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Preface Acknowledgements Introduction: Interpreting and Engaging the Haitian Revolution 1An Appraisal of Recent Scholarship on the Haitian Revolution 2The Rhetoric of Prayer: Dutty Boukman, the Discourse of "Freedom from Below," and the Politics of God 3Prophetic Religion, Violence, and Black Freedom: Reading Makandal's Project of Black Liberation through A Fanonian Postcolonial Lens of Decolonization and Theory of Revolutionary Humanism 4"A City Upon a Hill": Haiti, Religion, and Race: Frederick Douglass' Freedom Discourse and the Significance of the Haitian Revolution as a Freedom Event i

There was in early-nineteenth-century France a widespread revival of religious sentiment, after the turmoil of the Revolution and the intellectual onslaught on religion so central to the French Enlightenment. Simultaneously, political economy became more prominent among "publicists"—educated people or theoreticians writing as journalists—and political elites. These two developments influenced those who sought to modernize society and who in their different ways expressed a new approach known as industrialisme. These writers put forward several versions of the links that should exist in industrial society between political economy and religion.A truly a-religious political economy based on self-interested behavior and utilitarianism, such as the one presented in Jean-Baptiste Say's writings, gained acceptance for most people interested in the "new" science. This point of departure is important not only because Say's thought became a major reference for the different conceptions of industrialisme but also because it provided a utilitarian evaluation of religious institutions and feelings.Some other conceptions of industrialisme can be found in the leading members of two distinct schools of thought: the Groupe de Coppet, with Germaine de Staël and Benjamin Constant; and the less homogeneous group formed by Claude-Henri Saint-Simon, the Saint-Simonians, and Auguste Comte. Both approaches presumed that self-interest was incapable of uniting the social body and emphasized religious feelings to explain how societies could function harmoniously.We examine how Staël and Constant dealt with these issues and how, while they accepted the principle of competition in economic activity, their conception of the specific nature of liberty in a modern society led them to a critique of utilitarianism and morals based on interest and also to the idea that the harmonious functioning of industrial society requires a morality based on religion.We then study how industrialisme was modified to fit the views of modern society held by Saint-Simon, the Saint-Simonians, and Comte. Political and civil liberty was not a central matter for these writers. Instead, they favored the creation of organizations capable of regulating a chaotic social order, and in this perspective new forms of religion were given a prominent place, specifically formed to suit the industrial social order and based on philanthropy or altruism.In the conclusion we briefly note that, after all such criticism, some leading liberal economists reacted in defense of political economy and developed their own conceptions of the links between economics and religion: they rejected the idea of the necessity of a new religion and insisted instead on traditional Catholic ideas. As a result, political economy and religion were conceived as two pillars of a conservative order following the rise of socialist ideas.

"A comparison of the faith and politics of former Confederate chaplains with intriguing insights about the evolution of their postwar beliefs and the Lost Cause Pulpits of the Lost Cause: The Faith and Politics of Former Confederate Chaplains during Reconstruction is the first in-depth study of former chaplains that juxtaposes their religion and politics, thereby revealing important insights about the Lost Cause movement. Steve Longenecker demonstrates that while some former chaplains vigorously defended the Lost Cause and were predictably conservative in the pulpit, embracing orthodoxy and resisting religious innovation, others were unexpectedly progressive and advocated on behalf of evolution, theological liberalism, and modern biblical criticism. Former Confederate chaplains embodied both the distinctive white, Southern, regional identity and the variation within it. Most were theologically conservative and Lost Cause racists. But as with the larger South, variation abounded. The Lost Cause, which Longenecker interprets as a broad popular movement with numerous versions, meant different things to different chaplains. It ranged from diehard-ism to tempered sectional forgiveness to full reconciliation to a harmless once-a-year Decoration Day ritual. This volume probes the careers of ten former chaplains, including their childhoods, wartime experiences, Lost Cause personas, and theologies, making use of manuscripts and published sermons as well as newspapers, diaries, memoirs, denominational periodicals, letters, and the books they themselves produced. In theology, many former chaplains were predictably conservative, while others were unexpectedly broad-minded and advocated evolution, theological liberalism, and modern Biblical criticism. One former chaplain became a social-climbing Harvard progressive. Another wrote innovative, liberal theology read by European scholars. Yet another espoused racial equality, at least in theory if not full practice. Additionally, former chaplains often exhibited the fundamental human trait of compartmentalization, most notably by extolling the past as they celebrated the Lost Cause while simultaneously looking to the future as religious progressives or New South boosters. The stereotypical preacher of the Lost Cause-a gray-clad Bible thumper-existed sufficiently to create the image but hardly enough to be universally accurate. "--

Remote and thinly populated, Maine was long insulated from many of the demographic and economic trends of states to the south. Maine Politics and Government traces recent changes in the state's system as agriculture, manufacturing, and maritime trades have ceded dominance to high-tech businesses, extensive commercial development, and an expanding governmental sector

Different religious groups in Central and Eastern Europe influenced societies in the region after the fall of Communism and continue to play a crucial role in culture, politics, social networks and value transformations. As part of the REVACERN (Religion and Values in Central and Eastern Europe Research Network) project – supported by the EU Sixth Framework Program – more than 70 researchers from 15 countries in the region analyzed and discussed the most important trends in values, religions and religious communities and presented their findings in a comparative way. They tested well-known theories of secularization, nationalism, democracy and pluralism in the colorful region Central and Eastern Europe. This book summarizes their most important findings in seven chapters, addressing religion and its entanglements with geography, values, nationalism, Orthodoxy, education, legal regulation, civil society, social networks, new religious movements and new forms of religiosity. Each chapter also provides a regional overview.