970 and 2000 the late careers of Swedish workers comprised of few job changes and consisted more of "trying to keep the job you had in your mid-fifties" than of climbing up the promotion ladder. There are no cohort differences in this pattern. Also a large fraction of the older workers exited the labor market before the normal retirement age of 65. During the 1970s and first part of the 1980s, 56 percent of the older workers made an early exit and the average drop-out age was 63. During the late 1980s and the 1990s the share of old workers who made an early exit had risen to 76 percent and the average drop-out age had dropped to 61.5. Different factors have affected the probabilities of an early exit between 1970 and 2000. For example, skills did affect the risk of exiting the labor market during the 1970s and up to the mid-1980s, but not in the late 1980s or the 1990s. During the first period old workers in the lowest occupations or with the lowest level of education were more likely to exit the labor market than more highly skilled workers. In the second period old workers at all levels of skill had the same probability of leaving the labor market. The growth and survival of establishments: does gender segregation matter? We empirically examine the employment dynamics that arise in Becker's (1957) model of labor market discrimination. According to the model, firms that employ a large fraction of women will be relatively more profitable due to lower wage costs, and thus enjoy a greater probability of surviving and growing by underselling other firms in the competitive product market. In order to test these implications, we use a unique Swedish matched employer-employee data set. We find that female-dominated establishments do not enjoy any greater probability of surviving and do not grow faster than other establishments. Additionally, we find that integrated establishments, in terms of gender, age and education levels, are more successful than other establishments. Thus, attempts by legislators to integrate firms along all dimensions of diversity may have positive effects on the growth and survival of firms. Risk and overconfidence – Gender differences in financial decision-making as revealed in the TV game-show Jeopardy. We have used unique data from the Swedish version of the TV-show Jeopardy to uncover gender differences in financial decision-making by looking at the contestants' final wagering strategies. After ruling out empirical best-responses, which do appear in Jeopardy in the US, a simple model is derived to show that risk preferences, the subjective and objective probabilities of answering correctly (individual and group competence), determine wagering strategies. The empirical model shows that, on average, women adopt more conservative and diversified strategies, while men's strategies aim for the greatest gains. Further, women's strategies are more responsive to the competence measures, which suggests that they are less overconfident. Together these traits make women more successful players. These results are in line with earlier findings on gender and financial trading.

1 An overview of pneumatic conveying systems and performance -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 Why pneumatic conveying? -- 1.3 What can be conveyed? -- 1.4 What constitutes a pneumatic conveying system? -- 1.5 Modes of pneumatic conveying -- 1.6 Basic pneumatic conveying systems -- 1.7 Further classification techniques -- 1.8 Description and operation of a pneumatic conveying system -- 1.9 Putting it all together -- 1.10 An overview -- 1.11 Some useful conversion factors and tables -- References -- 2 Single phase flow in pneumatic conveying systems -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Definitions -- 2.3 Perfect gas laws -- 2.4 Drying of compressed air -- 2.5 The compression process -- 2.6 Gas flow through pipes -- 2.7 Illustrative examples -- References -- 3 Fluid and particle dynamics -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Law of continuity -- 3.3 Drag on a particle -- 3.4 Equations for calculation of relevant properties -- 3.5 Fluidization characteristics of powders -- References -- 4 Fundamentals -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Forces acting on a single particle in an air stream -- 4.3 Particle size -- 4.4 Shape -- 4.5 Dynamic equations -- 4.6 Terminal velocity -- 4.7 Single particle acceleration -- 4.8 Centrifugal flow -- 4.9 Slip velocity in a gravitational field -- 4.10 Multiple particle systems -- 4.11 Voidage and slip velocity -- 4.12 Frictional representations -- 4.13 Acceleration and development regions -- 4.14 Particle distribution in pneumatic conveying -- 4.15 Compressibility effect not negligible -- 4.16 Speed of sound in gas—solid transport -- 4.17 Gas—solid flow with varying cross-sectional area -- 4.18 Branching arrangements -- 4.19 Bend analysis -- 4.20 Downward sloping particle flow -- 4.21 Dense phase transport -- 4.22 Estimation of pressure drop in slugging dense phase conveying -- 4.23 Estimation of pressure drop in non-slugging dense phase conveying -- 4.24 Plug flows -- 4.25 Worked examples -- References -- 5 Flow regimes in vertical and horizontal conveying -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Choking versus non-choking system in vertical flow -- 5.3 Choking system in vertical flow -- 5.4 Non-choking system in vertical flow -- 5.5 Particle segregation in vertical pneumatic transport -- 5.6 Saltation in horizontal conveying -- References -- 6 Principles of pneumatic conveying -- 6.1 Introduction—putting it all together -- 6.2 The state diagram revisited -- 6.3 Methods for scaling-up -- 6.4 Use of theoretical models and definitions -- 6.5 Additional pressure drop factoz (?z) -- 6.6 Pressure drop -- 6.7 Some important functional relationships -- 6.8 Sequence to be followed to obtain the system pressure loss (?p) -- References -- 7 Feeding of pneumatic conveying systems -- 7.1 Introduction and overall design philosophy -- 7.2 Classification of feeding systems -- 7.3 Feeder selection criteria -- 7.4 Low pressure feeding devices -- 7.5 Medium pressure feeding systems -- 7.6 High pressure feeding devices -- 7.7 Conclusions -- References -- 8 Flow in standpipes and gravity conveyors -- 8.1 Introduction—standpipes and gravity conveyors -- 8.2 Classification of standpipe systems -- 8.3 Classification of flow modes in a standpipe -- 8.4 Equations pertaining to each flow mode -- 8.5 Flow through a valve -- 8.6 Stability of standpipe flow -- 8.7 Analysis of industrial standpipes—case studies -- 8.8 Gravity conveyors -- References -- 9 An overview of high pressure systems including long distance and dense phase pneumatic conveying systems -- 9.1 Introduction -- 9.2 High pressure systems -- 9.3 Dense phase flow classification -- 9.4 A description of plug flow and the relationships between plug flow and material characteristics -- 9.5 System selection and product characteristics -- 9.6 Dense phase system design -- 9.7 Long distance pneumatic conveying and pressure loss minimization -- 9.8 Conclusions -- References -- 10 Gas—solids separation -- 10.1 Introduction -- 10.2 Selection criteria -- 10.3 Cyclone separators—theory of the separation of particles in the centrifugal field -- 10.4 Fabric filters -- 10.5 Cleaning by sound -- 10.6 Conclusions -- References -- 11 Some comments on: the flow behaviour of solids from silos; wear in pneumatic conveying systems; ancillary equipment -- 11.1 Introduction -- 11.2 The flow of solids from bins -- 11.3 Flow aid devices for silos and hoppers -- 11.4 Wear in pneumatic conveying systems -- 11.5 Ancillary equipment -- 11.6 Conclusions -- References -- 12 Control of pneumatic transport -- 12.1 Basic material flow and control theory -- 12.2 Transport lags -- 12.3 Analysis of gas—solid flow by transfer functions -- 12.4 Stability of pneumatic transfer systems -- 12.5 Stability analysis with Taylor series linearization -- 12.6 Linear stability analysis—Jackson approach -- 12.7 Stability via the Liapunov analysis -- References -- 13 Instrumentation -- 13.1 Standard instrumentation -- 13.2 Transducers -- 13.3 Cross-correlation procedures -- 13.4 A Coriolis force meter -- 13.5 Dielectric meter -- 13.6 Load cells -- 13.7 Particle tagging -- 13.8 Electrostatic based meters -- 13.9 Acoustic measurements -- 13.10 Screw conveyors -- 13.11 Light measuring devices -- 13.12 Other techniques for particle velocities -- 13.13 Instrumentation for industrial applications -- References -- 14 System design and worked examples -- 14.1 Introduction -- 14.2 Moisture content in air -- 14.3 The design of industrial vacuum systems -- 14.4 Dilute phase pneumatic conveying system design (method 1) -- 14.5 Dilute phase pneumatic conveying system design (method 2) -- 14.6 Dilute phase pneumatic conveying system design (method 3) -- 14.7 Dense phase pneumatic conveying system design -- 14.8 Test yourself—dilute phase calculations -- 14.9 Gas—solid flow examples -- 14.10 Conclusions -- References.

The article underlines the conceptual look at the role and place of constitutional law in the system of EU law and provides its complex characteristics according to formal and material conditions. The work is based on the hypothesis that the role and place of the constitutional law in the system of EU law are similar to those characterizing the similar field in any national law system, democratic state, with features stipulated by the supranational nature of this system of law. It`s substantiated an opinion that the formation of the EU law as an autonomous supranational system of law includes not only the accumulation and integration of the corresponding set of legal acts, but also its gradual differentiation with selection of individual branches and institutions. The leading role in the EUlegal system, as well as in national legal systems, is occupied by the constitutional law, owing primarily to its subject of legal regulation. Attention is payed to the fact that after the failure of the common European constitution draft, the term "constitution" in the EU legal system is used exclusively in the substantive sense, and the constitution itself is unwritten (multi-source, combined), like the British one. At the same time, the system of sources of EU constitutional law is characterized by diversity and consists of three levels (subsystems) that regulate the fundamental political and legal relations associated with European integration: primary law, secondary law, common law and case law. It is noted that the core of the subject of EU constitutional law consists of two blocks of public relations: a) relations determining the institutional and functional organization of public authority in the EU; b) relations characterizing the foundations of the legal status of an individual in the EU. These basic political and legal relations are the matrix that determines the formation and development of the relevant general institutions of the EU constitutional law. The example of the constitutional foundations of EU civil society demonstrates that the process of segregation of some institutions in the branches structure of the EU constitutional law continues. At the same time, in general, the structuring of constitutional and legal institutions in the EU repeats the genesis of national constitutional law, at least the one that took place in the states of continental Europe. Attention is payed to the fact that the training of legal professionals in Ukraine must meet the challenges that legal education in the context of European integration. One of the important steps in this direction should be the introduction into the educational process of law schools in our country of disciplines devoted to certain branches of EU law, including the EU constitutional law as the leading branch of this legal system. ; У статті висвітлюється концептуальне бачення ролі та місця конституційного права в системі права ЄС, надається його комплексна характеристика за формальними та матеріальними критеріями. В основу роботи покладено гіпотезу про те, що роль і місце конституційного права в системі права ЄС є аналогічними, тим, що характерні для відповідної галузі в будь-якій національній системі правої, демократичної держави, з особливостями, зумовленими наднаціональним характером цієї системи права. Обґрунтовується думка, що формування права ЄС як автономної наднаціональної системи права передбачає не тільки накопичення й інтеграцію відповідного нормативного масиву, але й поступову його диференціацію з виокремленням певних галузей та інститутів. Провідну роль у системі права ЄС, як і в національних правових системах, посідає конституційне право, що зумовлено передусім його предметом правового регулювання. Звертається увага на те, що після провалу проєкту загальноєвропейської конституції термін «конституція» щодо правової системи ЄС вживається тільки в матеріально-правовому сенсі, а сама конституція є неписаною (багатоджерельною, комбінованою), на зразок британської. Водночас система джерел конституційного права ЄС характеризується багатоманітністю і складається з трьох рівнів (підсистем), що регулюють основоположні політико-правові відносини, пов'язані з європейською інтеграцією: первинного права, вторинного права, звичаєвого права і прецедентного права. Зазначається, що ядро предмета конституційного права ЄС становлять два блоки суспільних відносин: а) відносини, що визначають інституційно-функціональну організацію публічної влади в ЄС; б) відносини, що характеризують основи правового статусу особи в ЄС. Ці базові політико-правові відносини виступають тією матрицею, що зумовлює формування і розвиток відповідних генеральних інститутів конституційного права ЄС. На прикладі конституційних засад громадянського суспільства ЄС демонструється, що процес виокремлення в галузевій структурі конституційного права ЄС окремих інститутів триває. Водночас загалом структурування конституційно-правових інститутів в ЄС повторює ґенезу національного конституційного права, принаймні ту, що мала місце в державах континентальної Європи. Звертається увага на те, що підготовка фахівців-правників в Україні має відповідати тим викликам, що постають перед юридичною освітою в умовах євроінтеграції. Одним із важливих кроків на цьому шляху має стати запровадження в навчальний процес юридичних вишів нашої держави навчальних дисциплін, присвячених окремим галузям права ЄС, зокрема й конституційному праву ЄС як провідній галузі цієї системи права.

Problem setting. Considering the existing condition of the natural environment and the aggravating waste problem, the state environmental policy of Ukraine is unable to ensure safe living conditions for society. The inconsistency of the legal framework, poor performance of public administration, and the dispersion of power among many authorities serve as catalysts in this sphere. Despite the fact that today the sphere of solid waste management (SWM) is at its reforming stage due to the need for meeting the requirements of the European Union, our country has found itself under harsh conditions when it is necessary to rearrange the SWM system within a short period of time. With this regard, finding the ways to improve the quality of public administration and to define strategic lines of solid waste management development with the help of an improved incentive mechanism is viewed as topical, determining the objective of the present paper. Recent research and publications analysis. The studies of the areas of improving public administration in the sphere of SWM have been dwelt upon in the research works of such domestic scientists as О. Berdanova, О. Bilopilska, N. Horokh, S. Kozmenko, S. Romanchuk, V. Vakulenko, І. Valentiuk, Т. Volkovets and other scholars.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The works by the domestic specialists focus primarily on improving the fiscal mechanism of public administration in the field of SWM. As for the issues related to studying the incentive mechanism in this field, they are insufficiently covered and need further scientific exploration.Paper main body. The Concept of the National Waste Management Program 2013 – 2020 defines the causes of the waste problem, one of which is the lack of a single body charged with waste management functions. This complicates the implementation of any updates due to the dispersion of powers among many institutions. It is advisable to carry out consolidation of the powers within a single central executive body that will ensure the formulation and implementation of public waste management policy. An important stage is also the development of a post-2020 Waste Management Concept that would strengthen such core values as environmental protection and fostering of a waste management culture. Within the framework of formalizing the development vector of the solid waste management sphere, it is necessary to establish a public administration target with defined stages of its implementation in the years to come.Given the inability of government officials to make effective management decisions and develop waste management practices universally, it is essential to create a Scientific Advisory Board (SAB) that will involve representatives of all sectors of society to work together to make effective management decisions on MSW management and to accumulate scientific research in order to determine the ways to achieve public administration goals in this area. The SAB should be the focus of promoting the development of the solid waste management system, taking into account available resources. The incentive mechanism can be understood as a set of measures aimed at creating the conditions in which an entity is inclined to perform its assigned duties in the most effective, proactive and conscientious manner. It is appropriate to focus on the ways of enhancing the municipal sector capacity, improving the provision of SWM services to the public, and establishing waste segregation. In view of this, it is necessary to encourage waste producers and importers to reduce the amount of waste and to use environmentally friendly substances for the production of goods. It is considered appropriate to require that the producers and importers of waste make additional payments for putting waste into circulation. The money obtained in this way would be expedient to be channeled to a special environmental fund. The SAB should also be responsible for making a register of waste producers and importers to identify the economic entities that produce and import waste into the customs territory of Ukraine, as well as to obtain data on waste volumes, their morphological composition, class and level of hazard.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Thus, in order to establish public administration in the field of solid waste management, it is important to develop and implement an incentive mechanism aimed at creating conditions in which an entity is inclined to perform its assigned duties in the most effective, proactive and conscientious way. The proposed strategic areas are drivers of reproduction of the domestic system of solid waste management in Ukraine. ; Актуалізовано питання вдосконалення стимулюючого механізму публічного управління в сфері поводження з твердими побутовими відходами (далі – ТПВ). Обґрунтовано неефективність існуючих механізмів і запропоновано мобілізаційні заходи щодо покращення публічного управління в цьому напрямку. Встановлено, що функціональна спрямованість стимулюючого механізму полягає у досягненні мети публічного управління в сфері поводження із ТПВ, вихованні культури поводження з відходами та консолідації діяльності суб'єктів у напрямку охорони навколишнього природного середовища.

The present article aims at analyzing the implications of the nonexistent drinking water coverage, sewage, fire hydrants and rainwater collectors in informal settlements in the city of Valparaiso; shortage of facilities that is partially caused due to water privatization as part of Chilean neoliberal model. The informal habitat has become an approach to urban development that defies, in varied dimensions, the developmental models of local governments in the Global South. Chile is a good example of this, since the country confronts a neoliberal paradigm that during the decade of the eighties tended to privatize all basic services among which the privatization of sanitization companies can be highlighted as it led to the elimination of the state management of wateraccess. Through a spatial analysis, the data obtained from the different orthophotogramatic studies with the use of an R.P.A.S dispositive (drone) have been contrasted with census registers about ground property and the extent to which water is provided by private companies. The results revealed that the absence of water infrastructure in the Urban Forest Interface Zone (UFIZ) in which most of the informal settlements of Valparaíso are located generates unequal access to water that maintains and reinforces the conditionsof exclusion and socio-spatial segregation of these. ; En el Sur Global, el hábitat informal se ha vuelto un modo de desarrollo urbano que se enfrenta en diversas dimensiones a los modelos de desarrollo de los gobiernos locales. El presente artículo analiza los problemas asociados a la inexistencia de cobertura de agua potable, alcantarillado, red seca y colectores de aguas lluvias en los asentamientos informales de la ciudad de Valparaíso, Chile, carencia infraestructural generada, en parte, por la privatización del agua dentro del modelo neoliberal chileno a partir de la década de 1980. Para ello, se realizó un análisis espacial que contrastó información obtenida de diversos relevamientos ortofotogramétricos mediante un dispositivo R.P.A.S (dron), con datos censal de propiedad de suelo y cifras de la cobertura de agua de las empresas privadas. Los resultados revelaron que la ausencia de infraestructura hídrica de la Zona de Interfaz Urbano Forestal (ZIUF) en la que se localizan la mayoría de los asentamientos informales de Valparaíso genera un acceso desigual al agua que mantiene y refuerza las condiciones de exclusión y segregación socioespacial de los mismos. ; Dans les pays du Sud, l'habitat informel est devenu un mode de développement urbain confronté aux modèles de développement des gouvernements locaux à divers niveaux. Dans le cas du Chili, il est confronté à un néolibéralisme qui, dans les années 80, avait tendance à privatiser tous les services publics, en mettant l'accent sur infrastructures de l'eau et en éliminant la gestion de l'État de l'accès à l'eau. Cet article analyse les problèmes liés au manque decouverture d'eau potable, d'assainissement, de collecteurs d'eau de pluie et de réseau d´hydrant dans les quartiers informels de la ville de Valparaíso, le manque d'infrastructures généré en partie par la privatisation de l'eau du modèle néolibéral chilien. Pour cela, une analyse spatiale a été réalisée en combinant les informations obtenues à partir de relevé ortho photogrammétriques à l'aide d'un appareil R.P.A.S (drone), avec des informations de recensementsur la propriété des terres et des données sur la couverture d´eau donnés par les entreprises privées. Les résultats ont révélé que l'absence d'infrastructures hydrauliques dans la zone d'interface de foresterie urbaine (ZIFU) dans laquelle la plupart des quartiers informels de Valparaíso sont situés, génère un accès inégal à l'eau qui maintient et renforce les conditions d'exclusion et de ségrégation socio-spatiale de ceux-ci. ; Este artigo analisa as implicações da falta de cobertura de água potável, esgoto, rede seca e coletores de águas chuvas nos assentamentos informais da cidade de Valparaíso, falta de infra-estrutura gerada em parte pela privatização da água dentro do modelo neoliberal chileno. No Sul Global, o habitat informal tornou-se um modo de desenvolvimento urbano que enfrenta em diferentes dimensões os modelos de desenvolvimento dos governos locais e, no caso do Chile, um neoliberalismo que na década dos anos ochenta tendeu a privatizar todos os serviços básicos, destacando a privatização das empresas de águas sanitárias, e eliminando agestão estatal do acesso à água. Nesta pesquiza foi realizada uma análise espacial que contrastou informações obtidas de vários levantamentos ortofotogramétricos por meio de um dispositivo R.P.A.S (drone), com informações obtidas do Censo de População e Vivenda, de propriedade da terra e dados de cobertura de água de empresas privadas. Os resultados revelarão que a falta de infraestrutura hídrica na zona de interface urbano florestal, onde estão localizados a maioria dos assentamentos informais em Valparaíso, cria acesso desigual à água que mantém e reforça as condições de exclusão e segregação socioespacial destes.

In this article has been researched the grounds of self-control of a court of primary jurisdiction in the civil process. The author distinguishes the grounds of self-control of a court of primary jurisdiction as the functions and grounds of self-control of a court of primary jurisdiction as the powers. Through the examples of the provisions of the Civil Procedural Code of Ukraine are made the conclusion, that the grounds of self-control of a court of primary jurisdiction as a function correlate with the grounds of self-control of a court of primary jurisdiction as the powers respectively as a whole to a part. It is emphasized, that one and the same ground of self-control powers can be covered by the different grounds of self-control of a court of primary jurisdiction as the functions. The author supports the segregation as the grounds of self-control of a court of primary jurisdiction in the civil process a judicial error and change in circumstances of a civil case. For the first time in the theory of civil process to the grounds of self-control of a court of primary jurisdiction the author proposes to subsume an enforcement of the civil procedural rights by participants in case, as well as nonfulfillment of some procedural obligations by a participant of civil process. It is pointed out, that a judicial error is the most widespread ground of self-control of a court of primary jurisdiction. Having based on the multiplicity of cases from the provisions of the civil procedure legislation of Ukraine are analyzed the features of judicial errors. The author supports a point of view, that was told in the theory of civil process, that a judicial error in the civil process can be made both in the presence and in the absence of the judge's guilt. It is reasoned, that a substitution of the circumstances of a civil case as a ground of self-control of a court ofprimary jurisdiction can take place in the process of a civil case consideration and after its solution. For example, a recovery or a significant improvement of a mental condition of a person, that was declared as legally incapable, compels a court to recall its adjudgement of declared natural person's as legally incapable and restore his civil capacity. Based on the provisions of the CPC of Ukraine, the author makes multiple examples, that confirm such grounds of self-control of a court of primary jurisdiction as an enforcement of his procedural rights by a participants in case (substitution of one interim remedy to another according to a motion of a participants in case) and nonfulfillment by a trial participant of his procedural obligations (executing of incomplete or ambiguous court expert's report, that gives an opportunity for a judge to award judgement about commissioning of a supplementary expert examination). ; У статті досліджено підстави самоконтролю суду першої інстанції в цивільному процесі. Автором проводиться розмежування підстав самоконтролю суду першої інстанції як функції та підстав самоконтролю суду першої інстанції як повноваження. На прикладах із положень цивільного процесуального законодавства України робиться висновок, що підстави самоконтролю суду першої інстанції як функція співвідносяться із підставами самоконтролю суду першої інстанції як повноваженнями відповідно як ціле та частина. Відзначається, що одна й та сама підстава самоконтрольних повноважень може охоплюватися різноманітними підставами самоконтролю суду першої інстанції як функції. Автором підтримується виділення як підстав самоконтролю суду першої інстанції в цивільному процесі судової помилки та зміниобставин цивільної справи. Вперше в теорії цивільного процесу до підстав самоконтролю суду першої інстанції автором пропонується віднести реалізацію учасником справи ряду цивільних процесуальних прав, а також невиконання учасником цивільного процесу деяких цивільних процесуальних обов'язків. Вказується, що судова помилка виступає найбільш поширеною підставою самоконтролю суду першої інстанції. На підставі численних випадків із положень цивільного процесуального законодавства України аналізуються ознаки судових помилок. Автором підтримується висловлена в теорії цивільного процесу думка, за якою судова помилка в цивільному процесі може вчинятися як за винної, так і за безвинної поведінки судді. Аргументується, що зміна обставин цивільної справи як підстава самоконтролю суду першої інстанції може мати місце у процесі розгляду цивільної справи та після її вирішення. Наприклад, видужання або значне поліпшення психічного стану особи, котра була визнана недієздатною, зобов'язує суд скасувати своє рішення про визнання фізичної особи недієздатною та поновити її цивільну дієздатність. На підставі положень ЦПК України автор наводить численні випадки, які підтверджують такі підстави самоконтролю суду першої інстанції, як реалізація учасником справи своїх процесуальних прав (заміна одного заходу забезпечення позову іншим за клопотанням учасника справи) та невиконання учасником процесу своїх процесуальних обов'язків (складення неповного або неясного висновку судового експерта, що дає можливість судді винести ухвалу про призначення додаткової експертизи).