Under EU legislation (Article 32, Regulation (EC) No 396/2005), EFSA provides an annual report which analyses pesticide residue levels in foods on the European market. The analysis is based on data from the official national control activities carried out by EU Member States, Iceland and Norway and includes a subset of data from the EU‐coordinated control programme which uses a randomised sampling strategy. For 2018, 95.5% of the overall 91,015 samples analysed fell below the maximum residue level (MRL), 4.5% exceeded this level, of which 2.7% were non‐compliant, i.e. samples exceeding the MRL after taking into account the measurement uncertainty. For the subset of 11,679 samples analysed as part of the EU‐coordinated control programme, 1.4% exceeded the MRL and 0.9% were non‐compliant. Table grapes and sweet peppers/bell peppers were among the food products that most frequently exceeded the MRLs. To assess acute and chronic risk to consumer health, dietary exposure to pesticide residues was estimated and compared with health‐based guidance values. The findings suggest that the assessed levels for the food commodities analysed are unlikely to pose concern for consumer health. However, a number of recommendations are proposed to increase the efficiency of European control systems (e.g. optimising traceability), thereby continuing to ensure a high level of consumer protection.
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The increasing flow of immigrants into Europe over the last decade has generated a range of considerations in the policy agenda of many receiving countries. One of the main considerations for policymakers and public opinion alike is whether immigrants contribute their 'fair' share to their host country's tax and welfare system. In this paper, we assess the net fiscal impact of intra-EU and extra-EU migration in 27 European Union (EU) Member States. We find that migrants in the EU, on average, contribute more than natives to welfare states. However, when we take an age-specific life-cycle perspective, we find that natives generally show a higher net fiscal contribution than both groups of migrants. Among migrants, extra-EU migrants contribute less than intra-EU migrants. We then use a demographic microsimulation model to project the potential net fiscal impact of migration in the EU into the future. We show that despite the fact that intra-EU migration contributes to reduce the strong negative impact of population ageing, its contribution is not sufficient to offset the negative fiscal consequences.
Continuity of traditional diplomatic structures between the member states of the European Union treats understanding with contempt. The appropriate response could be made by studying the core reasons and lines of actions of bilateral embassies in the intra EU bilateral diplomacy and dealings of the member state permanent representations in Brussels. Both structures are considered to be properly geared only for modern diplomacy and unsuitable for the post-modern polity, as European Union is more often regarded to be. Bilateralism and bilateral diplomacy are not two profoundly researched topics, least in the EU context. Scarce attempts to link the change in bilateral diplomatic structures within the EU to the changing EU environment have revealed that they differ from modern ones. Empirical enquiries into the intra-European member states bilateral diplomacy are even in shorter supply than theoretical work. Available evidence is pointing into direction of not so structurally different intra-EU bilateral diplomacy from the traditional one. Differences are discernible in functioning and targeting of diplomatic representation in the European Union. Variations from modern modes of bilateral diplomacy prove that developed theorizing would be a worth while effort for making systematic scientific research into bilateral diplomacy in the EU. One of the most recent theories of intra-Union bilateral diplomacy change and adaptation (Bátora, Hocking, 2008) built for this purpose is taken under the scrutiny. Its ample advantages are presented, followed by shortcomings identified, in order to be remedied for enhancing the knowledge on the state component within the emerging diplomatic system of the European Union. . ; Postojanje struktura tradicionalne bilateralne diplomatije među državama članicama evropske integracije postaje saznajni izazov. Pogodno mu se može odgovoriti ispitivanjem sržnih razloga i načina delovanja strukture bilateralne diplomatije kojom se svaka od članica povezuje sa ostalima, kao i kojom je svaka od njih povezana sa Unijom. Smatra se da te dve strukture pripadaju modernoj diplomatiji, ali ne i post-modernoj politici, kako se EU sve češće razume. Ostvarena razmatranja bilateralizma, kao i diplomatskog bilateralizma u EU, delom su nastojala da ga povežu sa izmenom same sredine Unije, i predstave različitim od modernog obrasca. Oskudna istraživanja dala su skromne nalaze. Prikupljeni podaci upućuju na zaključak da se strukturno bilateralna diplomatija u Uniji ne razlikuje od tradicionalne. Razlike se uočavaju u sredini delovanja, kao i funkcijama i ciljevima bilateralnog diplomatskog opštenja država članica. Promene ukazuju na potrebu razvijanja teoretizacije koja bi pomogla sprovođenju sistematičnog naučnog istraživanja bilateralne diplomatije u EU. Jedna takva, nedavno ponuđena teoretizacija (Bátora, Hocking, 2008) podrobno je ispitana. Prikazane su pogodnosti koje pruža, i predočene slabosti koje bi trebalo otkloniti u cilju poboljšanja znanja o unutar državnoj bilateralnoj komponenti oblikujućeg diplomatskog sistema Evropske unije. .