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The article analyzes the commonalities and differences of counterterrorism (CT) practices applied by governments in France and Germany and their effects on the local ground. Altogether, there has been a qualitative difference of CT responses. Paris has launched more extensive measures than Berlin. Regardless of the differences, the policies of both governments lack attention towards the unintended effects of these specific measures. For instance, the concern raised by human rights organizations such as Amnesty International (AI) about the prolongation of the state of emergency in France is one starting point of analysis. AI accused the French authorities of abetting home-grown radicalization as a result of the discriminate repression in marginalized suburbs of Paris. The paper's argument is twofold: First, decision-makers in Paris and Berlin respond to terrorist threats in a one-sided and linear way. Second, they disregard that the very CT measures are likely to fuel radicalization. In this light, polarization and stigmatization breed radicalization. Based on this discussion, policy recommendations will be presented. Amongst other things, these recommendations include a more symmetric integration of local actors in the overall de-radicalization effort. This refers to the content and tone of public debates as well as to the equal treatment of prison imams.

Abstract.In recent years, several prominent political scientists have argued that quantitative and qualitative methodologies should be seen as united by a single logic of scientific inference. Just exactly how this reconciliation of quantitative and qualitative methodological approaches should be effected in practice, however, remains highly contentious. For all its promise, the project of uniting quantitative and qualitative methods in political science has thus reached something of an impasse. Participants on both sides of the quantitative/qualitative debate are convinced that this methodological divide should eventually be transcended, but few have abandoned the conviction that their preferred approach sets the standard by which progress in this endeavor should be judged. Evidently, we still lack consensus on precisely where the distinctive strengths of each methodological approach lie, and how these strengths can be combined effectively in systematic investigations of the political world. In this essay, we argue that a satisfactory synthesis of quantitative and qualitative methods for making causal inferences in comparative politics depends upon the resolution of a prior theoretical problem at the stage of research design: establishing a typology of political regimes and accounting for the mechanisms of their reproduction and diffusion over time and space.Résumé.Ces dernières années, plusieurs politologues éminents ont soutenu qu'il faudrait considérer les méthodologies quantitative et qualitative comme étant unies par une même logique de déduction scientifique. Comment réaliser cette réconciliation des approches quantitative et qualitative dans la pratique demeure cependant un sujet hautement contesté. Tout prometteur qu'il soit, le projet d'unifier les méthodes quantitative et qualitative en science politique se retrouve en fait dans une impasse. Les participants des deux côtés du débat quantitatif/qualitatif sont persuadés qu'il faudra un jour transcender cette fracture méthodologique, mais ils sont peu nombreux à avoir abandonné la conviction que l'approche qu'ils privilégient établit la norme qui permettra d'évaluer les progrès accomplis. Il est évident qu'il n'y a pas encore de consensus quant aux forces respectives précises de chaque méthode, ni sur la manière de les combiner efficacement pour procéder à des études systématiques du monde politique. Dans cet article, nous avançons qu'une synthèse satisfaisante des méthodes quantitative et qualitative pour arriver à des déductions causales en politique comparée exige qu'on s'emploie à résoudre d'abord un problème théorique à l'étape de la conception de la recherche, à savoir l'établissement d'une typologie des régimes politiques et l'inventaire des mécanismes de leur reproduction et de leur diffusion dans l'espace et dans le temps.

Aliaksandr Lukashenka pushed through an overhaul of Belarus's constitution as a response to the protests against the official results of the 2020 presidential election. The goal was to address the desire for change among the population without reacting to the demand for snap elections. With the February 2022 constitutional plebiscite on the most far-ranging changes to Belarus's constitution since 1994, Lukashenka further entrenched himself in power. The results of our online survey suggest that the constitutional changes do not meet the broad societal demand for political change and, in particular, for constraints on presidential power. Despite the persistence of the political conflict, we also show that Lukashenka's supporters and opponents are not irreconcilably polarized in every policy domain. Finally, our results suggest that regime supporters have stronger anti-democratic preferences than opposition supporters when it comes to future political participation of the two camps, making the effects of affective polarization highly asymmetrical.

Entrepreneurial Ecosystems and the Diffusion of Startups addresses, for the first time, the emerging notion of entrepreneurial ecosystems. Chapters from leading scholars in the fields of entrepreneurship and strategy explore new ideas and provoke debate in both academia and practice. Covering the emergence, dynamics and management of entrepreneurial ecosystems and offering conceptual tools, experimental evidence and practical examples, this book will be invaluable to those seeking a greater understanding of entrepreneurship and startup strategies, both practitioners and students

Celem analizy jest ocena wielkości i struktury inwestycji finansowanych ze środków unijnych pozyskanych przez władze samorządowe Poznania w kontekście potrzeb oraz prawidłowości zidentyfikowanych dla obszarów polaryzacji rozwoju w Polsce. Analiza odnosi się do dwóch pierwszych perspektyw finansowych Unii Europejskiej – 2004–2006 oraz 2007–2013 – w których Polska uczestniczyła jako państwo członkowskie, obejmując tym samym pierwszą dekadę naszych doświadczeń w realizacji polityk unijnych. Wyniki zidentyfikowane dla samorządu Poznania odnosi się w analizie porównawczej do pięciu największych miast Polski: Warszawy, Krakowa, Łodzi, Wrocławia i Gdańska. ; Abstract: The aim of the analysis is to assess the size and structure of investments financed from EU funds raised by the local authorities of Poznan in the context of the needs and the accuracy of the identified areas of polarization development in Poland. The analysis refers to the first two financial perspectives of the European Union – 2004–2006 and 2007–2013 – in which Poland participated as a member state, including the first decade of our experience in the implementation of EU policies. The results identified for Poznan refers to the comparative analysis of the five largest Polish cities: Warsaw, Krakow, Lodz, Wroclaw and Gdansk.

The diffusion of markets and democracy around the world was a defining feature of the late twentieth century. Many social scientists view this economic and political liberalization as the product of independent choices by national governments. This book argues that policy and political changes were influenced heavily by prior actions of external actors: not just other governments, but international organizations and communities of experts. Drawing together insights from economics, sociology, political science and international relations, the contributors focus on four mechanisms by which markets and democracy have diffused through interdependent decision-making: coercion and the impact of powerful countries and international actors; economic competition for markets and investment; learning from experiences of other countries; and emulation among countries. These mechanisms are tested empirically using sophisticated quantitative techniques in areas as diverse as capital account and investment policy, human rights and democratization, and government downsizing, privatization and taxation

This study consists of an analysis of representation from southern states to determine if the creation of majority‐minority districts resulted in more ideologically polarized southern U.S. House delegations. Descriptive statistics and regression analysis of Americans for Democratic Action (ADA) scores indicate that the standard deviation of ADA scores are larger in the eight states that engaged in racial redistricting. The influx of conservative Republicans and African‐American Democrats in 1992 created the more polarized patterns. Polarization was still present after the 1996 elections, although the redistricting effect was muted as other southern states picked up Republican representatives after both the 1994 election and Louisiana's substantial modification of one of its black majority districts prior to the 1996 election. Racial redistricting would seem to make centrist coalition building more difficult, but in some states it also weakens the increasingly conservative voting patterns experienced by most of the South in the 1990s.

In the large literature on the growing polarization of the American electorate and its representatives relatively little attention is paid to the spatial polarization of voters for the two parties at presidential elections. Bishop argued this has increased as the result of residential location decisions: Democratic Party supporters have increasingly moved to neighborhoods where others of that persuasion are already congregated, for example. His analyses at the county scale are geographically incommensurate with that argument, however; the lacuna is filled using precinct-level data for the entire United States for the 2008, 2012 and 2016 presidential elections. Multi-level modelling shows polarization at those elections was significantly greater at the precinct than the county, state and division scales. Change over the three elections at the precinct scale was probably associated with redistricting and reduced support from the Democratic Party by some groups.

"There is an increasing scientific and political sensibility for questions regarding the "governance of a knowledge society" and the societal benefits and problems of a "knowledge economy". The International Regulation of Knowledge utilises case studies and a comparative country / thematic approach to prove a compehensive survey of the regulation and governance of knowledge flow, research and innovation. By identifying activities creating new knowledge (e.g. education, migration), it demonstrates how knowledge regulation and diffusion works in practice and policy. The book will be of interest to students and scholars of globalization, international relations and policy regulation"--Provided by publisher

This project incorporates two steps. First, the psychometric model of risk perception is evaluated for its validity under field conditions. Second, individuals are classified as risk amplifiers or attenuators and the characteristics of those groups are explored. Survey data from an ongoing case study is employed in the analysis. The case study involves a Midwestern community in which a controversy exists over the possibility of the existence of a cancer cluster caused by the operation of a small reactor. Results show that the psychometric model of risk perception, while failing to be reproduced precisely, does has utility under the field conditions in this study. Use of the psychometric model to classify individuals as risk amplifiers or risk attenuators produces a useful dichotomy that reveals differences between the two polar groups in terms of demographics, satisfaction with institutional response to the risk, concern over individual and social levels of risk, and the evaluation of various communication channels as having been useful in coming to a judgment about the risk. A final model comparing the two groups suggests that, in this case, evaluation of personal risk and satisfaction with institutional response are important determinants of individual's risk reactions. Subordinate to these forces are the demographic variables of education, gender, and years of residence in the community. The model also illustrates that aggregate‐level observations may not be representative of subgroups.

The present meta-research of past-studies on personal computers in American households examines (1) factors related to the adoption of computing, (2) how personal computers are used in households, and (3) the social implications that extend from these patterns of adoption and use of computing in the household. Our meta-research of eleven surveys of the diffusion of home computers shows that formal education is a strong factor in explaining the adoption and use of home computers. Instrumental uses of home computers are increasing more rapidly than are entertainment uses. Changes in leisure-time activities, such as decreased television viewing, are found in adopting households. Such longer-range negative impacts of home computing as gender gaps and socioeconomic inequality are noted as topics for future research.