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Inadequacies in social welfare systems are reviewed, with particular reference to the hiatus between the ideology which emphasizes stability and that which fosters radical change. Not least of the forces inimical to change have been the bureaucratic organization and professional self‐preoccupation of social welfare agencies and their personnel. Choices among new strategies for social action, using both consensual and conflictual models, now confront social welfare workers in this country.

Although the interactions between media communication and movement activism have been widely acknowledged, much remains to be understood about how they operate in East Asia, where centralized authority and Confucius ideology prevail. This Special Section collected articles to examine the latest trends of activist media communication and reflect critically on their impact on civic-political participation and social change in the region. Some of the articles focus on the role of media practices in the emergence and proliferation of popular protests in East Asian societies, such as Hong Kong and Japan, where a tradition of political activism and radical protest had been lacking. Others analyze communication strategies and networks for engaging potential supporters and appealing to citizens in China, Taiwan, and Thailand. By highlighting the multiplicity of media forms, ranging from press media to social media and street performance, in the course of mobilization and activism, this Special Section opens up debates about the equivocal conceptualizations of activist media communication and offers insights into to their multiple potentials for advancing liberal democracy and social justice in East Asia.

The European Union (EU) has developed as an actor that overcomes national sovereignty in global politics. Yet, as of 2017, the EU has used the "sovereignty" category at the supranational level, both in general and in combination with "sectoral" adjectives. The objective of research is to demonstrate that the use of "sectoral sovereignty" can be examined as the EU's work with collective anxiety, which results from various challenges that can hardly be controlled. The anxiety is examined in the context of emotion culture with the focus on public images of sentiments whereas the incorporation of sovereignty in the EU's discourse comes out as a "self-identification with an aggressor" - with something that has previously been viewed as a threat to integration. In the EU's discourse "sovereignty" means a set of actions targeted at drawing a border between the internal and the external, at establishing higher autonomy. Three cases are examined with the help of discourse analysis: challenge of technological companies and monetary sovereignty; pandemic threat and health sovereignty; problems in global agricultural trade and food sovereignty. In each case elements of the EU's collective anxiety are described; sovereignty as a system of actions to address anxiety is identified; the overall support for this work in the EU is revealed. The conclusions are drawn on when and where "sectoral" sovereignty helps the EU to limit its anxiety. Yet, the successful incorporation of sovereignty in the EU's discourse does not mean a complete overcoming of anxiety; instead, dialectic relations between collective anxiety and sovereignty emerge.

This article looks for possible explanations of the so-called Mara. It relies on some arguments of social movement theory. Not being precisely a social movement, the Maras, as a social organization, might fit within some premises of the collective action theory. They have some characteristic of the new social movements. It is clear that (in Central America) there isn't interest in transforming society. People aren't engaging in revolution. But there are ideas and other types of energies developing in the marginal areas. The author also intends to see the Maras as social phenomena based on the theoretical premises of collective identity, emphasizing the importance of war, cultural violence, marginalization and globalization. Why these forms of juvenile expressions have developed today, and why they are expanding and reaching out many nations. Also, this paper revises the tribalism proposition, which is quite common in societies considered "modern". The Maras are expressions of those societies. ; Este artículo emprende una búsqueda de posibles explicaciones a las llamadas maras en Centroamérica, tomando como guía algunos planteamientos de la teoría de los movimientos sociales. Sin ser precisamente un movimiento social, las formas organizativas y expresivas de las maras encuentran coincidencias y contrastes con supuestos de la acción colectiva. Aun cuando es claro que no hay pretensión de transformación, mucho menos de revolución, hay ideas y energías hasta ahora poco elaboradas y efímeras, impulsadas y desarrolladas por canales marginales de la sociedad. Más adelante, se pretende orientar la reflexión sobre la mara a partir de los supuestos teóricos de la identidad colectiva, que da lugar importante a la historia reciente de guerras civiles en Centroamérica, de la cultura de la violencia heredada, de las redes sociales dentro de la marginalidad y de la globalización. Asimismo, se revisa, como parte de la discusión, la proposición del tribalismo, cuyo concepto enfatiza el carácter emotivo y errante propio del caos de las sociedades "modernas". Las maras son expresiones de estas sociedades.

"The Winter We Danced is a vivid collection of writing, poetry, lyrics, art and images from the many diverse voices that make up the past, present, and future of the Idle No More movement. Calling for pathways into healthy, just, equitable and sustainable communities while drawing on a wide-ranging body of narratives, journalism, editorials and creative pieces, this collection consolidates some of the most powerful, creative and insightful moments from the winter we danced and gestures towards next steps in an on-going movement for justice and Indigenous self-determination"--P. [4] of cover

The paper explores the view of political transitions from the standpoint of capacity for collective action, and seeks to use a causal analysis of the motivation for collective action and its public articulation as a method of interpreting modern political systems that would be a feasible alternative to the traditional quantitative and comparative method that focuses on the specific aspects of transitions. The author argues that the capacity for collective action within a political system correlates directly to the degree of internal legitimacy of public policy. Such legitimacy is necessarily based on the dominant value system within the transitional process. In addition, the author stipulates that this capacity is reversely proportional to the degree of structural violence in society.

ABSTRACTAccording to Professor Habermas, Parsons's later system paradigm is in conflict, to some extent, with his earlier action paradigm, as Menzies contended; but Parsons concealed the conflicts from himself, Habermas thinks, and retained his "cultural determinism" and "secret idealism." According to Habermas, Parsons lacked any adequate equivalent of the concept of a "life world" built up on the basis of intersubjective communication. Parsons's unrealistic assumption of harmony between actors' orientations on the one hand and functional requirements of systems on the other prevented him, according to Habermas, from seeing what Marx for example saw, namely that in modern society the symbolic life worlds of actors suffer distortion because of their subordination to the rationalizing tendencies of money and power. (Professor Habermas did not provide an abstract for this translation of his address on Parsons, which he delivered to the German Sociological Association in 1980. Readers are urged to regard this abstract as only suggestive and as inadequately reflecting a complex argument.‐Editor.)

The history and development of rodent control systems in northern California, particularly in regard to ground squirrels (Spermophilus spp.) and meadow mice (Microtus californicus) are discussed, with the work of "pest abatement districts" described. A bounty system intended to control ground squirrels and pocket gophers had been enacted in 1870, it but was soon abandoned as too expensive and ineffective by most counties. In 1874, new legislation resulted in certain counties establishing Squirrel Inspection Districts while requiring landowners to control ground squirrels, but this system was neither widely adopted nor effective. Finally, in 1917 a state Rodent Control division was established that resulted in effective action, and improved methods and techniques have continued to be developed. In the late 1950s, studies of Microtus in the Tulelake Basin resulted in a better understanding of the dynamics of meadow mouse damage and population cycles, resulting in improved control strategies. County-led efforts and their effectiveness are described. Current techniques have advantages of being increasingly species specific with reduced hazards to nontarget species, particularly raptorial birds.

At head of title: Political participation program. ; Cover title. ; Includes bibliographies. ; Mode of access: Internet.