La tesi si propone di analizzare i diversi elementi che hanno generato ed agevolato l'emancipazione della condizione femminile in età contemporanea, muovendo dall'età giolittiana ed attraversando quasi l'intero Ventennio, fino ai preparativi del secondo conflitto mondiale. Lo studio inizia da una prospettiva generale per poi focalizzare l'attenzione sul vissuto di Margherita Sarfatti e Camilla Ravera. Attraverso le due parabole individuali, cioè, lo scopo è quello di evidenziare il superamento dell'ormai passata – parafrasando Victoria de Grazia – "eredità liberale", mediante un'attiva partecipazione alla vita politico-sociale, nonché artistico-culturale della Nazione – anche se non sempre ben accolta dall'uomo "nuovo". Con questa ipotesi di lavoro mi sono avvalsa delle fonti reperite presso i seguenti fondi documentali: l'Archivio Centrale dello Stato, l'archivio dell'Istituto Gramsci e l'Archivio del Novecento presso il Museo d'Arte Moderna e Contemporanea, MART, con sede a Rovereto. Come progettato, grazie alle carte compulsate in questi luoghi mi è stato possibile seguire una sorta di binario parallelo, una specie di confronto permanente tra le parabole umane, culturali e politiche della "piccola grande signora del PCI" – per dirla con le parole di Nora Villa – e dell' "altra donna del Duce" – come rimarcavano Cannistraro e Sullivan – intrecciando la loro vicenda con quella di osservatori esterni. Questo è stato utile per la ricostruzione di alcune vicende e per effettuare, laddove era fattibile, un confronto al fine di avere una visione il più possibile obiettiva. La Sarfatti e la Ravera muovono entrambe da convinzioni socialiste. La prima, la "vergine rossa", le professava fin dagli anni veneziani; la seconda, la riservata piemontese le scopriva invece nella "maturità". Come è noto, hanno poi preso strade profondamente diverse: Margherita accanto a Benito Mussolini e Camilla nella milizia tra le fila del Partito Comunista d'Italia. Pertanto, ho cercato di ricostruire alcune dinamiche partendo da un vissuto privato, dandone una percezione anche personale. In altre parole, ciò che ricostruisco è il corso degli eventi in relazione ai personaggi che li hanno vissuti – e alle relative impressioni, sensazioni. Proprio per questo, ovviamente, la narrazione deve tener conto di un limite intrinseco, poiché la fonte scritta, spesso, non riporta un fatto come è realmente accaduto, ma come l'autore del documento lo percepisce o come lo vuole percepire. In quanto tale, esso è corredato da una distorsione della verità, inevitabile e più o meno intenzionale. Ecco perché nel visionare le carte di cui sono venuta in possesso ho cercato di "guardare", contemporaneamente, sia dall'esterno che dall'interno, intersecando costantemente i piani e i punti di vista. Per assolvere a questo compito, in merito all'ex prima donna del Regime, sono stati utilizzati dei documenti dell'ACS – presenti in ridotta quantità perché, appartenendo lei alla fazione "giusta", non aveva a suo "carico", come nel caso dei dissidenti, nessun faldone di polizia zeppo di scartoffie bensì delle cartelline dalle modeste dimensioni – ma soprattutto le carte del MART. Di contro c'era Camilla Ravera. Per ricostruire il suo vissuto ho effettuato un duplice percorso: uno interno, basato cioè su fonti quasi dirette perché appartenute alla protagonista e comunque tramandate dalla sua frazione politica; e l'altro esterno, basato cioè su fonti custodite dagli uffici del Regime e pertanto deformi, in alcune informazioni – nel senso che tutto era guardato secondo l'ottica fascista. Per quel che ha riguardato, invece, il percorso "interno", con questa espressione mi riferisco al fatto che la documentazione è appartenuta direttamente alla Ravera o comunque non è soggetta a quel pregiudizio di cui possono risentire le carte custodite presso l'ACS. Si tratta, insomma, di ricerche condotte sempre a Roma, ma presso il "Gramsci". Presso questa struttura ho compulsato il Fondo Memorie e Testimonianze, relativamente al fascicolo personale di Camilla Ravera, reperendo varie carte riguardanti perlopiù il periodo degli anni '20 e '30 che narrano il periodo della segreteria clandestina, dell'arresto nel 1930 e qualche altra vicenda raccontata da lei stessa o da qualche suo "compagno". Ad ogni modo, al termine di questo lavoro ciò che si auspica è che si riesca – dall'intreccio delle notizie reperite – ad "impreziosire" questa pagina della storia italiana con qualche elemento di inedito interesse. ; The Great War is the peak of a radical shift in the world history; in other words, total war and mass society changed, irrevocably, habits and lifestyles, resulting in significant changes in political and social life, economic, financial and cultural aspects. There was no exception about the interaction between the sexes: World War I "redefined" the man- woman relationship, causing many changes in social and familiar dynamics. In this context, the objective of my research is to investigate about those tranformations that allowed the change of women status. The work, in short, is going to analyze the role of woman during fascist period, starting from a general prospect and then focuzed on Camilla Ravera and Margherita Sarfatti's experiences. Both of them had an intense political and social life: after a common militancy in the Italian Socialist Party, they made different choices: the second forward fascist movement, close to the duce; the first in the ranks of the Italian Communist Party. In other words, with my reconstruction of Sarfatti and Ravera's biographies, I'm going to focus on an important passage about early italian history: the collapse of the old liberal heritage, the birth of a dictatorship, the struggle against fascism, through the active partecipation of two very interesting women in the political, artistic and cultural events of Italian nation. For this purposes – that are under some aspect unreleased – I've examined many sources kept in some italian archives. As regards Sarfatti's Life, my studies are concentrated prevalently on documentations kept at MART (Museo d'Arte Moderna e Contemporanea) in Trento and at A.C.S'. (Archivio Centrale dello Stato) in Rome. As regards Ravera's biography, besides A.C.S.' papers, I've examined papers that are at Istituto Fondazione "Gramsci" in Roma. From my investigation I've discovered some original elements that add important details to the women's biography. In other words, for the Communist leader an interesting aspects emerged about her arrest and the following political detention. As regards, instead, Margherita Sarfatti, , I've discovered an original details reading her diaries. In these pages, she relates – in english, in french and in german language – a lot of facts of her life, expecially some political ones; in short, the pages help us to understand her thought, her ideas, all the "sarfattiana" originality. In conclusion, according with my studies and my analysis, I decided to structuralize my work in three parts: - Women in giolittiana age - The period of the Great War and the "building" of Fascism - Since consolidation of Fascist Regime at preparations of the World War II. ; Dottorato di ricerca in Storia della società italiana XIV-XX secolo (XXV ciclo)
FEMALE REPRESENTATIVE AND RESISTANCE IN OKA RUSMINI'S EARTH DANCE Mita Hati Priyantini English Literature, Faculty of Language and Arts, Surabaya State University. Mitahati@rocketmail.com Mamik Triwedawati SS. M.Pd. English Department, Faculty of Language and Arts, Surabaya State University Abstrak Novel Earth Dance merupakan novel karya Oka Rusmini yang menyuarakan kaum subordinasi seperti wanita maupun queer. Dalam tesis ini, penelitian di lakukan terhadap dua tokoh representatif yakni Telaga sebagai tokoh utama dalam novel dan Kenten sebagai karakter queer. Dengan demikian, dapat di rumuskan tiga masalah yaitu (1) Bagaimana penggambaran representatif wanita dalam novel Earth Dance oleh Oka Rusmini; (2) Bagaimana representatif memimpin perlawanan dalam novel Earth Dance oleh Oka Rusmini; dan (3) Bagaimana dampak dari perlawanan terhadap tokoh-tokoh dalam novel Earth Dance oleh Oka Rusmini. Data dari tesis ini di ambil dari novel sebagai sumber utama dan membaca intensif untuk langkah berikutnya. Untuk menjawab semua masalah, penelitian menggunakan teori Feminisme untuk menggambarkan representatif dan perlawanan perempuan, baik penyebab dan dampakanya. Penelitian kepustakaan di gunakan sebagai data pendukung dalam analisis. Selanjutnya, deskripsi analisis di gunakan untuk menjelaskan hasil analisis. Setelah merumuskan tiga masalah dan langkah penelitian di atas, di temukan bahwa representatif wanita yang melakukan perlawanan di sebabkan karena adanya dominasi laki-laki yang meminggirkan wanita dalam konteks budaya Bali. Namun, pada akhirnya perlawanan wanita tetap mendapatkan hukuman dari para dewa yang harus di terima. Kata Kunci: wanita, representatif dan perlawanan. Abstract Earth Dance is novel by Oka Rusmini which championing the subordinate group such as woman or queer. In this thesis, the study is focused on two representative characters; they are Telaga as the main character and Kenten as a queer character in the novel. Thus, there are three problems which will describe in this study (1) how is female representative depicted in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance; (2) how is female representative leads to female resistance in Oka Rusmini's Earth dance; and (3) how is the impact of female resistance in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance characters. The data from this thesis are taken from novel as the main source and intensive reading for the next step. To answer the three problems, the research use theory of Feminism to depict female representative and resistance, whether the cause and impact to the doer. Library research is used as supporting data in analysis. Next is the analysis description used to explain the result of analysis. after the discussion the three problems above, the result is, that female representative did the resistance is because the male domination which subordinate them in the context of Balinese custom. Yet, in the end, these female resistance have to willingly accept their punishment from the gods. Key words : woman, representative and resistance. INTODUCTION The term of women derives from rakta swanita which means women's seed. Balinese custom were originates from Hinduism, in which the concept of Balinese women is contiguous as Hindu women; they are born, lived and are bound with their desa adat. The concept of of unity between men and women is called arddanisvarimurthi in which men and women are described to complete each other. While Balinese custom establish the joint responsibility of a marriage couple for sociopolitical and religious duties, the earlier ethnography of Bali has often associated men as the heads of the households with the role of representing households (Nakatani, 1997:727). Nakatani found that Balinese women have not only double but also triple roles. This research is done on women's roles in her family as a wife and mother, their social roles and a breadwinner in the custom. At the end, she calls Balinese women as wonder women. If super women are demanded to do their house chores as well as their career, 'wonder women' are demanded to do their role in desa adat as one of the characteristic of Balinese women. Bali which is known as the patriarchal system which oppressed women to will under men's dominance. Balinese custom arranged women to submissive to their husband though the women is in a high caste or lower caste status without a protest (Chaitanya, 2010:4-5). For Balinese women, the primary tasks are to produce a good quality children, fostering balance and harmony within family and to work as a family team in society/adat (Suyadnya, 2006:6). In the previous age, Balinese women are work in the house and made songket to earn more money and fulfill the household needs. Married women in Balinese have also roles in maintaining the ritual represented their household. They must take care of preparation and presentation of offering, ceremonial gift-giving and ritual assistance as their main task or they divide the certain task, especially the presentation of offering and gift-giving to their daughter or another female member in the house (Nakatani, 1997:736-737). Through Nakatani's definition of women, that the society prejudice women's main chores are to maintaining the household and take care of their family and it has become obstacles for their career. Most of Oka rusmini's works break taboo to tradition and vividly talking about body and erotic caused much controversy among her family, friends and even society who read her works. They might be disturbed, but she ignored. As an author, she can do something expressing her dissatisfaction, unhappiness and anxiety via the written words. Oka had produced three novel, collection of short stories and poetry, those are, Tarian Bumi (Earth Dance translated into English by Lontar foundation and German as Erdentanz), Putu Menolong Tuhan (Putu Helps His God, translated in English by Vern Cork), Sagra, Pemahat Abad (The Sculptor of the Century, translated in English by Pamela Allen), Tempurung, and Pattiwangi. In every her novels, poetry, and short stories, Oka Rusmini works are ingenious in the sense that focus almost solely on female characters and convey feminine perspective in a consistent and provocative manner. In addition to critiquing the caste system, which in her view is very much shaped and controlled by patriarchal system in Balinese Hindu, Oka depicts competition and tension among her main female characters, and this competition can often be fierce, sometimes even be violent. She explores without reservation the positive as well as the negative qualities of Balinese women from both social groups., but at the same time she never forget to reiterate that patriarchy bears the ultimate responsibility for the social problem related to the caste system. Based on background of the study above, it can be simplify the three problems which emerge as the discussion in this study. How is the female representative depicted in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance? How does female representative leads to female resistance in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance? How is the impact of female resistance in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance characters? In analyzing the data, this study use the theory of feminism. The theory of female resistance contains the definition of female representative which leads to resistance and the impact to the main character in the novel. RESEARCH METHOD In carrying out the study, the library reasearch, which used for literary work deal with this study, is basically descriptive and qualitative research. Most of the data collected from many speech dialogue in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance as the object analysis which define into twenty chapter in the novel. Earth Dance was firstly published by Indonesia Tera, Magelang, Indonesia in 2000 and was originally serialized in the newspaper Republika, 4 march-8 April 1997. The data is analyzed by using feminism criticism, which is why the librarian research is used as the method. Conducting this analysis will be used to answer the questions in the statement of the problems. The procedure of analysis divided as follows; (1) The first step is to collect data speeches, thoughts, and quotations which have relation to the discussion, (2) Then clasify the data of speeches, thought and quotations to the Telaga and Kenten as the object of analysis, (3) Selecting quotations of the data are finally analyzed by the theories that are mentioned above to describe the concept of female resistance, (4) The ideal characteristic of female resistance begins with the description of female in this novel in order to know what is the impact on Telaga's character as the main character through other characters, (5) Finally, to depict the characterization of Telaga and the impact of female resistance to indicate the significance of resistance in Telaga's personality, the analysis is done by the theories that have been mentioned in preeceding explanation. ANALYSIS The first question will be revealed the main problem that focuse on how female representative in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance. In this discussion, the female representative divide into three sub-chapters; (1) Physical description of Ida Ayu Telaga Pidada as a brahmana, (2) physical description of Kenten as a lesbian character, and (3) diferentiate of language uses between brahmana and sudra. The second question will be revealed the second problem which focuse on how is female resistance in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance. The discussion is emerge the main character rebells her own fate as a brahmana and female queer character who ignores the society which determine her as queer. The last question is, how is the impact of female resistance to the main character will be revealed by the discussion which divide into four sub-chapters; (1) punishment for rebel the caste system, (2) Telaga exilled from griya, (3) Telaga changing caste, and (4) Kenten isolated from society. Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance brings up the issues of gender and class-society. Narrated by Ida Ayu Telaga surrounded by four women who shapes Telaga's character and resist from her own custom, which in Telaga's mind was unfair. Telaga is a brahmana woman who feels trapped and unhappy with her own caste and custom. Her mother was a sudra who ambitious to married only to brahmana man. One the issue which cause problematic among woman is physical appearance. It is like that they were race as the most beautiful among others. Physical appearance of main character in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance Telaga is describe as beauty as a goddess and belongs to brahmana. Made the other girls envy of her. When she was danced oleg, it had always been a public secret that nobody could surpass Ida Ayu Telaga Pidada. Oleg is a dance of love, a dance about delights of romance, about the beauty of courtship (Earth Dance, 2011:13). One of the prominently character named Kenten. She is a best friend of Sekar and also the female queer character. She is a commoner and living only with her mother. Her father was disappeared and doesn't mention in the novel. she was a woman with ten men power and well built phsically strong. Kenten realizes since the begining of her different in desire. Although, she has to play the role of woman, especially in every month when a blood flows between her two legs. She needs to cleanse her body every month. Language system to caste is describes in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance in some of dialogues and monologue of Telaga's, as in evident in Telaga's speak as third-person narratives below: "Telaga considered him as an idiot, but an idiot who she had to approach with respectful titles: aji – noble father, or ratu – lord. He was a man without character; a man who could be proud of nothing but his masculinity. How could she trust him? As a child, Ida Ayu Telaga Pidada had ashamed to call him her respected father. Telaga's father had an Ida Bagus as a father and Ida Ayu as a mother, so people said his noble blood was of the very highest carat. And so, Telaga had to call this man she hardly knew "Ratu"." (P.17) Through the quotation above is proving that Language uses was strictly adhered by Balinese people. In the past infringement of these rules were harshly punished by fines and even debt slavery. Today, the extreme of language use have been largely abandoned because these sanction can no longer be applied. In Balinese caste system, everything has arranged even in the language uses. The Balinese language is itself a hierarchical, while most words have only one form and is thus insensitie to status; some 1,500 everyday words have two or more lexemes which are hierachically ranked and thus status highly sensitive. The basic rule is that the inferior must uses refined when speaking to a superior caste, whereas superior may use less refined to inferior caste (Howe, 2005:113). In Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance brings up the issues of gender and class-society. Narrated by Ida Ayu Telaga surrounded by four women who shapes Telaga's character and resist from her own custom, which in Telaga's mind was unfair. Telaga is a brahmana woman who feels trapped and unhappy with her own caste and custom. Her mother was a sudra who ambitious to married only to brahmana man. Throughout her entire childhood, Telaga witnesses the oppresive forces of adat and their impact on her mother, wondering if this is what it means to be a noble woman. She can only oppose the practice silently, asking herself many questions while watching the harsh life that her mother has to endure as an ex-sudra woman who has dared to enter the sacred brahmana realm. Telaga's own daily life is mostly confined by the griya walls and the complex rules that regulate her almost every move. Telaga's state of mind with regard to all these restriction is conveyed by free indirect speech. "Unfortunately, she could not enjoy that time for long. Telaga inevitably had to return this borrowed era to Life. She wished she could trick her way back into childhood, even just for a day or two. If only she could, she would grab that time and hide it so Life couldn't find it and ask Telaga for its return. But Telaga could not persuade all-powerful Life to compromise. Life insisted on the following of rigid rules: rules that could not be bent, even slightly." (P.57) The quotation blur's the narrator voice and what occur's in Telaga's mind. The narrator is involved emotionally in Telaga's lament concerning her lost childhood because of her noble status. Telaga is actually complaining about the gods' cruel decision to snatch her childhood so quickly from her, but such complain can only be uttered in the form of a monologue. And moreover, it is softened to the point that it sounds more like nagging than protesting, as if Telaga wants to be sure that it will not offend the gods. Differ from Telaga, Kenten is sudra and the queer character who has different desire for mostly normal women. in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance who describe as a stubborn woman. No one dared to bother her. Like Luh Sekar, she disdains men, but whereas Luh Sekar is willing to use men to achieve her ambitions, Luh Kenten does not need men and never intends to marry one for any reason. The novel describes her as a lesbian. She feels sexually aroused by looking at Sekar's naked body, but develops an aversion towards her own feminine body. As the result of resistance, female representative in the novel are willingly to receive the consequences of their desire against the rules. The main characters in the novel; Telaga and queer character; Kenten, are the most impacted because of their desire to resistance from the persistent custom which subordinate them. The consequences which had to be submissive by Telaga and Kenten will impact on their entire life. Delueze explain that power do not repression of desire, instead it is the expansion of desire (Colebrook, 2002:91). Ideology is take the concepts of how individual acts against their interest. Colebrook framed that feminity seen in the Jane Austen's or any novelistic composition of character describes on the fabrics, skin colour, gestures, rhythms of speech and body parts – the thiness of waist which it is become the misspresented of ideological stereotypes of woman. Woman is a group of socialy coded affect and intensities that have gone into making up the image of personhood (Colebrook, 2002:93). It is the law of Balinese hinduism if a noble woman who marry man bellow their caste will be exilled from her house. She no longger posses nobility and she cann't posses everything from her former house. Her child will be her husband caste (Avelling, 2006:2). Telaga and Wayan couldn't bear the feelings any longer even they tried harder to ignore it. So, they decide to face every risk which confronts them. Begin with Telaga who exilled from griya and do not allowed to bring anything from her former house. She her child must join to Wayan's caste as a sudra and living with her mother-in-law who opposes her marry to her only son. Yet, because Telaga is no longer a brahmana, she must address everyone in griya with the highest title – Ratu. The worst of it, Wayan found dead in his studio. Telaga had to endure Wayan's mother and sister who since begining didn't accept she coming to their house. Luh Gumbreg who realize that Telaga didn't get blessing from her family before she married with Wayan, ask Telaga to held pattiwangi ritual. The ritual which is remove the noble status from noble woman who marry a commoner. The ritual is also become the reminder for the others noble women to not do the same thing as Telaga. CONCLUSION Oka Rusmini is a Balinese writer who assert Balinese tradition in every her novel. Earth Dance is one of her novel which brings up the issue of female representative who resist against subordination. The main character, Ida Ayu Telaga as the narrator, represent female in high class-caste society who against the people grouping in Hinduism. Divide people into four categories and determine them based those categories. The higher the class-caste, the more they receive privilages and subordinate the lowest caste. While, the queer character – Kenten as a commoner must facing society's judge because her queerness. Both Telaga and Kenten who are representative their female in Balinese society and resist with their own ways. Telaga choose to betray her caste by marrying a commoner – Wayan Sasmita, and receive insult whether from people in griya even her own mother and from Wayan's family. She is no longer a noble woman, instead she is a commoner such her husband. Her child also bear the caste of her husband as a commoner. Through Telaga's action, she unintentionally purify her mother's past mistake by marry a brahmana man. Kenanga who was a pragina is a sudra who ambitious marry only to a brahmana man, after she finally marry Ida Bagus Tugur – Telaga's father, she never living a peace. Ida Bagus Tugur was marry Kenanga only to posses Kenanga's body. Differ from Telaga, Kenten as a female queer resist from her society by ignoring people's jugdements. Kenten is Kenanga's close friend. They become closer because of people in the village consider them as a shame. Since Kenanga was kid, her father caught for joining the Communist party, and since then people judge her as a communist's daughter. Kenten who desire for Kenanga's body could only keeping a secret for herself. No one she could confide in, although everybody in the village knews her intimacy with Kenanga. It can be conclude that female representative in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance resist from rules that subordinate them. The rules which determine them to be truely woman who submissive to their husband and family. A woman who strong and balance the household. As the consequences of their resistance, they should abandon and willingly receive what destiny determine them according to the Balinese Hinduism law. REFERENCES Andrini, Susi. 2003. "Oka Rusmini's Pen Breaks Tradition". Dalam The Jakarta Post, 24 Januari. Jakarta. Blair, Emily. 2007. Virginia Woolf And The Ninetenth-Century Domestic Novel. New York: New York Press. Colebrook, Claire. 2002. Routledge Critical Thinker: Gilles Delueze. London: Routledge Darma Putra, I Nyoman. 2011. A Literary Mirror: Balinese reflections on modernity and identity in the twentieth century. Nethrlands: KITVL Press. Howe, Leo. 2005. The Canging World of Bali Religion Society and Tourism. Abingdon: Routledge. Morton, Stephen. 2003. Routledge Critical Thinker: Gayatri Cakravorty Spivak. London: Routledge. Homer, Sean. 2005. Routledge Critical Thinker: Jacques Lacan. 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Introduction : the study of popular culture and cultural studies -- Culture and anarchy / Matthew Arnold -- Mass civilisation and minority culture / F.R. Leavis -- The full rich life & the newer mass art : sex in shiny packets / Richard Hoggart -- The analysis of culture / Raymond Williams -- Preface from the making of the English woking class / E.P. Thompson -- The young audience / Stuart Hall and Paddy Whannel -- Ruling class and ruling ideas / Karl Marx and Frederick Engles -- Base and superstructure / Karl Marx -- Letter to Joseph Bloch / Frederick Engels -- On popular music / Theodor W. Adornon -- Hegemony, intellectuals and the state / Antonio Gramsci -- Popular culture and the 'turn of Gramsci' / Tony Bennett -- Pleasurable negotiations / Christine Gledhill -- The rediscovery of 'ideology' : return of the repressed in media studies / Stuart Hall -- Post-Marxism without apologies / Ernesto Laclau with Chantal Mouffe -- Class / Raymond Williams -- Short extract from the Communist manifesto / Karl Marx and Frederick Engels -- Distinction & the aristocracy of culture / Pierre Bourdieu -- The upper classes : visibility, adaptability and change / Anita Biressi and Heather Nunn -- Meritocracy as plutocracy : the marketising of "equality" under neoliberalism / Jo Littler -- Feminist approaches to popular culture : giving patriarchy its due / Lana F. Rakow -- Dallas and the ideology of mass culture / Ien Ang -- Reading the romance / Janice Radway -- Imitation and gender insubordination / Judith Butler -- What a man's gotta do / Anthony Easthope -- Post-feminism and popular culture / Angela McRobbie -- Blurred lines : the queer world of bad girls / Vicky Ball -- Post-postfeminism? : new feminist visibilities in postfeminist times / Rosalind Gill -- The dream-work / Sigmund Freud -- The mirror stage / Jacques Lacan -- Myth today / Roland Barthes -- The structure of myth & the structure of the Western film / Will Wright -- Jules Verne : the faulty narrative / Pierre Macherey -- Ideology and ideological state apparatuses / Louis Althusser -- Method / Michel Foucault -- Feminism & the principle of poststructuralism / Chris Weedon -- From reality to the real / Slavoj Zizek -- 'Get up, get into it and get involved' - soul, civil rights and black power / Paul Gilroy -- The color purple : black women and cultural readers / Jacqueline Bobo -- What is this 'black' in black popular culture? / Stuart Hall -- Black postmodernist practices / Cornel West (interviewed by Anders Stephanson) -- Postmodern blackness / bell hooks -- The precession of simulacra / Jean Baudrillard -- From here to modernity : feminism and postmodernism / Barbara Creed -- Feminism, reading, postmodernism / Meaghan Morris -- Postmodernism and 'the other side' / Dick Hebige -- Fashion and postmodernism / Elizabeth Wilson -- Genericity in the nineties / Jim Collins -- Notes on deconstructing 'the popular' / Stuart Hall -- Cultural entrepreneurship in nineteenth-century Boston : the creation of an organizational base for high culture in America / Paul Dimaggio -- Cultural production / Terry Lovell -- The practice of everyday life / Michel De Certeau -- The popular economy / John Fiske -- Feminist desire and female pleasure / Ien Ang.
In recent years, the People's Republic of China has been expanding its presence in Africa and developing enterprises across the African continent. China is now one of the largest investors and trading partner in Africa. The impact of this investment on labour standards, and the expectation of Chinese investors in this regard, is likely to be a concern for host countries. The purpose of this study is to consider whether China's approach to freedom of association and the right to collective bargaining is compatible with international labour standards, which have been ratified by most African countries. This is achieved by comparing the relevant laws in China, that regulate freedom of association and collective bargaining, against the international standards set by the International Labour Organisation's (ILO) Conventions and Recommendations. In particular, the provisions of the Freedom of Association Convention (No. 87) and the Collective Bargaining Convention (No .98), among others, together with the findings of the ILO Committee on Freedom of Association, are used to determine an international standards 'comparator'. The Chinese Labour Law, Trade Union Law and Labour Contract Law are subsequently evaluated against this comparator in order to determine the extent of compliance of the Chinese labour system with international labour standards. The outcome of the comparison shows a broad degree of compliance with international standards relating to the formal recognition in law of the rights to freedom of association and collective bargaining as well as the identification of vulnerable classes of workers such as women, migrant workers and rural workers. However, two major discrepancies in the Chinese legal system were found: first, in relation to trade unions - the existence of one centralised representative organisation known as the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU), with overarching authority, infringes the establishment, autonomy, independence and functioning of smaller grass-roots trade unions. Second, the right to strike was found to be suppressed in China. Ultimately, the Chinese formulation of the right to freedom of association and the exercise thereof is inherently different to the international standards. The right is conceptualised and practiced within the Chinese socialist market economy under the guidance of the Communist Party which is the supreme power in the democratic dictatorship. Therefore, the Chinese experience and understanding of the right to freedom of association and the right to strike may be fundamentally different to African states in terms of its content, ideological underpinning, exercise and enforcement. These findings demonstrate a need for African countries that host Chinese investment to proactively guard against the labour rights violations that may occur due to the differing domestic legal frameworks.
<strong>RESUMO</strong><br />O centenário da Revolução Russa unido aos trabalhos que trazem à tona ações de mulheres revolucionárias permitiu que o nome de Nadezhda Krupskaia (1869-1939) fosse bem divulgado pelo Brasil no último ano. Este artigo tem por objetivo apresentar algumas propostas da revolucionária foi considerada a primeira pedagoga comunista, em seu projeto de educação do "novo homem". Krupskaia debateu e agiu para uma formação <em>onmilateral</em> de crianças e jovens para a construção de uma sociedade sem classes, na qual os sujeitos fossem prioridade em detrimento do capital. Com autonomia de pensamento Krupskaia apresentou a escola livre enquanto espaço de educação revolucionária.<br /><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Nadezhda Krupskaia; Educação e revolução; História da educação.<br /> <br /> <br /><strong>RESUMEN</strong><br />El centenario de la Revolución Rusa unido a las investigaciones que ponen de relieve las acciones de mujeres revolucionarias permitió que el nombre de Nadezhda Krupskaia (1869-1939) fuera bien divulgado por Brasil en el último año. Este trabajo tiene por objetivo presentar algunas propuestas de la revolucionaria fue considerada la primera pedagogía comunista, en su proyecto de educación del "nuevo hombre". Krupskaia debatió y actuó para una formación onmilateral de niños y jóvenes para la construcción de una sociedad sin clases, en la que los sujetos fueran prioridad en detrimento del capital.<br />Con autonomía de pensamiento Krupskaia presentó la escuela libre como espacio de educación revolucionaria.<br /><strong>Palabras-clave</strong>: Nadezhda Krupskaia; Educación y revolución; Historia de la educación.<br /> <br /><strong>ABSTRACT</strong><br />The centenary of the Russian Revolution together with the works that bring about the actions of revolutionary women allowed the name of Nadezhda Krupskaia (1869-1939) to be well disclosed in Brazil last year. This article aims to present some proposals of the revolutionary was considered the first communist pedagogue, in her project of education of the "new man." Krupskaia debated and acted for an <em>onmilateral</em> formation of children and young people for the construction of a society without classes, in which the subjects were priority to the detriment of the capital. With autonomy of thought Krupskaia presented the free school as a space of revolutionary education.<br /><strong>Keywords</strong>: Nadezhda Krupskaia; Education and revolution; History of education.
Background Population-level data suggest that economic disruptions in the early 1990s increased working-age male mortality in post-Soviet countries. This study uses individual-level data, using an indirect estimation method, to test the hypothesis that fast privatisation increased mortality in Russia. Methods In this retrospective cohort study, we surveyed surviving relatives of individuals who lived through the post-communist transition to retrieve demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of their parents, siblings, and male partners. The survey was done within the framework of the European Research Council (ERC) project PrivMort (The Impact of Privatization on the Mortality Crisis in Eastern Europe). We surveyed relatives in 20 mono-industrial towns in the European part of Russia (ie, the landmass to the west of the Urals). We compared ten fast-privatised and ten slow-privatised towns selected using propensity score matching. In the selected towns, population surveys were done in which respondents provided information about vital status, sociodemographic and socioeconomic characteristics and health-related behaviours of their parents, two eldest siblings (if eligible), and first husbands or long-term partners. We calculated indirect age-standardised mortality rates in fast and slow privatised towns and then, in multivariate analyses, calculated Poisson proportional incidence rate ratios to estimate the effect of rapid privatisation on all-cause mortality risk. Findings Between November, 2014, and March, 2015, 21 494 households were identified in 20 towns. Overall, 13 932 valid interviews were done (with information collected for 38 339 relatives [21 634 men and 16 705 women]). Fast privatisation was strongly associated with higher working-age male mortality rates both between 1992 and 1998 (age-standardised mortality ratio in men aged 20–69 years in fast vs slow privatised towns: 1·13, SMR 0·83, 95% CI 0·77–0·88 vs 0·73, 0·69–0·77, respectively) and from 1999 to 2006 (1·15, 0·91, 0·86–0·97 vs 0·79, 0·75–0·84). After adjusting for age, marital status, material deprivation history, smoking, drinking and socioeconomic status, working-age men in fast-privatised towns experienced 13% higher mortality than in slow-privatised towns (95% CI 1–26). Interpretation The rapid pace of privatisation was a significant factor in the marked increase in working-age male mortality in post-Soviet Russia. By providing compelling evidence in support of the health benefits of a slower pace of privatisation, this study can assist policy makers in making informed decisions about the speed and scope of government interventions. ; All authors acknowledge financial support from the European Research Council (ERC). DStu is funded by a Wellcome Trust Investigator Award.
This dissertation looks at how the newly independent Malaysian state used propaganda as one of the tools in forging a new nationalism and specific values of citizenship in the face of enduring ethnic cleavages and contesting visions of nationhood. I look at the period from independence in 1957 to the race riots in 1969 that claimed nearly 200 lives and plunged the country into a state of Emergency for a year.As Malaya achieved independence, the contest between competing visions of the nation that began after World War II not only remained unresolved but also continued to intensify during the 1960s. One vision constructed a nation based on the primacy of the indigenous ethnic group, the Malays, while non-Malays advanced a vision that emphasized the equality of all ethnic groups in the nation. The former became the basis of the official nationalism of independent Malaya/Malaysia, but the ruling coalition tried to blunt opposition to it by co-opting elements of the latter without resolving fully the tensions between these diametrically opposed ideas. The post-colonial government found itself having to continually defend, justify and advance the official meaning of Malaysia through its developmental policies and propaganda campaigns in the 1960s.The state conducted its propaganda campaigns through both personalized and mass channels using two departments: the Information Department that placed men and women on the ground to conduct face-to-face propaganda across the nation but with an emphasis on rural and semi-rural communities, and Radio Malaysia, the state's primary medium for mass communication until television ownership and broadcasting overtook radio from the 1970s onwards. The dissertation looks at the history, operational procedures and goals of the two agencies from the standpoint of the practice of governmentality. It examines their colonial roots, during which they were key components in the anti-Communist war, to their post-colonial iterations, when they had to adapt to meet peacetime objectives.I suggest that the Department of Information and Radio Malaysia could not fully transcend their colonial legacies and the operational challenges inherent in bureaucracies to meet these new post-colonial challenges. More importantly, the two organizations could not resolve the tensions within the message they were preaching, i.e. a contradictory official nationalism that stated, in effect, that all are equal but one is special. Also, some of the entrenched operational structures of the agencies undermined keyplanks of the official nationalism. It is for these reasons that the two agencies, and by extension, the government, failed to win over decisively the hearts and minds of its new citizens to its vision of the nation; a failure that contributed to its electoral setback in 1969 and the race riots that occurred as a result.
Public perceptions (particularly in post-communist societies) of the LGBT community and related issues have extensively been studied in recent years. Still, so far there is little information about how specific occupational groups view these people. The given research paper is intended to somewhat fill this gap by presenting a thorough description and analysis of findings from an empirical study focusing on the attitudes towards LGBT individuals among three occupational groups such as medical workers, social workers and the police. The relevance of the chosen topic is determined by the fact that a person's physical and mental health or even life may often depend on the quality and timeliness of services provided by these professionals. The above-mentioned study consisted of two cross-sectional surveys performed in 2017 and 2019. In total, approximately 1,500 persons (nurses, family practitioners, social care staff, patrol officers, etc.) from five countries of Central and Eastern Europe and Central Asia (Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, North Macedonia) took part in the two rounds of this study. Research toolkit included a questionnaire (designed by the authors for each occupational group) and the Bogardus social distance scale. Respondents were recruited through snowball sampling, which involved using personal and professional contacts. The survey data indicated the following: (a) the overall attitude of the aforementioned occupational groups towards LGBT people is somewhat positive; in addition, social workers are the most favourably disposed to the LGBT community while the police take a cautious approach to LGBT issues; (b) the overwhelming majority of respondents (except for police officers in Kyrgyzstan) believe that LGBT people should enjoy the same rights as the other citizens of their country; nevertheless, only a third of those surveyed hold the opinion that same-sex marriages should be permitted by law and about one fifth express support for the right of same-sex couples to adopt children; (c) women, residents of Belarus and North Macedonia, religiously unaffiliated respondents and those having an LGBT acquaintance exhibit greater tolerance for LGBT individuals than men, residents of Armenia, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan, those belonging to a particular religion and respondents without LGBT acquaintances; (d) during the period under study, a noticeable change in the attitude towards LGBT persons occurred in some subsamples: among Armenian healthcare workers, for example, there was a steep fall in support for the right of LGBT couples to marry. However, little or no change was recorded in other subsamples or in the whole sample: a slight growth in the overall percentage of respondents favouring the idea of LGBT parenting is a case in point. Although the samples of the countries in question are not nationally representative, the research results have a certain empirical value because they can be taken into consideration while developing programmes aimed at fostering tolerance in society and improving attitudes to LGBT people.
In: The Australian journal of politics and history: AJPH, Volume 37, Issue 1, p. 118-182
ISSN: 1467-8497
Book reviewed in this article:1988 AND ALL THAT: New Views of Australia's Past Edited by George Shaw.AUSTRALIAN DICTIONARY OF AUSTRALIA: Volume 11:1891–1939 Nes‐Smi General Editor, Geoffrey Serle.GIPPS‐LA TROBE CORRESPONDENCE 1839–1846 Edited by A. G. L. Shaw.CONSTRUCTING CAPITALISM: An Economic History of Eastern Australia 1788–1901 By Andrew Wells.SEX & SECRETS: Crimes Involving Australian Women Since 1800 By Judith A. Allen.FEDERATION FATHERS By L. F. Crisp, edited by John Hart, with a foreword by Professor Manning Clark.ENEMY ALIENS: Internment and the Homefront Experience in Australia 1914–1920 Gerhard Fischer.THE SECRET ARMY AND THE PREMIER: Conservative Paramilitary Organisations in New South Wales 1930–1932 By Andrew Moore.DEFENDING THE NATIONAL TUCKSHOP: Australia's Secret Army Intrigue of 1931 Michael CathcartTHE BLACK DIGGERS: Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders in the Second World War By Robert A. Hall.THE SHADOW'S EDGE: Australia's Northern War Alan Powell.DIVISION OF LABOUR: Industrial Relations in the Chifley Years, 1945–1949 By Tom Sheridan.MANAGING GENDER: The State, The New Middle Class and Women Workers 1830–1930 By Desley Deacon.NATION: The Life of an Independent Journal of Opinion 1958–1972 Edited by K. S. Inglis.THE PREMIERS OF QUEENSLAND Edited by Denis Murphy, Roger Joyce and Margaret Cribb.LABOR IN QUEENSLAND FROM THE 1880s TO 1988 By Ross Fitzgerald and Harold Thornton.CORRUPTION AND REFORM: The Fitzgerald Vision Edited by Scott Prasser, Roe Wear and John Nethercote.THE HAWKE‐KEATING HUACK: The ALP in Transition By Dean Jaensch.SEVENTEENTH CENTURY EUROPE: State, Conflict and the Social Order in Europe 1598–1700 By Thomas Munck.EIGHTEENTH CENTURY EUROPE 1700–1789 By Jeremy Black.NAVIES AND ARMIES: The Anglo‐Dutch Relationship in War and Peace 1688–1988 Edited by G. J. A. Raven & N.A.M. Rodger.SOCIALISM, RADICALISM, AND NOSTALGIA: Social Criticism in Britain, 1775–1830 By William Stafford.GOOD GIRLS MAKE GOOD WIVES: Guidance for Girls in Victorian Fiction By Judith Rowbotham.DEMOCRACY AND RELIGION: Gladstone and the Liberal Party 1867–1875 By J. P. Parry.RULING PERFORMANCE: British Governments from Attlee to Thatcher Edited by Peter Hennessy and Anthony Seldon.BRITISH GENERAL ELECTIONS SINCE 1945 By David Butler.CONSERVATIVE PARTY CONFERENCES: The Hidden System By Richard N. Kelly.THATCHERISM Edited by Robert Skidelsky.BRITISH DEFENCE SINCE 1945 By Michael Dockrill.THE DYNAMICS OF CULTURAL NATIONALISM: The Gaelic Revival and the Creation of the Irish Nation State By John Hutchinson.THE REVOLUTIONARY CAREER OF MAXIMILIAN ROBESPIERRE By David P. Jordan.GLASNOST IN ACTION: Cultural Renaissance in Russia By Alec Nove. BostonFEDERALISM AND EUROPEAN UNION: Political Ideas, Influences and Strategies in the European Community By Michael Burgess.THE FRENCH PRESENCE IN THE SOUTH PACIFIC, 1842–1940 By Robert Aldrich.NO LONGER AN AMERICAN LAKE? Edited by John Ravenhill.LAND, POWER AND PEOPLE: Rural Elite in Transition, 1801–1970 By Rajendra Singh.POLITICS OF TERRORISM: The Sri Lanka Experience By Sinha Ratnatunga.THAILAND AND THE UNITED STATES By Robert J. Muscat.THE ROAD TO MADIUN: THE INDONESIAN COMMUNIST UPRISING OF 1948 By Ann Swift.FROM CLASS TO CULTURE: Social Conscience in Malay Novels Since Independence By David J. Banks.BASIC PRINCIPLES OF CIVIL LAW IN CHINA Edited by William C. Jones.HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA: National and International Dimensions By Ann Kent.THE BLIGHTED BLOSSOM By Roy Thomas.THE DEFICIT AND THE PUBLIC INTEREST: The Search For Responsible Budgeting in the 1980s By Joseph White and Aaron Wildavsky.NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN POLITICAL SCIENCE: An International Review of Achievements and Prospects Edited by Adrian Leftwich.THE STATE By John A. Hall and G. John Ikenberry.MINISTERIAL RESPONSIBILITY Edited by Geoffrey Marshall.FOREIGN POLICY AND LEGISLATURES: An Analysis of Seven Parliaments Edited by Manohar L. SondhiINTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS IN THE AMERICAN ADMINISTRATIVE STATE: The Johnson Presidency By David M. Welborn and Jesse Burkhead.DEMOCRACY AND THE WELFARE STATE: Studies from the Project on the Federal Social Role Edited by Amy Gutmann.POLITICAL THEORY AND THE MODERN STATE: Essays on State, Power and Democracy By David Held.GOVERNING FEDERATIONS: Constitution, Politics, Resources Edited by Michael Wood, Christopher Williams and Campbell Sharman.NETWORKS OF POWER: Organisational Actors at the National, Corporate, and Community Levels Robert Perrucci and Harry R. Potter, eds.HOW TO BECOME PRIME MINISTER By Barry Cohen.VICTORIAN LIBERALISM: Nineteenth‐Century Political Thought and Practice Edited by Richard Bellamy.SIMONE WEIL: Utopian Pessimist By David McLellan.POLITICS FOR A RATIONAL LEFT: Political Writing 1977–1988 By Eric Hobsbawm.ARGUING FOR SOCIALISM: Theoretical Considerations By Andrew Levine.ARGUING FOR EQUALITY By John Baker.POLITICS, INNOCENCE AND THE LIMITS OF GOODNESS By Peter Johnson.COLONIALISM, TRADITION AND REFORM: An Analysis of Gandhi's Political Discourse By Bhikhu Parekh.THE ANALYSIS OF IDEOLOGY By Raymond Boudon. Translated by Malcolm Slater.THE PHILOSOPHICAL DISCOURSE OF MODERNITY: Twelve Lectures By Jürgen Habermas.THE NATURE OF HISTORICAL KNOWLEDGE By Michael Stanford.THE NATURE OF HISTORY By Arthur Marwick.
Purpose – The aim of this paper is to analyse the experience of female part-time professionals with employee and managerial positions with the utilisation of flexible work arrangements in a corporate environment in the country with a full-time dominated work culture. The data represent a rare case study of the work environment in a Czech branch of one multinational company. This paper focusses on the position of female employees working part-time in professional and managerial positions. The reason for such an arrangement is their attempt to combine career and care for pre-school children. This paper evaluates the effects of flexible work policies in an environment where part-time work for female professionals is rarely available and, therefore, precious. In particular, this paper discusses conditions under which these arrangements are available and its impact on gender equality.
Design/methodology/approach – The paper represents a rare case-study of an organisational environment. The seven analysed interviews derive from a larger study on the corporate environment which included 35 interviews and a series of participatory observations. In the analysis, the following questions are discussed: What is the position of employees working within flexible working arrangements in a specific corporate culture? Which aspects of flexible working arrangements affect the professional recognition and evaluation of the employees? To what extent and how do flexible working arrangements affect employee satisfaction with their working and private lives?
Findings – The data reveal the diverse and often subtle forms of discrimination and exploitation of working mothers, who use the flexible working arrangement as a work-family reconciliation strategy. Female employees working with alternative working arrangements do not have equal bargaining power in comparison to other employees, regardless of whether they are professionals, and sometimes in managerial positions. At the formal level, the part-time professionals are restricted in pay and in access to the company benefits. In the informal relations within the workplace, their work lacks of sufficient recognition of colleagues and superiors. Overall, part-time work for female professionals and managers leads to an entrapment between the needs of their family and the expectations of their employer.
Practical implications – The research reveals the practical limitation in introducing policies the work-life reconciliation policies. The results show the need to focus on promoting better conditions for employees working part-time. Also, it shows that managerial and highly demanding professional positions can be executed on a part-time basis if the work environment is open towards accepting this arrangement. Moreover, the findings outline the possibilities of developing workplace practices in the Czech Republic in a woman-friendly direction.
Social implications – Specific legislative arrangements should be enacted, providing better protection for employees in non-standard employment. At the same time, the incentives for employers to enable part-time working arrangements should be provided.
Originality/value – The amount of research on female professionals working part-time or from home is rather limited in context of the post-communist countries. The paper discusses the "double" tokenism of the women working in the leadership positions and at the same time in flexible working arrangements in the full-time working culture.
A lively living history of anti-colonialist movements across the Atlantic, Pacific, and Indian OceansDespite its small landmass in relation to other continents, Oceania has been the site of large-scale political struggles and immensely significant historical processes. Pasifika Black is a compelling history of anti-colonial movements in this understudied region, exploring how Oceanic activists intentionally forged international connections in their fight for liberation.Drawing from research conducted across Fiji, Australia, Vanuatu, Papua New Guinea, Britain, and the United States, Quito Swan shows how liberation struggles in Oceania actively engaged Black internationalism in their diverse fights against colonial rule. Pasifika Black features as its protagonists the many playwrights, organizers, religious leaders, scholars, Black Power advocates, musicians, environmental justice activists, feminists, and revolutionaries who carried the banners of Black liberation across the globe. It puts artists like Aboriginal poet Oodgeroo Noonuccal and her 1976 call for a Black Pacific into an extended conversation with Nigeria's Wole Soyinka, the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific's Amelia Rokotuivuna, Samoa's Albert Wendt, anthropologist Angela Gilliam, the NAACP's Roy Wilkins, West Papua's Ben Tanggahma,New Caledonia's Déwé Gorodey, and Polynesian Panther Will'Ilolahia. In so doing, Swan displays the links Oceanic activists consciously and painstakingly formed in order to connect Black metropoles across the Atlantic, Pacific, and Indian Oceans.In a world grappling with the global significance of Black Lives Matter and state-sanctioned violence against Black and Brown bodies, Pasifika Black is a both triumphant history and tragic reminder of the ongoing quests for decolonization in Oceania, the African world, and the Global South
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This Phd intends to explore the relationship between utopia and literature among two major writers of the Italian Twentieth century, Elio Vittorini (1908 – 1966) and Italo Calvino (1923 – 1985), taking into account a wide range of their novels and other literary output. Through this journey we are seeking to produce a parable of literary utopianism in the second Italian Twentieth Century, starting from the Forties, where literary work was related to an external political commitment to arrive, through a series of political disappointments and societal transformations to an attempt at redefining literature's political functions that leads us to the Seventies. The period of around thirty years covered by this thesis is rich in evolutions, from the estrangement of the Communist Party writers to a new 'neocapitalist' phase from which Italy emerges profoundly transformed. At the end of the Seventies, we were at the juncture of two periods, modern and postmodern, in a transition that also corresponds to a crisis and a questioning of utopia, through the notions of progress, perfectibility, teleology and totality that were connected to it. Our research attempts to outline these evolutions and their consequences on the work of writers – their literary production, but also their critical and theoretical work on the definition of literature and its functions. However, my thesis also functions at another level, and attempts a definition of utopian models in literature, as the selected books are all characterised, in their more or less distant relationship with the utopian genre, by a certain type of literary utopianism. After a theoretical introduction focusing on the possible definitions of utopia, we start with Vittorini and the 'cultural utopianism' of the Politecnico years, a journal animated by the author between 1945 and 1947, in a chapter where we also study Conversazione in Sicilia (Conversations in Sicily, 1941) and Le città del mondo ("The cities of the world", 1951 – 1956). A long study is subsequently dedicated to Menabò, a journal directed by the two authors between 1959 and 1966, that reflected a poetical, political and epistemologistical crisis. We compare two 'works of crisis', Le donne di Messina (Women of Messina, 1964) by Vittorini and La giornata di uno scrutatore (The Watcher, 1963) by Calvino. A last part concentrates on the 'utopian' Calvino of the Parisian years, from his passion for Fourier to his formulation of the 'utopia pulviscolare', a shattered, spatialised, anti-teological utopia of which Le Città invisibili (Invisible Cities, 1972) is the literary embodiment and the point of arrival of our journey. ; La thèse se propose d'explorer les rapports entre utopie et littérature chez deux auteurs majeurs du XXe siècle italien, Elio Vittorini (1908-1966) et Italo Calvino (1923-1985), prenant en considération un large pan de leurs œuvres et de leur travail d'écrivain. À travers ce parcours, c'est une petite parabole de l'utopisme littéraire dans le second XXe siècle italien que l'on cherche à tracer, en partant des années quarante, où le travail littéraire était fonction d'un engagement politique externe, pour arriver, à travers une série de déconvenues politiques et de transformations sociales, à une tentative de redéfinition des fonctions politiques de la littérature qui nous mène jusqu'aux années soixante-dix. La trentaine d'années parcourue dans cette thèse est en effet riche en évolutions, du détachement des écrivains du Parti communiste, au passage à une nouvelle phase « néocapitaliste » dont l'Italie sort considérablement transformée. Nous nous trouvons donc à l'articulation entre deux périodes, moderne et postmoderne, dans une transition qui correspond aussi à une crise et à une remise en question de l'utopie, à travers les notions de progrès, de perfectibilité, de téléologie et de totalité qui lui étaient liées. Notre recherche cherche à cerner ces évolutions et leurs retombées sur le travail littéraire de nos écrivains – travail d'écriture bien sûr, mais aussi travail critique et théorique sur la définition de la littérature et ses fonctions. Cependant, elle évolue également sur un second plan : celui d'une définition des modèles utopiques en littérature, les œuvres dont nous nous occupons mettant en place, dans leurs rapports plus ou moins lointains au genre utopique, un certain type d'utopisme littéraire. Après une partie d'introduction théorique se concentrant sur les définitions possibles de l'utopie, nous partons donc de Vittorini et de l' « utopisme culturel » des années du Politecnico, revue animée par l'auteur entre 1945 et 1947, chapitre auquel répond l'analyse des œuvres Conversazione in Sicilia (Conversation en Sicile, 1941) et Le città del mondo (Les Villes du monde, 1951-1956). Une longue étude est ensuite consacrée au Menabò, revue dirigée par les deux auteurs entre 1959 et 1966, au cœur d'une crise poétique, politique, épistémologique dont la revue se fait l'écho. Sont parcourues en miroir deux « œuvres de la crise », Le donne di Messina (Les Femmes de Messine, 1964) de Vittorini et La giornata d'uno scrutatore (La Journée d'un scrutateur, 1963) de Calvino. Une dernière partie se concentre sur le Calvino « utopiste » des années parisiennes, de sa passion pour Fourier à sa formulation de l' « utopia pulviscolare », une utopie pulvérisée, spatialisée, anti-téléologique, dont les Città invisibili (Les Villes invisibles, 1972) sont la mise en forme littéraire, constituant le point d'arrivée de notre parcours.
Эта работа посвящена социальным аспектам трансформации в России и Украине. «Классовый» вопрос, как правило, не рассматривается при изучении трансформации постсоветских государств, тогда как наиболее распространено исследование направляемых элитой «системных сдвигов» к рынку и демократии. Трансформация государственного социализма также обычно объясняется как «системный сдвиг», подразумевающий переход к капитализму и демократии. Альтернативно этот процесс рассматривается как революция, которая привела к всеобъемлющему изменению социально-политических и экономических институтов, идеологии и отношению с иностранными государствами. Авторы таких мнений, однако, разделяют идею, что главным двигателем изменений в обществе является элита. И если прежнее поколение ученых исследовало социальные изменения на основе социальной и классовой революции, то к концу XX в. объектом анализа становятся «системные сдвиги» и элита. ; This paper considers the social basis of the transformation in Russia and Ukraine. This study does not substantiate the widely accepted views of the 'decline of class' as a form of social identification. People have many identities, social class being one of the most import of them. Moreover, there is a common pattern of class linked ideological orientations in Russia and Ukraine. Occupational position, age, and to a lesser extent, gender, place and size of area of living are systematically linked to political ideology on a right-left basis. While there is generalized support for a 'market system', it is strongly infused with backing for state activity-giving social-democratic ideas the most widespread support with respect to the reform process. 'Class matters': no other variable is found to be as consistently associated with ideological position as class. 'Left' views were subscribed to by the industrial and agricultural workers, especially women among them, and older people. The 'right' was constituted predominantly by the new entrepreneurial/management classes and students, and concentrated in the urban areas (especially Moscow and St Petersburg). The positive identification with the market by students is a remarkable indication of the link between aspiring members of the bourgeois classes and marketisation. There is one main difference between Russia and Ukraine a distinct regional bias of the Western Ukraine towards patriotic ideology and more right wing policies. This association, however, is compounded by a more peasant and rural population and a less industrial social structure. The consequences of transformation have left a considerable part of the population, concentrated in the lower classes and sections of the previous socialist intelligentsia, with a feeling of loss and opposition to reform. In the former state socialist societies there have been rising levels of tension. As dislike of the consequences of reform is widespread, why has there been relatively little political opposition? Part of the answer lies in the organization of protest and the articulation of an alternative strategy. There is little evidence of wide-scale popularly based oppositional class movements as opposed to the developing associations of businessmen and entrepreneurs. Political parties are weak, with ineffective levels of support and small memberships. (Many protest movements, such as the 'coloured' revolutions have been financed and supported by foreign organisations supporting movements for market reform and pluralist political organisation.) The new managerial and business classes have a keen sense of class interest indicated by support for a market system, though there is considerable backing for state involvement an indication of a lack of confidence. Opposition has been directed at non class actors: the state administration, authority figures and national identities have become a political focus for many. Another explanation of the weakness of social movements of protest is to be found in the forms of intermediary groups constituting civil society both before and following state socialism. The economic space has not been filled by autonomous capitalist entrepreneurs in any significant numbers. Though social networks in state socialism were far greater than recognised in much of the civil society literature, they were to a considerable extent dependent on the state either directly or indirectly. The communist opposition has inherited and been weakened by this legacy. The creation 'from the top' of civil society organisations, sponsored by the West in the post-communist period, has been relatively unsuccessful and civil society associations without foreign donor support have remained fragile. 'Civil society' organisations, moreover, have had a neo-conservative function of weakening state institutions and replacing them with charities, voluntary associations and privatised 'service providers'. Despite the high formal membership of trade unions, they are largely de-ideologised and economistic in orientation. There is a defensive bourgeois class. Civil society networks can provide the ballast not only for stable democracies but also for political opposition, protest and change. The weakness of civil society has prevented the rise of counter elites and social movements by the dispossessed and others opposed to the introduction of the market and private property. There is clearly a potential for counter revolution in the unstable social conditions of Ukraine and Russia'. It is therefore leadership, organisation and a counter ideology to the reform programme which is lacking not forms of class consciousness. The political stability of the post-socialist countries has been due to an elite consensus which has not only guided these countries to a market type society, but has also neutralised ideological opposition.
