17-18 ноября 2006 года в Москве, в Политехническом музее прошла конференция по философии, политике и эстетической теории «Создавая Мыслящие Миры». В качестве докладчиков в ней приняли участие Бернар Стиглер, Валерий Подорога, Жак Рансьер, Шанталь Муфф, Молли Нейсбит, Борис Кагарлицкий и Михаил Рыклин. Нейсбит, кроме того, зачитала доклад, подготовленный Саскией Сассен, которая, к сожалению, не смогла присутствовать на конференции. Модераторами дискуссии выступили Свен-Олов Валленстейн и Анна Костикова. Конференция была организована Федеральным агентством по культуре и кинематографии, Российским институтом культурологии, художественным фондом «Московская биеннале», издательской программой «Интерроса». Она приурочена ко второй Московской биеннале современного искусства (весна 2007). Организаторы поставили перед собой задачу создать вокруг биеннале «дискурс», некоторый интеллектуальный контекст из обсуждений и дискуссий. Предлагаем вниманию читателей обсуждение конференции, представленное в виде диалога. Собеседники «по горячим следам» пытаются осмыслить (с точки зрения социологов, не в последнюю очередь) происходившее: определить место подобного рода конференций в российском интеллектуальном пространстве и поделиться впечатлениями о самом этом пространстве. ; The international symposium on philosophy, politics, and aesthetic theory 'Thinking Worlds' was held on November 17-18 in Moscow in the Polytechnic Museum. The presenters were Bernard Stiegler, Valery Podoroga, Jacques Ranciere, Chantal Mouffe, Molly Nesbit, Boris Kagarlitsky, and Mikhail Ryklin. Also, Molly Nesbit read the paper of Saskia Sassen who, unfortunately, was not able to participate in person. Sven-Olov Wallenstein and Anna Kostikova moderated the discussion. The conference was organized by the Federal Agency for Culture and Cinematography, the Russian Institute for Cultural Research, the Moscow Biennale Art Foundation, and the Interros Publishing Program. The Symposium was timed to the Second Moscow Biennale of Contemporary Art (Spring 2007). The organizers intended to create a 'discourse' around the Biennale, a kind of intellectual context of debates and discussions. We present a discussion of the Symposium in the form of a dialogue where the discussants, being 'hot on the trail', attempt to reflect (not in the least bit, from sociologists' standpoints) the event: to discern the place of such conferences in Russian intellectual space and to share their impressions of that space itself.
El trabajo que aquí se presenta, sintetiza el desarrollo de la investigación llevada a cabo en el trabajo final de licenciatura en filosofía. Esta investigación indaga, desde el presente, el lugar y el tiempo de lo democrático. Se pretende colocar en el centro de la discusión la relación entre las democracias latinoamericanas y la construcción de las distintas sujetividades políticas. (Roig, 1981).Dichas democracias latinoamericanas se conciben como la forma de organización social y política que contienen el momento político por excelencia: las irrupciones, la emergencia de las diversas particularidades. Dichas sujetividades son las que se definen como actores produciendo efectos de sentido en el imaginario político. Esta multiplicidad de particularidades se articulan como antagonismos en tanto expresión política de las luchas sociales. (Laclau; Mouffe, 2010).Puedo sostener que lo político excede el espacio de la administración de la política, es decir, su lugar no está en el sistema de partidos, ni en los sindicatos. Las democratizaciones ocurren cuando se cuestiona el orden instituido y estable de desigualdades. Eltiempo de la democracia no es el de las elecciones. La democracia se inscribe en las crisis, en las rebeliones, que no son contenidas en la institucionalidad, se configura como contingente, como tiempo de crisis, de emancipaciones y autonomías políticas críticas. Estos espacios excedentes configuran y son configurados por las diversas sujetividades que cuestionan las desigualdades e injusticias a través de formas locales de igualdad política.Pensar las prácticas políticas de los diversos sujetos sociales hoy, interrogar por los diversos procesos emancipatorios que traen aparejados crisis, tanto ideológicas como sistémicas, que derivan en múltiples rebeliones. Dichas rebeliones se dan tanto en el interior mismo del subsuelo político (Tapia, 2008), como lucha entre posiciones hegemónicas, como también en contradicciones y diferencias dentro de la misma sociedad civil y en disputa con el Estado. Desde mi hipótesis, estas prácticas excedentes del subsuelo político configuran mi idea de un otro lugar del espacio político. ; Fil: Britos Castro, Ana Victoria. Universidad Nacional de Cordoba. Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades. Centro de Investigaciones; Argentina
En este artículo estudiaremos el vínculo entre las instituciones y el populismo mediante una experiencia concreta: la Asignación Universal por Hijo en la Argentina. Para ello, vamos a dividir el artículo en tres partes. Primero, desarrollaremos un tipo de abordaje metodológico específico: el procedimiento coyuntural recogido por Mouffe para pensar el actual momento populista. Segundo, explicitaremos el debate teórico alrededor del vínculo entre instituciones y populismo y las dificultades que existen para pensar esta relación. Tercero, partiremos del caso concreto de la AUH, con objeto de mostrar sus tres momentos constitutivos: el surgimiento de la demanda popular, su apropiación y tramitación por parte del gobierno y la transformación de la demanda en un derecho. Finalmente, señalaremos, a partir del caso estudiado, cómo la conflictividad rupturista de la institucionalidad populista puede ayudarnos a pensar, transnacionalmente, una lógica alternativa al neoliberalismo.This article aims to study the relationship between institutional policies and populism analyzing the Universal Assignment for Child (AUH) in Argentina. To achieve this objective we will divide the paper in three sections. Firstly, we will think the populist moment in this particular setting as a method of interpretation. Secondly, we will follow the theoretical debates about institutions and populism explaining the difficulty to think this relationship. Third, from the concrete case of AUH, in order to show the constitutive moments: the emergence of popular demand, its appropriation and processing by the government and the transformation of demand into a right. Finally, we will show how the rupturist conflict of populist institutionalism helps us conceive a transnational alternative to global neoliberalism. ; This article aims to study the relationship between institutional policies and populism analyzing the Universal Assignment for Child (AUH) in Argentina. To achieve this objective we will divide the paper in three sections. Firstly, we will think the populist moment in this particular setting as a method of interpretation. Secondly, we will follow the theoretical debates about institutions and populism explaining the difficulty to think this relationship. Third, from the concrete case of AUH, in order to show the constitutive moments: the emergence of popular demand, its appropriation and processing by the government and the transformation of demand into a right. Finally, we will show how the rupturist conflict of populist institutionalism helps us conceive a transnational alternative to global neoliberalism.
As textile is an apt metaphor for the complexities of human perception and of societal structures, it is not surprising that textile motifs have been central to the work of Rita Duffy. In Duffy's oeuvre, North and South, masculine and feminine, politics and economics, the conscious and unconscious, life and death drives, past and future, are the warp and woof of this life-embracing artist. Different items of textile (school uniforms, skirts, shirts, anoraks, handkerchiefs, sheets, mantles, wigs, cloth dolls and knitted dolls) have been a metaphor and a metonymy for her main concern: the question of how art – textile art – can set people free. This article highlights the importance of the textile items the artist herself selected for inclusion in this issue of RISE showing how each of them point at ways to move from a power system into one of agency, from fate to destiny. Each of the textile works are briefly situated in the context of other painters (Kahlo and Picasso, David and Chagall), writers (Parker and Morrissey, Enright and Tóibín) and thinkers (Bollas, Arendt, Santner, Mouffe, Rothberg). Time and again Duffy's textiles turn out to be linked to 'the good enough mother' and to women's solidarity, both of whom facilitate the child's passage from trauma to genera, developing from a negative past to a positive future in which an authentic self can be realized. Duffy's textile language will be discussed in six sections: (1) four drawings predating the textile items in this issue reflect how the mother enables the artist's disciplined imagination; (2) clothes belonging to 'martyrs' are so 'othered' that instead of holding the past they break narrow new moulds; (3) Cloth 1, Duffy's handkerchief of Bloody Sunday illustrate how reading genera is a 'seeing with the whole emotionality'; (4) this 'hankie' is further contested and contextualized in Duffy's collaboration with Muldoon; (5) the idea of the hankie and laundry extends into the veronica motif and into an understanding of Duffy's political art as a realization of Arendt's natality, which leads to (6) Duffy's most recent development of the Souvenir Shop method, where connectedness and humour are more articulated than ever and where the politics of culture involve multidirectional memory and economic participation.
In: Neumayer , C 2013 , When neo-Nazis march and anti-fascists demonstrate : Protean counterpublics in the digital age . ITU-DS , no. 89 , IT-Universitetet i København .
Demonstrations organised by neo-Nazis and the New Right, accompanied by large counter protests by anti-fascist groups, civil society networks, and citizens, have become important political events in Germany. Digital media technologies play an increasingly important role in the confrontation between the two ends of the political spectrum framed by historically rooted ideology. This study explores how different media technologies are appropriated by activists, who consider themselves marginalised and oppositional to the mainstream, on both sides of the conflict. The study aims to examine how digital media permeate counterpublics' (Negt and Kluge 1972; Fraser 1992; Brouwer 2006; Warner 2002) strategies, tactics, and media practices in their struggles for visibility in these protest events. The counterpublics on both ends of the political spectrum take place and are analysed across three dimensions: [1] technical affordances and media environments; [2] strategies, tactics, and media practices; and [3] political positions and ideologies. The results are based on a data set of online communication, representation, and media coverage on different online media platforms related to marches planned by nationalist groups in the former East Germany, which were accompanied by counter protests by anti-fascist groups, NGOs, and civil society. The data is analysed across these dimensions by using the methodological frameworks of discourse theory (Carpentier 2007; Dahlberg and Phelan 2011; Laclau and Mouffe 1985) and critical discourse analysis (Fairclough 2010; van Dijk 2001; van Dijk 1998a). Due to the historical significance of the events and taking into account the continuity of the role of media technologies in articulating counter publicity, the case is contextualised through a discussion of the radical right and radical left in present-day Germany as well as an analysis of archived publications from the anti-fascist counter movements to the National Socialist regime in World War II Germany. An empirical and theoretical exploration contributes to the discussion of counterpublics framed by conflictual ideologies in the digital age and to the ongoing discussion concerning the role of digital media technologies in political protest. The author concludes by suggesting a protean and relational perspective on counterpublics in the digital age and the role of radical politics in the mediated environments of contemporary democracy.
Теорія політичного К. Шмітта відображає зміну перспективи в розгляді сутності феномену політики, наголошує необхідність її пошуку в термінах самої політики. Модель «друг – ворог» об'єднує два фундаментальних аспекти політики, боротьбу та управління. Аналізується неоднозначний характер наукового спадку К. Шмітта та пропонуються варіанти розв'язання суперечливих моментів у теорії політичного. ; Теория политического К. Шмитта отражает изменение перспективы в рассмотрении сущности феномена политики, подчеркивает необходимость ее поиска в терминах самой политики. Модель «друг-враг» соединяет два фундаментальных аспекта политики, борьбу и управление. Анализируется неоднозначный характер научного наследия К. Шмитта и представляются варианты решения спорных моментов в теории политического. ; Carl Schmitt was the first theoretician to problematize and conceptualize the political, turning attention to the inner sense and intrinsic meaning of the political sphere. His intention was to understand politics in terms of politics itself, but not based on the economy, morality, or religion. C. Schmitt is well-known as an anti-liberal and anti-enlightenment theoretician, and as a prominent supporter of National Socialism. His theoretical works, containing provocative ideas on the cutting edge of notions as war, struggle, or friend and foe, are only contributing to the ambiguity. Despite all this, his popularity is continuing to rise. Therefore, the main point of the article is to reveal the causes and constituents of Schmitt's significance for political science, to explain the heuristic potential of his theoretical heritage.Accomplishment of such a goal is impossible without resolving some of the most disputed points of Schmitt's conceptions, such as: which is the correlation between political and state; is politics an autonomous sphere of human life; which part is dominating in the model "friend-foe"; and is war an integral part of politics. It is crucial to understand Schmitt's theory as political existentialism.C. Schmitt's turn in political thought that diverts attention to the political from the perspective of the political, enabled the formulation of a model that unites the aspects of dominion and struggle in politics and as consequence explains many political phenomena (like state, sovereignty, war, citizenship etc).Schmitt's theory has a strong heuristic potential that was shown, e. g., by Chantal Mouffe who analyzed with its help the tension between liberalism and democracy. This article will help Ukrainian scholars either to better understand the political thought of Carl Schmitt or to acquire a new perspective of analyzing the political sphere
This study investigates the effect of changing EU Council Presidencies on the representation of EU-Russia relations. Since the member states of the EU are still largely sovereign, they do not only take part in the CFSP of the EU, but they follow their own national or bilateral approaches to third countries. These approaches to Russia within the EU may differ substantially from each other. Therefore the assumption is justified that there are also differences in the approaches of different Council Presidencies. The main research question thus to be answered is 'What kind of social reality of EU-Russia relations emerges from the articulations of changing EU Council Presidencies?' In order to be able to answer this question, I conduct a discourse analysis based on the works of Laclau & Mouffe (1985) and Thomas Diez (2001). The discourse analysis is applied mainly to speeches and statements of Council Presidencies given at EU-Russia summits or similar events. In particular, this study takes into account all articulations relevant to EU-Russia relations by the German, Portuguese, and Slovenian Presidencies between January 2007 and June 2008. With the help of the main analytical tool of Discursive Nodal Points, the discourses that are hegemonic in the articulations of these three Presidencies are identified. The discourses are in turn subject to the theoretical analysis along the lines of the English School theoretical framework. More precisely, the discourses are assessed along the lines of the three key concepts of the English School: International System, pluralist/solidarist International Society, and World Society. The result at first constitutes an illustration of the high complexity of the social reality of EU-Russia relations. This study shows that each Council Presidency puts an emphasis and priority on different issues, themes, and ideas. Yet, with the help of the three key concepts of the English School, patterns in the articulations of EU-Russia relations could be identified explaining why and how the EU-Russia regional International Society appears at times more pluralist and at times more solidarist. Asiasanat:EU, Russia, EU-Russia relations, Council Presidency, Germany, Portugal, Slovenia, CFSP, Euro-Slavism, English School, discourse analysis, discursive nodal point
The thesis proposes to understand contemporary discourses on cosmopolitanism in Britain and Germany as situated outlooks influenced by specific national cultures and nation state histories. These discourses are also embedded in the transition of the current nation state order that is driven by global capitalism and new forms of social and legal integration. Within Europe, the legal integration project of the European Union has to be regarded as at the core of these contemporary discourses. While situating discourses of cosmopolitanism historically, the thesis traces back dominant discourses of commercial (Britain) and cultural (Germany) cosmopolitanism that influence contemporary national outlooks of British (David Held, Chantal Mouffe and Homi K. Bhabha) and German voices Qiirgen Habermas, Ulrich Beck and Hanna Behrend). The main argument is that those discourses are framed by historical pathways, particular memories and national horizons situated differently in various countries, but also situated differently regarding the social locations of concrete intellectuals engaging in these discourses. Thus, the analysis of the different authors' writings pursues a double aim. On the one hand, it explores to what degree national discourses are situated as hegemonic public communicative sphere historically; on the other, it reveals how specific voices are situated individually within the larger discourse, thereby unearthing their contribution to confirming or challenging a hegemonic discourse. Most significantly, the Utopian vision of a cosmopolitan 'opening' that evolved during the 1990s shifted to a hegemonic ideological discourse of European 'closure' after 9/11 2001. The analysis reveals the appearance of a discourse of European cosmopolitanism conveying cultural Europeanisation. Apparently, this discourse neglects the problematic legacy of a distinction that was typical for the German discourse of the late 19 th and lasting until the mid of the 20th century, i.e. the distinction between the world citizen (Weltbürger)and the cosmopolitan (Koswopolit). The former had a positive connotation of mobility whereas the latter was used as an anti-Semitic signifier for Jews as unwanted 'wanderers'. The contemporary discourse conveys still biased meanings of 'mobility' and 'migration' being decisive for e.g. the notion of EU citizenship as die privileging frame of free movement constructing new insides and outsides of populations.
In society, video- and computer games are often pointed out as risk factors in relation to physical inactivity, sedentary behaviour as well as increasing levels of obesity. At the same time, computers are an important source of knowledge where IT-competence and IT-experience provide pronounced advantages in society. In the middle of this paradox a new type of videogames is introduced, where body movement and physical activity constitute the central element. These games, so called exergames or active video games, are games where physical movement is involved in the game through the use of for example balance-boards, step-up boards and dance-pads. Exergames are now more and more put forward in several countries as interesting tools to use in physical education in order to stimulate young people to be physically active. In a recent review and synthesis of research on video games and health, Papastergiou (2009) strongly argues that videogames can offer "potential benefits as educational tools for Health Education and Physical Education, and that those games may improve young people's knowledge, skills, attitudes and behaviours in relation to health and physical exercise" (Papastergiou, 2009, p 603). However, Vander Schee and Boyles (2010) argue that exergames rather should be seen as a body pedagogy producing certain narrow meanings about health, and that the uncritical implementation of exergames in school is a problematic way to place commercial products in school. Consequently, there are differences in views regarding exergames in educational settings that are worth paying attention to in research about people's learning about the body, physical activity and health. The aim of this paper is to investigate how images of the human body are expected to be learned when using exergames. The use of artifacts – physical objects made by humans – is a central part of human life. In fact, there are many activities that would not be possible to perform without the use of them. In schools, students learn to use paper and pencils, computers, vaulting-horses, footballs and so on. How and why artifacts are supposed to be used in educational settings is however not given beforehand (Cuban 1986). The use of artifacts mediates certain meanings about the view of learning and the goals and choices of content in education (Almqvist 2005, Quennerstedt et al in press). In this paper, we will use discourse analytical strategies in order to analyse how meanings about the body are expected to be learned when playing exergames. The discourse analytical strategies involve an interest in how processes of discourse constitute how we experience or relate to ourselves as well as our environment (Laclau & Mouffe 1985). Discourses constitute what is possible to say or do as partial and temporal fixations (Foucault 1980). These fixations are imbued with power, values and ideologies. As Evans and colleagues argue: "/…/ health beliefs, perceptions and definitions of illness are constructed, represented and reproduced through language that is culturally specific, ideologically laden and never value free" (Evans et al 2008 p 46). Method To investigate what these games offer we have explored the manuals, the content, the animations of the games as well as the instructions and comments offered during game play. The empirical material consists of exergames most commonly used in schools: Wii fit and Wii sports (sports active). In the discourse analysis we have explored what is taken for granted in the empirical material in relation to other possible ways to argue. In this way we can explore what is included and excluded in the games and what is possible to think and act in relation to statements concerning the body. Expected Outcomes The analysis shows how the logic of the game, its animations, instructions and feedback to the player, constitutes the ideal body as a physically active, well-balanced, slim and strong body. The use of the game, the balance board and the hand control, makes it possible to measure and register how the player follows this logic. The analysis also shows how the way the player is supposed to learn about the body is strongly influenced by behaviorism. In the paper we argue that this way of learning about the body is narrow and limited and that it is important to critically discuss the effects of the use of these games in schools. References Almqvist, Jonas (2005). Learning and artefacts. On the use of information technology in educational settings. Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. Cuban, Larry (1986). Teachers and machines. The classroom use of technology since 1920. New York: Teachers College Press. Evans, John, Rich Emma & Davies Bryan (2008). Education, disordered eating and obesity discourse: Fat fabrications. London: Routledge Foucault, Michel (1980). Power/knowledge. Selected interviews & other writings 1972-1977. New York: Pantheon Books. Laclau, Ernesto & Mouffe, Chantal (1985). Hegemony and socialist strategy. Towards a radical democratic politics. London: Verso. Papastergiou, Marina (2009). Exploring the potential of computer and video games for health and physical education: A literature review. Computers & Education, 53(3), 603-622. Quennerstedt, Mikael, Almqvist, Jonas & Öhman, Marie (in press). Keep your eye on the ball. Investigating artifacts in physical education. Interchange. Vander Schee, Carolyn J. & Boyles, Deron (2010): 'Exergaming,' corporate interests and the crisis discourse of childhood obesity. Sport, Education and Society, 15(2), 169-185. ; Lexis - Learning and exergames in school
The concept of producing energy from biomass has, for the last two decades, occupied attention of policy-makers, private industries, researchers and civil societies around the world. The highly contested and contingent character of the biofuel production, its entanglement in the nexus of three problematic issues of energy, climate and agriculture, as well as its injection into the current socioeconomic arrangements, is what makes it timely to analyse. The thesis sheds light on the state of international debate on bioenergy by looking at deliberations of three major global institutions: Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), International Energy Agency (IEA) and Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). The primary aim is to trace and analyse how the concept of bioenergy is conceptualized and contextualized in assessments, reports, policy papers and other documents issued by FAO, IEA and IPCC in the 1990-2010 period. The secondary aim of the thesis, based on results derived from the primary objective, is set to problematize and reflect upon currently dominating socioeconomic arrangements that the concept of biomass-derived energy is inserted into. The research questions are organized around four distinctively contentious issues in the debate: biofuel production in developing countries, the food vs. fuel dilemma, bioenergy as a win-win-win solution and the future role of the second-generation bioenergy technology. The research questions are operationalized by applying four theoretical perspectives: the world-economy, Michel Foucault's genealogy, discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, and Fredric Jameson's critical approach. The institutional debate illustrates that, while bioenergy appears to be an easy, plausible and thus attractive patch able to temporarily fix societal challenges of energy insecurity, climate change and agricultural crisis without changing much in the socioeconomic structure, its implementation exposes internal discrepancies of the hegemonic capitalist system. Whether bioenergy could actually function as a feasible win-win-win solution is of secondary importance. It is its economic feasibility expressed in the pressure on cost-effectiveness that matters the most but, at the same time, causes serious internal discrepancies in conceptualizations pursued by the organizations. The results point to two main conclusions. On the one hand, bioenergy is inevitably entrapped by the rules and arrangements of the hegemonic system that, in turn, cause internal contradictions. On the other hand, the institutional debate attempts to stabilize the shaky conceptualization of bioenergy, so that it can appear consistent and plausible, even if the possibility of reaching the closure of meaning fades away, with more conflicts on the rise. Furthermore, the results also show that the three international organizations exhibit uniform patterns of argumentations and the way they similarly discuss biomass-derived energy illustrates the objective to stabilize the meaning and adjust the concept of bioenergy to the hegemonic system. ; Under de senaste två decennierna har idén om att producera energi av biomassa rönt stor uppmärksamhet bland forskare, företagare, beslutsfattare och i samhället i övrigt. De förhållandevis många kontroverser och alternativ som är förbundna med produktion av biobränslen, deras koppling till de tre problemområdena energi, klimat och jordbruk, samt deras etablering inom samtida geopolitiska, socioekonomiska och miljömässiga sammanhang, gör dem till en aktuell fråga att analysera. Avhandlingen belyser den internationella debatten genom att fokusera överväganden och ståndpunkter inom tre globala institutioner: FN:s mat- och jordbruksorgan (FAO), Internationella Energiorganet (IEA) och FN:s klimatpanel (IPCC). Huvudsyftet är spåra och analysera hur begreppet bioenergi formas och kontextualiseras i bedömningsrapporter och policydokument producerade av FAO, IEA och IPCC under perioden 1990-2010. Ett ytterligare syfte är att problematisera och reflektera över de socioekonomiska förhållanden som bioenergibegreppet ingår i. Forskningsfrågorna är formulerade utifrån fyra kontroversiella områden i debatten: biobränsleproduktion i utvecklingsländer, dilemmat mat kontra biobränsle, bioenergi som en "win-win-win-lösning" och den framtida roll som tillskrivs andra generationens bioteknologi. Forskningsfrågorna operationaliseras genom att var och en knyts till ett av fyra teoretiska perspektiv: världssystemteori, Michel Foucaults genealogi, Ernesto Laclaus och Chantal Mouffes diskursteori respektive Fredric Jamesons kritiska ansats. I debatten framställs ofta bioenergi som ett enkelt och rimligt alternativ med kapacitet att tillfälligt lösa samhälleliga utmaningar som energi-osäkerhet, klimatförändringar och jordbrukskrisen, dock utan att den socioekonomiska strukturen ändras nämnvärt. Analysen visar emellertid att begreppsliggörandet istället påvisar interna diskrepanser i det hegemoniska, kapitalistiska systemet. Huruvida bioenergi verkligen kan fungera som en sådan "win-win-win"- lösning framstår som sekundärt i dessa texter. Det är kostnadseffektiviteten som har störst betydelse, men samtidigt skapar man här allvarliga begreppsliga diskrepanser inom organisationerna. Utfallet av analysen pekar på två huvudslutsatser. Å ena sidan är bioenergin oundvikligen låst av det hegemoniska systemets struktur och de motsägelser som det rymmer. Å andra sidan tycks debatten inom organisationerna söka efter en stabilisering av det instabila begreppsliggörandet av bioenergin så att den framstår som konsistent och möjlig. Vidare visar analysen också att de tre organisationerna har liknande argumentationsmönster, och det likartade sätt på vilket de diskuterar energi från biomassa illustrerar en stabilisering av mening inom diskursen där bioenergibegreppet anpassas till det hegemoniska systemet.
Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- 1 The Curious Neglect of Transition in Left Theory -- 2 The Structure of the Book -- Part 1: The Theoretical Heritage: Transition in Classical and Western Marxism -- Introduction to Part 1 -- 1 'Poetry of the Future': Marx and the Problematic of Transition -- 1 The Primacy of Production -- 2 Production and Alienation -- 3 The Separation of the Political and the Economic -- 4 The Tasks of Social Revolution and Non-contemporaneous Contemporaneity -- 5 Communism as Positive Supersession -- 6 Marx and Transition -- 7 Towards a Theory of Transition -- 2 Interlacing of Times: the 'Althusser Effect', Temporality and Transition -- 1 Expressive Totality to Ruptural Unity: Althusser Reading Marx -- 2 Temporal Dislocation: Balibar Reading Althusser -- 3 'Revolution against 'Capital": Gramsci Reading Marx -- 4 Time of Times: Althusser Reading Gramsci -- 3 The Discursive Turn: the Post-Marxist Gramsci of Laclau and Mouffe -- 1 Class, Popular Interpellations, and Populism -- 2 Discourse and Hegemony -- 3 The Impasses of Discourse Analysis and the Melancholy of Radical Democracy -- Summary: The Marxist Transition Debate and the Notion of Plural Temporalities -- 1 Transition and Historical Materialism -- 2 Transition Problematised: Althusser, Balibar, and Gramsci -- 3 Post-Marxism: the Discursive Turn and the Disappearance of Transition -- 4 Temporality, Transition and Debates on the Left -- Part 2: Transition as Hermeneutic: the Dichotomy of Melancholy and Utopia -- Introduction to Part 2 -- 4 Left Melancholy: Obstacle or Resource? -- 1 Mourning and 'Left' Melancholy -- 2 Melancholy as Obstacle -- 3 Melancholy as Resource -- 5 Through the Melancholic Impasse: Utopia -- 1 Anti-utopianism and the Neoliberal Closure of the Future -- 2 Reformulating the Utopian -- 3 Marx, Engels and Utopia -- 4 Bloch and the Not-Yet -- 5 Spatio-temporal Utopianism as Method: Harvey and Levitas -- 6 Timelessness of Utopia -- Summary: Melancholy Utopia, and Transition as a Hermeneutic -- 1 Mourning and 'Left Melancholy': Freud to Benjamin -- Part 3: Enacting Transition: Substantive Left Visions -- Introduction to Part 3 -- 6 Lineages of Postwork Theory -- 1 Antiwork Politics: the Critique of Productivism -- 2 The Autonomist Corollary -- 3 Accelerationism -- 4 Postwork Departures -- 7 Postwork: a Contemporary Left Vision -- 1 The Postwork Agenda -- 2 Postcapitalism: Mason on the Information Economy -- 3 Inventing the Future: the Post-accelerationist Techno-utopian Strain -- 4 Techno-utopian Futurity -- 8 Demands, Agency and Strategy -- 1 Postwork Demands: Non-reformist Reforms -- 2 Social Reproduction and the Agency of Transition -- 3 Organising Transition: Prefiguration after Occupy -- 4 Transition as Prefiguration -- Summary: Transitional Politics and a Prefigurative Left Vision -- Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Index.
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The aim of this article is to show case critical discourse analysis populism as a form of political communication research through a qualitative approach between different wings populist discourse in Turkey. First, the political discourse of the Leaders of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Republican People's Party (CHP) will be discussed and examined through their parliamentary speeches after the Coup Attempt on 15th July 2016. In the second part, the approach that news media reproduces social reality and ideology through discourse and representation, and the reflection of the afore mentioned parliamentary speeches on news paper news were discussed. In this context, the news in Yeni Şafak and Cumhuriyet newspapers, which were selected as samples, were analyzed using discourse analysis method. These two methods that complement each other have revealed how parliamentary speeches and printed media are fictionalized in the relationship between language and representation, and how populism is positioned in the frame of the language of political communication in Turkey. The main finding of the study is that the political discourses of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and consequently the ruling party AKP and the political discourse of the leader of the main opposition party Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu after the coup attempt are populist aspects. Although both political actors are populists, their construct of populism in the irdiscourses is different from each other. Moreover, the newspapers discussed possess a bias that legitimizes the populist discourse of politicians. ; Bu çalışma, politik aktörlerin siyasal iletişim şekli olarak kullandıkları popülist söylemin, Türkiye siyasetine nasıl yansıdığını konu edinmektedir. Bu doğrultuda, iktidar partisi olan Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) ve ana muhalefet partisi olan Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (CHP)'nin, 15 Temmuz 2016 Darbe Girişimi sonrası meclis grup konuşmaları karşılaştırmalı olarak analiz edilmiştir. Seçilen konuşmalar, Ernesto Laclau ve Chantal Mouffe tarafından ortaya koyulan Essex Okulu Söylem Analizi yöntemi ile incelenmiştir. Ayrıca çalışmada, haber medyasının söylem ve temsil yoluyla toplumsal gerçeklik ve ideolojiyi yeniden ürettiği görüşünden yola çıkılarak, söz konusu meclis konuşmalarının gazete haberlerine yansıması Van Dijk'in Eleştirel Söylem Çözümlemesi yöntemi ile analiz edilmiştir. Çalışmada birbirini tamamlayan bu iki yöntem ile meclis konuşmalarının ve yazılı medyanın dil ve temsil ilişkisinde nasıl kurgulandığını ve Türkiye'de siyasal iletişim dili çerçevesinde popülizmin nasıl kurgulandığı ortaya koyulmuştur. Çalışmanın temel bulgusu iktidar partisi olan AKP ile ana muhalefet partisi CHP'nin darbe girişimi sonrası geliştirdikleri siyasal söylemin popülist olduğu yönündedir. Her iki politik aktör popülist olmakla birlikte, söylemlerinde popülizmi kurgulama biçimleri birbirinden farklıdır. Ayrıca, ele alınan gazeteler de siyasilerin popülist söylemlerini meşru kılma yönünde bir dil ve söyleme sahiptir.
This chapter addresses right-wing populism as an example of 'intolerant' doctrines from the perspective of the limits of toleration as they are delineated in three contemporary theories of democracy: John Rawls' political liberalism, Jürgen Habermas' deliberative theory of democracy and Chantal Mouffe's agonistic pluralism. The chapter challenges Mouffe's argument that her agonistic pluralism, where the limits of toleration are drawn politically rather than rationally or morally, is able to provide a more satisfactory solution to the issue of right-wing populism than Rawls' and Habermas' theories. The chapter demonstrates that Mouffe's suggestion to include right-wing populists in democratic politics as legitimate adversaries is contradictory to the way she delineates the limits of toleration in her theory. It is further suggested that Mouffe's hegemonic approach to politics gives rise to both normative and political problems from the viewpoint of liberal democracy. The chapter concludes by suggesting that while Rawls' and Habermas' theories provide a normative framework for delineating the limits of toleration in contemporary democracies and thus have philosophical and normative significance, also novel democratic interventions, which draw from an understanding of the causes underlying the rise of right-wing populism, are required on the level of political practices. Keywords: toleration, liberal democracy, right-wing populism, Rawls, Habermas, Mouffe ; This chapter addresses right-wing populism as an example of "intolerant" doctrines from the perspective of the limits of toleration as they are delineated in three contemporary theories of democracy: John Rawls's political liberalism, Jürgen Habermas's deliberative theory of democracy and Chantal Mouffe's agonistic pluralism. The chapter challenges Mouffe's argument that her agonistic pluralism, where the limits of toleration are drawn politically rather than rationally or morally, is able to provide a more satisfactory solution to the issue of right-wing populism than Rawls's and Habermas's theories. The chapter demonstrates that Mouffe's suggestion to include right-wing populists in democratic politics as legitimate adversaries is contradictory to the way she delineates the limits of toleration in her theory. It is further suggested that Mouffe's hegemonic approach to politics gives rise to both normative and political problems from the viewpoint of liberal democracy. The chapter concludes by suggesting that while Rawls's and Habermas's theories provide a normative framework for delineating the limits of toleration in contemporary democracies and thus have philosophical and normative significance, also novel democratic interventions, which draw from an understanding of the causes underlying the rise of right-wing populism, are required on the level of political practices. ; Peer reviewed
The article is devoted to the possibility of using basic multi-disciplinary approaches to the study of discourse, which are widely used in sociological tradition, for the analysis of the political sphere of society. The concepts of M. Foucault, E. Laclau and Sh. Mouffe, and T. A van Dijk, in which discourse is defined as a complex sociolinguistic phenomenon, which is largely determined by socio-cultural factors and influences the formation of semantic structures are considered. The common and different in philosophical assumptions and methodological foundations of the French structuralist discourse analysis, critical linguistics, social semiotics, socio-cognitive analysis, and other approaches to the study of discourse are emphasized. Attention is focused on such matters dealt within the framework of these approaches, as the subject of discourse, structure that influences it, the relationship between discourse and social and cultural development specific to the different spheres of public life. ; В статье раскрываются возможности использования основных подходов к изучению дискурса, которые активно используются в социологической традиции, для анализа политической сферы общества, в частности политического дискурса. Рассматриваются концепции М. Фуко, Э. Лакло и Ш. Муфф, Т. А. ван Дейка, в рамках которых дискурс определяется как сложный социолингвистический феномен, который в значительной мере детерминируется социокультурными факторами и влияет на формирование смысловых структур. Подчеркивается общее и отличное в философских предпосылках и методологических основах французского структуралистского дискурс-анализа, критической лингвистики, социальной семиотики, социокогнитивного анализа и других подходов к изучению дискурса. Акцентируется внимание на таких вопросах, рассматриваемых в рамках этих подходов, как субъект дискурса, структуры, оказывающие на него влияние, отношения между дискурсом и социальным и культурным развитием, характерным для различных сфер общественной жизни. ; У статті визначаються можливості застосування основних підходів до вивчення дискурсу, які активно використовуються в соціологічній традиції, для аналізу політичної сфери суспільства, зокрема політичного дискурсу. Розглядаються концепції М. Фуко, Е. Лакло і Ш. Муфф, Т. А. ван Дейка, в межах яких дискурс аналізується як складний соціолінгвістичний феномен, що значною мірою детермінується соціокультурними чинниками і впливає на формування смислових структур. Підкреслюється спільне та відмінне у філософських передумовах і методологічних засадах французького структуралістського дискурс-аналізу, критичної лінгвістики, соціальної семіотики, соціокогнітивного аналізу та інших підходів до вивчення дискурсу. Акцентується увага на таких питаннях, що розглядаються в межах цих підходів, як суб'єкт дискурсу, структури, що впливають на нього; відносини між дискурсом та соціальним і культурним розвитком, який характерний для різних сфер суспільного життя.
