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This book summarizes research and theory pertaining to young children's rights in the United States, and offers strategies educators can use to ensure the inclusion of children's perspectives in everyday decisions.--[book cover].

This article introduces the analytical framework of "factional model-making" to describe and explain the open political contention of Chinese Communist Party elites in the policy process. Party elites undertake factional model-making to express policy disagreements and to signal their power to the regime: by flouting the Party line publicly without punishment, they show that they can influence the Party line and therefore pressurize the regime into acknowledging their position in the opaque power structure. This article chronicles the history of factional model-making from the 1960s to 2012 and examines in detail the making of Henan's Nanjie Village into a re-collectivization model by the Party's left. The process began in the 1990s and ended soon after Xi Jinping came to power in 2012, which prompted Nanjie's patrons to recast the village as a Party model trumpeting Xi's line. The suppression of factional model-making under Xi is discussed in the conclusion.

This article addresses the politics of genomics through three diagnoses: The first, diagnosing objectivity, discusses how researchers involved in a large-scale population mapping initiative distinguish genomics as relatively objective, compared to other forms of knowledge production. The second case, diagnosing nationality, examines an attempt by the UK Border Agency to use genetic ancestry testing to vet asylum claims. The third case, diagnosing indigeneity, considers how indigenous councils in southern Africa engage genomic science in their struggle for state recognition and rights. I argue that genomics' allure of objectivity lends itself to such diagnostic attempts among both powerful and subaltern social actors and suggest that developing "technologies of humility" may provide one safeguard against the increasing uptake of genomics as the authority on human difference.

This cohort-sequential longitudinal study among 1302 Dutch youths examined the dynamics of political identity (e.g., Democrat or Rightist) and issue attitudes between age 12 and 30. Some theories propose that voters form an identity early in life that subsequently determines attitudes. Other theories contrarily argue that attitudes are a cause of identity. However, research on this controversy has never focused on the crucial phase of adolescence. Results revealed that youths formed an identity consistent with prior attitudes more than vice versa. Highly educated youths most often adjusted their attitudes to their identity, which explained an emerging education gap in identity-attitude consistency. Finally, findings suggested that early cultural attitudes establish an identity that may subsequently determine economic attitudes. (C) 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

"The American conservative movement has consistently declared its opposition to all forms of identity politics, arguing that such a form of politics is at odds with individualism. In this persuasive study, George Hawley examines the nature of identity politics in the United States: how conservatives view and understand it, how they embrace their own versions of identity, and how liberal and conservative intellectuals and politicians navigate this equally dangerous and potentially explosive landscape. Hawley begins his analysis with a synopsis of the variety both of conservative critiques of identity politics and of conservative explanations for how it has come to define America's current political terrain. This historical account of differing conservative approaches to identitarian concerns from the post-war era until today--including race, gender, and immigration--foregrounds conservatism's lack of consistency in its critiques and ultimately its failure to provide convincing arguments against identity politics. Hawley explores the political right's own employment of identity politics, particularly in relation to partisan politics, and highlights how party identification in the United States has become a leading source of identity on both sides of the political spectrum. Hawley also discusses this generation's iteration of American white nationalism, the Alt-Right, from whose rise and fall conservatism may develop a more honest, realistic, and indeed relevant approach to identity politics. Conservatism in a Divided America examines sensitive subjects from a dispassionate, fair-minded approach that will appeal to readers across the ideological divide. The book will interest scholars in and enthusiasts of political theory and psychology, American history, and U.S. electoral politics."--

AbstractDisputes over gay and lesbian rights occupy a central place on both national and international agendas in recent years. This is also the case in societies emerging from chronic ethnonational conflict where debates over gay and lesbian rights vs. ethnic‐based rights predominate. While much scholarly work focuses on the influence of socio‐demographic factors in determining attitudes toward gay and lesbian rights in postconflict societies, to date, the role of political influences, such as ethnonationalism, is noticeably under‐researched. It is with this omission in mind that this paper focuses on the influence of ethnonationalism, or congruency in religious, national and communal identity, on attitudes towards gay and lesbian rights issues. Using nationally representative data from Northern Ireland, the results suggest that while ethnonationalism is a key predictor of attitudes among Protestants, it is socio‐demographic factors, such as gender, age and educational attainment, that are the primary determinants of Catholic views.

Debate over the present-day meaning of the traditional political terms 'left' and 'right' has been ongoing for at least three decades. Many claim that these labels have lost their former relevance. This article offers a comparative analysis of the Israeli, Polish, and Hungarian party systems. Using qualitative content analysis, it examines party platforms and politicians' speeches in order to assess the significance of political labels both in political narratives and academic debate. Two main research topics concerning political systems of the three countries are explored in the article: the blurring of the traditional left-right divisions and the partial adoption of an anti-establishment agenda by mainstream parties.

"In the complex landscape of educational philosophy and policy, a difficult challenge arises -- the entwined issues of racism and other demographic differences, and evolving education policies. Traditional historical accounts fall short of addressing the broader historical patterns that underscore these challenges, particularly their colonial legacy. The need for a fresh perspective becomes evident, one that transcends chronology and delves into the intricate dynamics shaping contemporary educational thought.History and Educational Philosophy for Social Justice and Human Rights emerges as a groundbreaking solution to this conundrum. Through a broad developmental and historical lens, the book provides a fresh perspective on the role of differences as the core, content, and subject of education. It advocates for cultural resistance and a permanent political struggle by political-cultural minorities and social movements, while also challenging public institutions, especially schools, to actively embrace and utilize differences in their foundational work. By engaging with the tensions and struggles around differences, the book contends that institutions can transform, becoming agents of positive change, and contributing to the foundation of an inclusive and participatory democracy. This book invites scholars and educators to not only understand the challenges but to actively participate in shaping a future where differences are not merely acknowledged but celebrated within the realms of education and society at large."--

The 'taboo' or 'stigma' associated with many populist radical right parties (PRRPs) has been argued to be an important constraint on their electoral success. In comparison to mainstream parties, there seems to be a higher barrier keeping voters from supporting PRRPs. However, this mechanism has not been tested directly. We conducted a randomized survey‐embedded experiment manipulating the social stigma of a fictitious radical right party in Sweden. We compare three conditions. Two of these contain subtle signals about how other respondents feel about this party. In one condition the fictitious party is supported by many voters (the neutralizing condition) and in the other it is evaluated negatively by the overwhelming majority (the stigma condition). Both experimental groups do not differ significant from the control group in support for this fictitious party. However, the difference between the two experimental groups is borderline significant. This suggests that there is a causal effect of social stigma on support for a RRP, even though the evidence is rather tentative.