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Human rights have a deep and tumultuous history that culminates in the age of rights we live in today, but where does Africa's story fit in with this global history? Here, Bonny Ibhawoh maps this story and offers a comprehensive and interpretative history of human rights in Africa. Rather than a tidy narrative of ruthless violators and benevolent protectors, this book reveals a complex account of indigenous African rights traditions embodied in the wisdom of elders and sages; of humanitarians and abolitionists who marshalled arguments about natural rights and human dignity in the cause of anti-slavery; of the conflictual encounters between natives and colonists in the age of Empire and the "civilizing mission"; of nationalists and anti-colonialists who deployed an emergent lexicon of universal human rights to legitimize longstanding struggles for self-determination, and of dictators and dissidents locked in struggles over power in the era of independence and constitutional rights

Africa Development Indicators 2006 provides the most detailed collection of data on Africa available in one volume. It contains about 450 macroeconomic, sectoral, and social indicators, covering 53 African countries. Designed to provide all those interested in Africa with a focused and convenient set of data to monitor development programs and aid flows in the region, this is an invaluable reference tool for analysts and policymakers who want a better understanding of the economic and social developments occurring in Africa

First published in 1968, this reissue is a study of contemporary international economic policy, with particular emphasis upon economic integration as a means of bringing about a faster rate of economic progress and of helping to overcome poverty. Peter Robson's book is a study of the rationale of common markets and other forms of economic integration among African states and of their operation in practice.The book will be of great value to those concerned with administering or assessing integration schemes in Africa and indeed in less developed areas throughout the world. In addition, it is an

Apart from South Africa & Algeria the only patches of the African pol'al scene which seem in an immediately equivocal position are the British territories between South Africa & Ethiopia. Will they be able to control the rising flood of Africanism? It is a diverse area of 6 states, differing in size & physical character, constitutionally confusing. The pol'al difficulties arise from the differing att's of mind of the parties concernedsettlers (a confident & dominant minority), Africans (just waking up to discontent & hope) & the British gov (humane, liberal, but lacking in foresight). The Asian element is not yet a major pol'al factor. This was the position till the present decade with its shake-up. Its impact on East Africa varies. There will be no racial conflict in Tanganyika, due to timely constitutional concessions. In Uganda, the policy is to form a primarily African state. In Kenya Britain's aim is to build a nation based on parliamentary institutions. It is difficult to forecast whether the Africans will participate. But at least there is not the material for bitter racial conflict in Kenya as there is in Central Africa. Here the Europeans form the strongest & most solid block of European settlement in Africa. The present Federation was formed in 1953 on an insecure foundation of compromise & conflict. The tragic tensions are finding their expression in the present happendings. Time is needed to help the Africans gain pol'al experience. But the difficulties are grave. IPSA.

Despite granting independence to her former colonies in West and Central Africa in the early 1960s, France continues to wield considerable power and influence politically, economically, socially, and culturally. Through successive governments the African policy of France has been exceptionally constant and stable. Analyses how this persistent situation of dominance /dependency and continuity in foreign policy can be accounted for. (GAW)

This book provides a timely and important summary of tabloid journalism in Africa, which clearly shows how tabloids in the African context play a unique role in the democratization process. Prior to this book, very little was known about how tabloid journalists operate in Africa. The book first explores the global practice of journalism and then focuses on tabloid journalism - finally situating the discussion within the African context. As well as concentrating on how tabloid journalism can be seen as part of the broader neo-liberal thinking in Africa, in which democracy and freedom of expression is promoted, it also looks at how tabloid journalism practice has been met with resistance from the alliance of forces. Chama draws on examples from across the continent looking at success stories and struggles within the sometime infotainment genre. Tabloid Journalism in Africa concludes that even though challenges exist, there is a strong case to suggest that the practice of tabloid journalism is being readily accepted by many people as part of the unique voices of democracy - even those which might be shocking yet true. Brian Chama is Senior Lecturer at Sheridan Institute of Technology Advanced Learning in Toronto, Canada. He holds a PhD in Cultural Studies from the Roehampton University, UK, and has taught at London Metropolitan University, Kingston University, and the University of Lincoln, UK.

THE DIFFICULTIES AFRICA IS GOING THROUGH ARE ILLUSTRATED IN THE GAP BETWEEN ITS GROWING DEPENDENCE ON INTERNATIONAL AUTHORITIES AND THE CONTINUAL WEAKENING OF THE MEANS AT ITS DISPOSAL TO MAKE ITSELF HEARD IN THESE BODIES. FOR TWENTY YEARS, AFRICA WAS CAUGHT UP IN THE NORTH-SOUTH DIALOGUE. IN THE 1980S, THE BREAKING-OFF OF THE DIALOGUE AND THE BREAKING-UP OF THE THIRD WORLD DEPRIVED IT OF MEANS FOR COLLECTIVE ACTION. THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN NORTH AFRICA AND BLACK AFRICA HAS GROWN MORE PRONOUNCED AS FIRST THE GLOBALIZATION OF MARKETS AND THEN THE CHANGES IN EAST-WEST RELATIONS CAUSED THE LATTER TO FALL VICTIM TO A PROCESS OF DOUBLE MARGINALIZATION. IN THESE CONDITIONS, A CONSENSUS SEEMS TO BE DEVELOPING WHICH HOLDS THAT MULTILATERAL DIPLOMACY IS NOT WHAT IS MOST IMPORTANT FOR AFRICA AND THAT THE REAL QUESTION IS TO KNOW HOW TO INVOLVE THE ENTIRE POPULATION IN THE DEVELOPMENT PROCESS. THERE IS THUS A RETURN TO THE OVERALL ISSUE OF GRASSROOT ORGANIZATIONS AND ESSENTIAL NEEDS AS OUTLINED IN THE 1970S.