Suchergebnisse

This book creatively examines the interaction of two sets of units that have proliferated during the liberal international order (LIO) that has been in place largely since the end of World War II: small states (SSs) and international organisations (IOs). The authors argue convincingly that the visibility and success of small states in international relations has been significantly due to their engagement in IOs, singly and collectively. To expound on the latter, the authors select the small island developing states (SIDS) grouping established at the UN, and its variants established in other IOs such as the IMO, World Bank, WHO, WIPO and WTO, looking at how actors from SIDS engage with such IOs, in spite of obvious human, material and financial limitations. [excerpt] ; N/A

For the United States the 'international law of global security' is, in a unique sense, synonymous with the entire project of constructing global legal order. Uniquely preponderant power enjoyed since the end of the Second World War has allowed US preferences to manifest not merely in specific rules and regimes, but in purposive development of the entire structure of global legal order to favour American security interests. Perceptions of a recent decline in this order now find expression in advocacy for a 'liberal' or 'rules-based' international order, as the claimed foundation for global prosperity and security. This working paper seeks to map out the parameters of US contributions to the global security order by uncovering the strategic and political foundations of its engagement with the international law of global security. The paper begins by reflecting on competing US conceptions of the relationship between national security and global order as they evolved across the twentieth century. The focus then turns to three significant trends defining the contemporary field. First are US attitudes toward multilateral institutions and global security, and the ongoing contest between beliefs that they are mutually reinforcing versus beliefs that US security and global institutions sit in zero-sum opposition. Second is the impact of the generational 'War on Terror', which has yielded more permissive interpretation and development of laws governing the global use of violence. The final trend is that towards competitive geopolitical interests restructuring international law, which are evident across diverse areas ranging from global economics, to cybersecurity, to the fragmentation of global order into spheres of influence. Looking ahead, a confluence of rising geopolitical competitors with divergent legal conceptions, and conflicted domestic support for the legitimacy and desirability of US global leadership, emerge as leading forces already reshaping the global security order.

The doctrine of sources is constructed around a set of shared intuitions and accepted wisdoms. One of them is that there exists no hierarchy in and among the recognized sources of international law. Conventional accounts of international law-making depict an eclectic and uncoordinated system in which States - as sovereign equals - create rules for themselves through various processes which can be engaged simultaneously, in a kind of decentralized and pluralistic arrangement where no source ranks higher than the other. This article argues that the "no-hierarchy" thesis is deceptive and that the law of sources is replete with multiple forms of hierarchy. The article examines two types of source hierarchies. The first type concerns what may be termed "informal hierarchies of pre-eminence". These stem from the fact that legal actors (states, adjudicators, scholars) routinely express preferences for specific sources and form normative judgments in which some sources are deemed superior (good, effective, democratic) and others inferior (bad, inefficient, illegitimate). The second type concerns the material hierarchies of influence that typify law-making in the international community, in which some actors, voices and experiences are privileged (states, great powers, white men, transnational capital etc.) and others are marginalized (non-state groups, small powers, brown women, labor etc.). The article examines how, despite a broad commitment to legislative equality, international law-making has been historically - and continues to be - characteristically oligarchic and patriarchal, accommodating and institutionalizing inequalities of status and influence among law-making agents. In the conclusion, I argue for a robust rejection of the "no-hierarchy" thesis as analytically inconsistent (i.e. at odds with the "real world" of sources) and normatively problematic, as it conceals and neutralizes law-making hierarchies, rendering them immune to critical scrutiny and challenge.

Emerging economies like China and India have contributed a large share in the recent growth in global CO2 emissions, yet these countries are at a different level of economic development than industrialized countries. This dissertation asks the question of how emerging economies can contribute to international climate policies by analyzing existing and proposed policy measures. For the long run, an international regime is necessary to avoid dangerous climate change. After reviewing the literature on how different regimes would affect China and India, the impacts of one particular regime are analyzed numerically in a computable general equilibrium (CGE) model with respect to their consequences on China and India. For India, effects of the proposed policy on different household types are discussed. Furthermore, the impact of uncertainty in key abatement technologies is taken into account. For the medium run, unilateral climate policy might prevail and border carbon adjustments are proposed in order to avoid loss of competitiveness and carbon leakage. Incentives for setting certain carbon tariff rates are studied and the uncertainty in measuring emissions embodied in trade is shown, taking China as an example. Finally, a current policy measure is discussed. Taking a closer look at China, the determinants for technology transfer in the Clean Development Mechanism are analyzed. ; Schwellenländer wir China und Indien haben zuletzt einen Großteil des globalen Wachstums der CO2-Emission beigetragen - diese Länder sind jedoch auf einem anderen ökonomischen Entwicklungsstand als Industrieländer Diese Dissertation setzt sich mit der Frage auseinander, wie Schwellenländer zu internationaler Klimapolitik beitragen können und analysiert existierende und vorgeschlagene Politikmaßnahmen. In der langen Frist ist ein internationales Klimaregime unabdingbar, um gefährlichen Klimawandel zu vermeiden. Eine Literaturübersicht gibt zunächst Aufschluss darüber, wie verschiedene solcher Regime China und Indien beeinflussen würden, bevor die Auswirkungen eines Regimes auf China und Indien genauer in einem berechenbaren allgemeinen Gleichgewichtsmodell betrachtet werden. Für Indien werden dabei die Effekte auf verschiedene Haushaltstypen diskutiert. Zudem werden die Auswirkungen von Unsicherheiten in Schlüsseltechnologien zur CO2-Vermeidung untersucht. Mittelfristig ist jedoch keine globale Klimapolitik zu erwarten. Sich möglicherweise daraus ergebene Wettbewerbsnachteile oder Verlagerung von Emissionen konnten "Klimazölle" entgegenwirken. Die Anreize, bestimmte Zollsätze zu verwenden, werden untersucht und die Unsicherheiten der Messung von impliziten grenzüberschreitenden CO2-Flüssen am Beispiel Chinas diskutiert. Abschließend wird eine existierende Politikmaßnahme untersucht. Dabei werden die Determinanten für Technologietransfer in Projekten des Clean Development Mechanism in China bestimmt.

Over the last few decades, a global trend of extending the reach of domestic penal power can be observed, namely driven by the changing face of crime as it becomes increasingly transnational in nature. It is demonstrated in this article that the Swiss legislature has clearly followed this global trend of broadening the extraterritorial reach of domestic criminal law, most notably since the 1980s. It has acted with particular resolve in the last decade, adding jurisdictional bases to the Swiss Criminal Code by virtue of which Swiss criminal law can be applied to many instances of conduct taking place abroad. Certain offences – specified crimes against minors and female genital mutilation – have even been subjected to an absolute and unrestricted universality principle. The Swiss legislature is not indifferent to the problems that such an expansive approach to jurisdiction may create, notably in terms of conflicts of jurisdiction. Yet, the rules it adopted to temper the effects of applying Swiss criminal law to extraterritorial conduct only partially remedy the situation. This development in Swiss law begs the question whether such an expansive approach towards jurisdiction is permissible – or even encouraged or requested by international law. Hence, this article explores to what extent international law informs the reach of domestic penal power and concludes that international law is Janus-faced with regard to the question of the geographical scope of domestic criminal law. While some of its rules push for long-arm jurisdiction, others put limits on the domestic legislature's endeavour to expand the reach of its domestic criminal law. In light of this, the idea of adopting, on an international level, general principles governing the definition of the scope of domestic prescriptive and adjudicative jurisdiction for transnational cases is tempting, albeit difficult to realize.

Over the last few decades, a global trend of extending the reach of domestic penal power can be observed, namely driven by the changing face of crime as it becomes increasingly transnational in nature. It is demonstrated in this article that the Swiss legislature has clearly followed this global trend of broadening the extraterritorial reach of domestic criminal law, most notably since the 1980s. It has acted with particular resolve in the last decade, adding jurisdictional bases to the Swiss Criminal Code by virtue of which Swiss criminal law can be applied to many instances of conduct taking place abroad. Certain offences – specified crimes against minors and female genital mutilation – have even been subjected to an absolute and unrestricted universality principle. The Swiss legislature is not indifferent to the problems that such an expansive approach to jurisdiction may create, notably in terms of conflicts of jurisdiction. Yet, the rules it adopted to temper the effects of applying Swiss criminal law to extraterritorial conduct only partially remedy the situation. This development in Swiss law begs the question whether such an expansive approach towards jurisdiction is permissible – or even encouraged or requested by international law. Hence, this article explores to what extent international law informs the reach of domestic penal power and concludes that international law is Janus-faced with regard to the question of the geographical scope of domestic criminal law. While some of its rules push for long-arm jurisdiction, others put limits on the domestic legislature's endeavour to expand the reach of its domestic criminal law. In light of this, the idea of adopting, on an international level, general principles governing the definition of the scope of domestic prescriptive and adjudicative jurisdiction for transnational cases is tempting, albeit difficult to realize.

One of the most important (and top-priority for solving) reasons for the insufficient effectiveness of international law in the fight against terrorism is the lack of a universal international legal definition of terrorism (hereinafter referred to as the definition of terrorism). The article outlines the problems of adopting the definition of terrorism; revealed some negative consequences of the absence of a definition of terrorism in international law. It is pointed out that in order to accept the definition of terrorism, it is necessary to identify the characteristics and specific features of terrorism that distinguish it from other types of offenses and which (characteristics and features) could be used as a basis for defining elements of terrorism as well as the basis for the definition of terrorism. We agree that in the context we should focus on the following recognized in the doctrine essential characteristics of terrorist methods of action: violent basis of action; political motivation and goal setting; use of intimidation as a tool to achieve the goal; intent to cause innocent casualties and adequate destruction. It is concluded that terrorism is an international crime. We agree with the positions of experts according to which the prohibition of terrorism is a norm of general international law in the form of customary international law. It points to the need to adopt a norm in positive international law that would clearly state that violating the prohibition of terrorism is an international crime. We consider the position of experts to be noteworthy, according to which the prohibition of terrorism is the norm of jus cogens. The norms of jus cogens are aimed at protecting fundamental, basic or higher interests or fundamental humanitarian values. These fundamental values include human rights and the right to human dignity, which are fundamental and belong to all people. It seems obvious that the prohibition of terrorism protects the fundamental values of humanity and human dignity. Terrorism is a threat ...

The coordination of relief in international humanitarian crises has long been viewed as fraught with problems of inadequate oversight and coordination. Contrary to this claim, this article argues that the international relief system, viewed as interdependent actors, is better understood on the basis of the principle of polycentricity. The authors sketch the conditions necessary to secure a polycentric social order and compare these to the international humanitarian relief framework. They argue that polycentricity may be a more apt aspiration for participants in the international relief system than are calls for new and more stringent forms of monocentric coordination, but its conditions too may be difficult for the relevant participants to realize. The authors explore the tensions and possibilities implicit in this reframing at both the strategic and operating scales.

Der Titel 'Wandel durch Beständigkeit' beschreibt das Leitmotiv der deutschlandpolitischen Forschung von Jens Hacker: Gültigkeit des völkerrechtlichen Status Deutschlands und damit Möglichkeit, den status quo der Teilung zu überwinden. Hacker betrachtete die Wiederherstellung der nationalen Einheit als Aufgabe im europäischen Zusammenhang und im Rahmen des atlantischen Bündnisses. Die Gestaltung einer politischen Ordnung, die es dem deutschen Volk erlaubt, in demokratischer Selbstbestimmung seine Geschicke zu lenken und 'in einem vereinten Europa dem Frieden der Welt zu dienen', bildet den Kern seiner wissenschaftlichen und politischen Arbeit.Von diesem Zentrum aus erschließt sich ein vielfältiges Forschungsgebiet, das die Disziplinen Internationale Politik, Völkerrecht und Zeitgeschichte, aber auch Innenpolitik und die Vergleichende Regierungslehre miteinander verbindet. Die Beiträge dieses Bandes spiegeln die Breite des wissenschaftlichen Interesses wider, das der Jubilar in Forschung und Lehre vertritt, und sie dokumentieren Wandel und Bestand in der deutschen und internationalen Politik an der epochalen Wende der Jahre 1989/90.

Chinas zunehmender Einfluss auf internationale Politik hat eine polarisierte Debatte über die außenpolitische Rolle der autokratischen Volksrepublik ausgelöst. Bisherige Ansätze diskutierten, ob China sich in die mehrheitlich von demokratischen Staaten etablierte Weltordnung integriert oder sich gegen bestehende Normen auflehnt und eine autokratische Alternative exportiert. Diese Arbeit stellt eine Verbindung aus Integrationsverhalten und faktionsgebundener Rollendynamik her und untersucht, inwieweit das chinesische Binde- und Integrationsverhalten von der Rollendynamik der politischen Faktionen bestimmt ist. Dazu werden politische Faktionen als Träger differenzierter Rollenidentitäten eingeführt. Aufgrund der angenommenen Emergenz aus Faktion und Rolle sind faktionsgebundene Rollenidentitäten entstanden, von denen bis heute sowohl ein regulativer Einfluss auf die außenpolitische Rollenbildung ausgeht als auch eine faktionsgebundene Einflussnahme auf das Integrationsverhalten. An die zwei ermittelten faktionsgebundenen Rollenidentitäten sind sozialstrukturierende und attributive Merkmale geknüpft, durch die Annahmen für Chinas Positionierung gegenüber internationalen Organisationen getroffen werden können. In einer Fallstudie zur Welthandelsorganisation werden diese plausibilisiert.