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12 articles. Partial contents: Congress, the presidency and national security policy, by Gerald R. Ford; The Court, the Constitution and presidential immunity: a defense of Nixon v. Fitzgerald, by L. Peter Schultz; Analyzing foreign policy crisis situations: the Bay of Pigs, by Joshua H. Sandman; Leadership, orientation, and rhetorical vision: Jimmy Carter, the "New Right," and the Panama Canal, by Craig Allen Smith.

Рассмотрено взаимодействие двух сфер деятельности государства внешней политики и военной безопасности. Определена сущность военной безопасности и связь внешней политики с военной безопасностью. Установлены факторы, из которых происходят связи между военной безопасностью и внешней политикой, а также на которых основана эта связь. Выявлены внешнеполитические элементы военной безопасности и военные элементы внешней политики. Определены роли дипломатии в обеспечении военной безопасности и значение военной силы во внешней политике. Рассмотрены изменения во внешнеполитической деятельности на фоне военных угроз. ; The article deals with the interaction of two spheres of state activity foreign policy and military security. To do this, and primarily determined by the nature of military security and in accordance with it, secured communications with the foreign policy of military security. The study established the factors of which are based on the relationship between military security and foreign policy, and which is based on this relationship. Further, based on the foundations of relations between the two activities, identifies the elements of the foreign policy of military security and military elements of foreign policy. In this case, refers to the role of diplomacy in ensuring military security and the importance of military power in foreign policy. The article also notes the place of relations between the military and diplomats in the field of civilmilitary cooperation. At the end of the considered changes in foreign policy against military threats.

The Arab Spring was assumed to reform the prevailing regime pattern and to bring socio-economic reforms. However, it failed to get its intended outcomes at large. The objectives of the revolution that are to bring a positive transformation in the social, economic, and political domains were not attained effectively and was considered a failed revolution in the case of Egypt and Syria. The present paper focuses on exploring the reasons and factors behind its failure in the particular context of Egypt and Syria. Although Egypt observed regime transition from dictatorship to democracy, yet within one and a half year, a military coup overthrew the democratically elected government of Mohammad Morsi, and the military regime was reinstalled. In the case of Syria, since 2011, a civil war is going on where Bashar-ul-Asad still holds dictatorial powers. The study reveals that the lack of stable political institutions, weak democratic norms, and the absence of a vibrant civil society paved the way for state authorities to rule out the attempts of protestors. Excluding a few of the countries, the rest of the Middle Eastern countries are still ruled by the powerful elites. The successes of the Arab Spring are still to be awaited.

The Arab Spring was assumed to reform the prevailing regime pattern and to bring socio-economic reforms. However, it failed to get its intended outcomes at large. The objectives of the revolution that are to bring a positive transformation in the social, economic, and political domains were not attained effectively and was considered a failed revolution in the case of Egypt and Syria. The present paper focuses on exploring the reasons and factors behind its failure in the particular context of Egypt and Syria. Although Egypt observed regime transition from dictatorship to democracy, yet within one and a half year, a military coup overthrew the democratically elected government of Mohammad Morsi, and the military regime was reinstalled. In the case of Syria, since 2011, a civil war is going on where Bashar-ul-Asad still holds dictatorial powers. The study reveals that the lack of stable political institutions, weak democratic norms, and the absence of a vibrant civil society paved the way for state authorities to rule out the attempts of protestors. Excluding a few of the countries, the rest of the Middle Eastern countries are still ruled by the powerful elites. The successes of the Arab Spring are still to be awaited.

The article deals with the problems of development of the doctrine of nonproperty relations in Ukraine, in particular, the state of research of the sphere of personal non-property rights, information relations, intellectual property relations. Relevance and rapid development of the theory of civil law in all these areas are associated with the author's achievements in the era of the information society and the increasing awareness of people of the importance of their personality, uniqueness, singularity, and value. Additional relevance of the covered issues is provided by the discussion on the possibility of full consolidation of non-property obligations at the doctrinal and legislative level, which is considered by the author from the point of view of the willingness of domestic civil scholars to perceive such a construction at the present stage within the bounds of binding (contractual) law. The condition, the main scientific approaches, tendencies of development of the system of non-property rights on the way to the recodification of domestic private law are analyzed. The attention is focused on the importance of the phenomenon of information and creativity, individual personal non-property rights for the development of civil society in Ukraine. The article describes the obligations of non-property nature from the point of view of the main features and peculiarities of binding (contractual) relations. We try to prove the timeliness and perspective of the further research of binding (contractual) relations of non-property nature for their further legislative consolidation in the Civil Code of Ukraine. Based on the provisions of the theory of personal non-property rights, intellectual property rights, and information rights, the further rapid development of the institute of non-property rights is anticipated, the main place in which is given to personal nonproperty rights of an individual. Taking into account the changes that have occurred after the adoption of the current Civil Code in these areas, recommendations for reforming the institute as a whole have been developed, as well as arguments for reforming the institute of binding (contractual) relations, taking into account the specifics of obligations of nonproperty nature. In order to solve the problems of non-property relations in the future, it is advisable to conduct comprehensive studies of all the institutes: information rights, intellectual property rights, personal non-property rights in their totality in order to take into account the mutual influence and peculiarities of each of them, as well as other civil law institutes.

As a new principle in the world, Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is an obligation on the part of the international community and on the part of the states to protect civilians from mass atrocities by doing several actions like giving international aids, reducing poverty, supporting peacebuilding, educating the population, until military intervention. However, military intervention under R2P norm in Libya produce a counterproductive result which then led the country into civil war. From this background, therefore, the purpose of this article is to examine the implementation of R2P in Libya into four types of lessons learned. The first lesson, R2P is corrupted by great powers that make the military intervention far from its mandate. The second lesson is the inconsistency practice from an R2P military intervention which led to the question of credibility of military intervention in Libya. The third lesson is diplomacy must be prioritized rather than military intervention since that there is an R2P success story without military intervention. The last is the recommendation to implement Responsibility while Protecting (RWP) principle in the R2P framework.Keywords: Responsibility to Protect (R2P), Libya, Diplomacy, Military Intervention, Responsibility while Protecting

A MAJOR DISTINCTION BETWEEN THE MILITARY MIND & THE CIVILIAN MIND HAS OFTEN BEEN DRAWN WITH THE INTENTION OF INDICATING DISTINCTIVE VALUE PATTERNS OF MILITARY VS CIVIL LIFE. THE EVIDENCE UPON WHICH SUCH ARGUMENTS HAVE BEEN BASED IS WEAK, & THERE HAS BEEN NO CONTROL ON THE CATEGORY 'CIVILIAN'. A SURVEY EMPLOYING A SELF-ADMINISTERED QUESTIONNAIRE WAS CONDUCTED TO TEST THE HYPOTHESIS THAT THERE IS A MILITARY MIND, AN ETHIC DISTINCT FROM THAT OF CIVILIAN LIFE. THOSE SURVEYED WERE: (1) ALL US MILITARY OFFICERS IN THE 5 US WAR COLL'S (OFFICERS OF LT. COLONEL OR COLONEL RANK), & (2) 1,059 VICE-PRESIDENTS & PRESIDENTS FROM LEADING INDUSTRIAL & FINANCIAL FIRMS. USABLE RESPONSES WERE GAINED FROM 54% OF THE BUSINESS EXECUTIVES & 69% OF THE MILITARY OFFICERS. ANONYMITY WAS ASSURED & THE MILITARY OFFICERS WERE WELL DISTRIBUTED AMONG THE SERVICES. THE FINDINGS DO NOT CONFIRM THE HYPOTHESIS. BELIEFS MORE CLOSELY RESEMBLE ONE ANOTHER THAN DIVERGE. BOTH GROUPS ARE PRAGMATIC; UNIFORMITY OF OPINION IN THE MILITARY SAMPLE IS NOT SIGNIFICANTLY GREATER THAN IN THE BUSINESS GROUP, & THERE IS LESS STRUCTURE AMONG THE BELIEFS OF THE MILITARY. 3 TABLES, 1 APPENDIX. F. HYDOSKI.

Introduction. The events in Ukraine in 2013-2014 contributed to the manifestation of the Ukrainian political crisis, which led to the secession of the Crimean Peninsula, the Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics. The new Ukrainian authorities, realizing the impossibility of returning the Crimea, launched a military operation against the DPR and LPR, the so-called "ATO". The general civil confrontation between Kiev on the one hand and Donetsk and Luhansk on the other hand led to the beginning of the civil war in Ukraine, the fact of which is not recognized by the Ukrainian authorities, but is presented as "Russian aggression". Methods. Through institutional analysis, the study identifies approaches to understanding the factor of the civil war in Ukraine. Analysis. The participants of the armed confrontation, both on the part of Ukraine, and on the part of the DPR and LPR, are Ukrainian citizens. The fact that there are a significant number of Russian citizens among the militia, primarily from among the Cossacks, is due to the historical unity of the lands of the pre-revolutionary Region of the Don Army, socio-cultural and blood-related factors. The participation of the Cossacks in the conflict is of particular importance in the context of Ukraine's positioning itself as a "Cossack country". An important place in the understanding of the military confrontation is occupied by the transnationalization of political elites for the post-Soviet space, which acts as an impulse for the unity of the population of the former USSR. In a civil war, there is no boundary dividing the parties on civilizational, ethnic and linguistic grounds. But at the same time, some authors highlight the factor of regional identity. Results. Approaches to the definition of the civil war in Ukraine are revealed. The reluctance of the perception of the concept of "civil war" by the Ukrainian authorities is determined. The assessment of the further development of the civil war in the country is given.

The variety of fiduciary legal relations in the civil law of Ukraine requires the study of their individual elements, in particular, the fiduciary duty. Therefore the purpose of this article is to clarify the legal nature of the fiduciary duty, in order to avoid legal uncertainty, which leads to difficulties in law enforcement and, as a result, ineffective legal protection of violated rights of a person due to non-fulfillment or improper fulfillment of such an obligation in relation to her.Analyzed such concepts as "fides", "fiducia", duty in civil law. It has been established that the first, respectively, in Roman law had several meanings, but the main thing is the trust of the participants in civil relations to each other. The second have to understood as the proper behavior of the subject of civil relations, the content and model of which are determined by the requirements of the rule of law, the will or persons authorized by the transaction or other legal facts.It was found that the fiduciary duty is the proper behavior of the subject of a trust relationship, due to the conclusion of certain agreements (for example, commissions, property management, joint activities, the provision of lawyer services, etc.), or the occurrence of legal facts (election of a body or person of a legal entity, who (who) has the right to act on her behalf, the establishment of guardianship or trusteeship, the death of an individual, etc.).

The Dutch civil service has undergone profound changes over the last two decades. Although certainly not unique in this respect reform has left its mark on the size, the organization and the preferred mode of operation of the civil service. In this contribution we will concentrate on the aspects related to the labour market for civil servants. We intend to explore the relation between the changes in demand for civil servants and the changes in how (future) civil servants are educated and trained for a job in government. Using the 'market' metaphor we will look at the demand for and the supply of civil servants working at the central level of government.

The article discusses the role and significance of military traditions and rituals, theoretical and methodological foundations of their educational orientation, the essence and main functions of military traditions and rituals in the formation of moral and combat qualities, their influence on the personality of a serviceman. Military rituals are also considered in three main areas of military relations - the field of combat activities, the field of training and combat activities and the field of daily activities.

Chapter 1 (introduction) The contingency of the war-state-sovereignty triad. Updating a canonical debate -- Part I: Revisiting the Link Between War, State and Sovereignty -- Chapter 2 Is War still an Expression of State Sovereignty? Multidisciplinary round-table -- Chapter 3 Vladimir Putin's Territorial Trap. What the Invasion of Ukraine reveals about the Contemporary War-Sovereignty Nexus -- Chapter 4 The Omnipresent Absent. The State at the Centre of the War-Sovereignty Dialectic -- Chapter 5 The Failed Gamble of the 1920s. Sovereignty without War -- Chapter 6 Political-military relations. Civil Supremacy under the test of Sovereignty -- Part II: Case Studies of Contested and Renegotiated Sovereignty -- Chapter 7 Security and Regional Integration through a Maritime Lens. Shared Sovereignty and Non-Cooperation in the Inter-American Region Chapter 8 When the "war on terror" undermines the sovereignty of fragile, failing and failed states -- Chapter 9 De Facto sovereignty and multilateral sanctions for a return to constitutional order in a context of regional armed conflict. The case of Mali -- Chapter 10 New Spaces of Contested Sovereignty -- Chapter 11 Operational efficiency challenged by industrial sovereignty: the uncertainties of "participatory" innovation -- Chapter 12 Foreign military bases and the sovereignty of local communities. The case of Poland -- Chapter 13 (conclusion): War and sovereignty: "words that go together well" for an interdisciplinary approach.

"This book examines the political and military dynamic between threatened local regimes and Western powers, and argues that the power of informal politics forces local regimes to simulate statebuilding. Reforms enabling local states to take care of their own terrorist and insurgency threats are a blueprint for most Western interventions to provide a way out of protracted internal conflicts. Yet, local regimes most often fail to implement reforms that would have strengthened their hand. This book examines why local regimes derail reforms demanded by Western powers when they rely on their support to stay in power during existentially threatening violent crises. Based on the political settlement framework, the author analyses how web-like networks of militarized elites require local regimes to use informal politics to stay in power. Four case studies of Western intervention are presented: Iraq (2011-2018), Mali (2011-2020), Chad (2005-2010), and Algeria (1991-2000). These studies demonstrate that informal politics narrows strategic possibilities and forces regimes to rely on coup-proofing military strategies, to continue their alliances with militias and former insurgents, and to simulate statebuilding reforms to solve the dilemma of satisfying militarized elites and Western powers at the same time. This book will be of much interest to students of statebuilding, international intervention, counter-insurgency, civil wars and International Relations"--