Schools in Lithuania appeared as long ago as in 15th century, but issues concerning students' healthcare were raised only in 17th century. E.g., in the Statute of Kėdainiai School, opened on July 29, 1631, some school hygiene matters were discussed, physical education of students was introduced; from 1651, considering hygiene requirements, examinations were held two times per year: in January and September. Notwithstanding that, until the 19th century students' healthcare was not officially taken into consideration. Some records have survived witnessing about the low state of sanitation in schools, such as letters-memoirs of Foma Plateris (1499-1582), and in 18th century – school inspection protocols by the Education Commission (1773-1794). Great role improving the sanitary supervision of schools and hygienic education of children in Lithuania was played by scientific and practical activity of J. P. Frank, especially his work "On students' Healthcare and Sanitary Supervision of Schools". Great furtherance of these works to be practically implemented was personal employment of J. P. Frank at Vilnius University. At his initiative in Vilnius University a course on hygiene and medical police (currently – healthcare organization) was commenced in 1805 with a significant part of curricula dedicated to school hygiene. Thus, we have reasons to consider J. P. Frank the initiator of school hygiene in Lithuania. Official government instructions on school sanitary-technical supervision matters appeared only in 1871 (in Vilnius District), and the term "school hygiene" was first used in 1899 in "Kaunas Gubernatorial News." First school doctors were appointed in Vilnius and Kaunas in 1879-1880. At that time, the "Law on Public Care" was effective in Lithuania according to which in gubernatorial districts councils (commissions) were established, including heads of school directorate and medical inspector. They also considered more important school sanitation questions. In 1887 Czar's law concerning Lithuanian gubernatorial districts of Kaunas, Vilnius and Grodno city was issued establishing that on the basis of "Medical Statute" every district shall have operating district doctors, and in larger districts – at least paramedics. The appointed persons alongside other issues had to supervise the sanitation conditions of schools. Actually, in fact they very seldom engaged themselves in school hygiene and sanitation management. Such order preserved until the Great October Social Revolution. In 1919 the Soviet rule, established in Lithuania, immediately undertook the issues of healthcare. On March 1, 1919, the Healthcare Commissariat including school sanitary unit was founded. In such way healthcare of children was implemented on the governmental level. However, these tasks were not fulfilled because the army of the White Polish occupied Vilnius and Lithuanian bourgeoisie, supported by the interventionists, liquidated the Soviet power in Lithuania. The healthcare of bourgeois Lithuania, as well as the bourgeois Poland government in Vilnius, were "managed" according to the Czar's laws, and paid very little attention to students' healthcare. In 1940, having restituted the Soviet power in Lithuania, students' healthcare system was again organized. However, this was not for long: in 1941 it was destroyed by Fascist occupants. Only in 1944, having forced out the occupants, the schools medical – sanitary supervision was restored, which during 15 years fully justified itself. The historical review of school sanitary and hygiene development in Lithuania explicitly shows that students' healthcare and sanitary supervision of schools firstly depends on the political system: under feudalism and capitalism conditions this activity was hardly functioning and was developing at sheer attempts on individual progressive scientists whose voice was not heard by the authorities. It is only the Soviet Power which has the possibility to create the universal students' healthcare system and organization based on the achievements of medicine and pedagogy sciences. ; Mokyklos Lietuvoje atsirado dar XV a., tačiau mokinių sveikatos apsaugos klausimai pradėti kelti tik XVII a. Pvz., Kėdainių mokyklos, atidarytos 1631m. liepos 29 d., įstatuose buvo paliesti kai kurie mokyklinės higienos klausimai, įvestas fizinis mokinių ugdymas, nuo 1651 m., atsižvelgiant į higienos reikalavimus, egzaminai vykdavo du kartus į metus: sausio ir rugsėjo mėn. Nežiūrint to, vis dėlto iki XIX a. mokinių sveikatos apsauga oficialiai niekas nesirūpino. Apie tai, kokia žema buvo mokyklų sanitarinė būklė, liudija išlikę Fomos Platerio (1499 – 1582) laiškai – prisiminimai, o XVIII a. – Edukacinės komisijos atliktų mokyklų patikrinimų protokolai (1773 – 1794). Didžiulį vaidmenį, gerinant mokyklų sanitarinę priežiūrą ir vaikų higieninį auklėjimą Lietuvoje, suvaidino J. P. Franko mokslinė ir praktinė veikla, ypač jo darbas "Apie mokinių sveikatos apsaugą ir mokymo įstaigų sanitarinę priežiūrą". Nemažai tam, kad šie darbai būtų įdiegti praktikoje, turėjo paties J. P. Franko įsidarbinimas Vilniaus universitete. Jo iniciatyva Vilniaus universitete 1805 m. pradėtas skaityti higienos ir medicininės policijos (dabar – sveikatos apsaugos organizacija) kursas, kuriame nemenkas vaidmuo teko mokyklinei higienai. Taigi, mes turime pagrindą J. P. Franką laikyti mokyklinės higienos Lietuvoje pradininku. Oficialios vyriausybinės instrukcijos mokyklų sanitariniės-techninės priežiūros klausimais pasirodė tik 1871 m. (Vilniaus apygardoje), o "mokyklinės higienos" terminas pirmą kartą pavartotas 1899 m. "Kauno gubernijos žiniose". Pirmieji mokyklos gydytojai buvo paskirti Vilniuje ir Kaune 1879 – 1880 m. Tuo metu Lietuvoje veikė "Viešosios globos įstatymas", pagal jį gubernijose buvo įkurtos tarybos (komisijos), į kurių sudėtį įėjo mokyklų direkcijos viršininkas ir medicinos inspektorius. Jie svarstė ir svarbesnius mokyklinės sanitarijos klausimus. 1887 m. išleistas caro įstatymas, lietęs ir Lietuvos – Kauno, Vilniaus ir Gardino – gubernijas, kur nurodyta, kad "Medicinos statuto" pagrindu kiekvienoje apskrityje turi dirbti apskrities gydytojai, o didesniuose valsčiuose nors felčeriai. Nurodytiems asmenims kartu su kitais klausimais buvo pavesta ir sanitarinė mokyklų priežiūra. Bet praktiškai jie labai retai užsiimdavo mokykline higiena ir sanitarija. Tokia tvarka išsilaikė iki Didžiosios Spalio socialistinės revoliucijos. 1919 m. Lietuvoje įkurta Tarybų valdžia iškart pradėjo spręsti sveikatos apsaugos klausimus. 1919 m. kovo 1 d. buvo įkurtas Sveikatos apsaugos komisariatas, o jo sudėtyje – mokyklinės sanitarijos skyrius. Taip buvo pradėta valstybės lygiu rūpintis vaikų sveikata. Bet šie dideli uždaviniai nebuvo įvykdyti, nes baltalenkių armija užėmė Vilnių, ir Lietuvos buržuazija, padedama interventų, likvidavo tarybų valdžią Lietuvoje. Buržuazinės Lietuvos, o Vilniuje – buržuazinės Lenkijos vyriausybės sveikatos apsaugai "vadovavo" pagal caro įstatymus ir mokinių sveikatos apsaugai skyrė labai mažai dėmesio. 1940 m., atkūrus Tarybų valdžią Lietuvoje, vėl buvo organizuota tarybinė mokinių sveikatos apsaugos sistema. Bet neilgam: 1941 m. ją sugriovė vokiškieji fašistiniai okupantai. Tik 1944 m., išvijus okupantus, vėl buvo atkurta mokyklų ir mokinių medicininės – sanitarinės priežiūros organizacija, kuri per 15 metų pilnai save pateisino. Lietuvos mokyklinės sanitarijos ir higienos raidos istorinė apžvalga akivaizdžiai rodo, kad mokinių sveikatos priežiūra ir sanitarinė mokyklų priežiūra pirmiausia priklauso nuo politinės santvarkos: feodalizmo ir kapitalizmo sąlygomis ši veikla vos gyvavo ir vystėsi tik atskirų progresyvių mokslininkų, kurių balso negirdėjo valdžia, iniciatyva. Tik Tarybų valdžia turi galimybę sukurti vieningą mokinių sveikatos apsaugos sistemą ir organizaciją, pagrįstą medicinos ir pedagogikos mokslo laimėjimais.
Die Grundlagen für Japans gegenwärtige Politik, Gesetzgebungsorgane und Rege-lungen betreffend das nationale Kulturerbe sind tief in den beiden Epochen Edo (1600-1868) und Meiji (1868-1912) verwurzelt. Diese dreihundert Jahre sind beispiel-haft für das Paradigma der "Bewahrung und Erneuerung in der Umgestaltung" und stellen eine unermesslich wichtige Grundlage für die Kultur des heutigen Japan dar.Dieser Artikel, der den ersten Teil einer längeren Forschungsarbeit darstellt, er-forscht und versucht den späten historischen Hintergrund der Edo- und Meiji-Epochen sowie Vorläufer der heutigen japanischen Gesetzgebung über Kulturgüter (bunkazai) zu erklären. Teil zwei, der die gegenwärtige Gesetzeslage sowie die Funktion von nationalen Museen und anderer kultureller Einrichtungen von 1950 bis heute darstellt und kommentiert, wird in der nächsten Ausgaben dieser Zeitschrift erscheinen.Die Edo-Epoche war durch die Festigung und die Selbsterhaltung des feudalistischen gesellschaftspolitischen Systems sowie durch die Bildung der chônin gekenn-zeichnet, des städtischen Bürgertums, einer kulturellen und wirtschaftlichen Kraft von höchster Wichtigkeit in der nachfolgenden Umgestaltung der Gesellschaft. Vollkommen versteinert und auf sich selbst konzentriert, brach der Edo-Feudalismus in der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts schnell in sich zusammen. 1868 folgte ihm die Meiji-Ära nach, wörtlich die "Aufgeklärte Herrschaft", die auf volle Wiederherstellung der kaiserlichen Macht und auf Modernisierung abzielte (kindaika). "Japans Selbstisolierung" (sakoku), sanktioniert durch die Gesetze der Shôgun, folgte "Japans Öffnung" (kaikoku) gegen-über dem Rest der Welt und sein Eintritt in weltweiten politischen und wirtschaftlichen Wettbewerb.Die Meiji-Reformen wurden über einen Zeitraum von über 100 Jahren (etwa 1790-1890) sowohl durch internen ideologischen Druck als auch durch politischen Druck von außerhalb vorbereitet. Ein merklicher Trend für ideologischen und politischen Wandel hatte im späten 18. Jahrhundert begonnen, kulminierte in der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts, während der letzten Jahre des "Endes der Shogunats" (bakumatsu), und kam später, in den reifen Jahren der Meiji-Ära, zur Ruhe. Während dieser Zeit-spanne stellten die Entwicklung der politischen Wahrnehmung von Kunstproduktion, die Änderungen in der Kunstideologie und die fortschrittliche Ausarbeitung einer um-fassenden Sichtweise von kulturellem Erbe als nationales Erbe entscheidende Wende-punkte in der Entwicklung der Kulturgeschichte des modernen Japan dar. Die Meiji-Ära brachte beeindruckende, vielfältige Erneuerungen mit sich, die eine Modernisierung der politischen und verwaltungsrechtlichen Struktur des Landes bezweckten und aus Japan einen aktiven Protagonisten in der Geschichte der internationalen Beziehungen machten sollten. Die Meiji-Herrschaft war eine plötzliche und unwiderrufliche politische Kehrtwende, die dramatischen und weiten Konsequenzen für das kulturelle Erbe Raum gaben. In den frühen Jahren der Meiji-Herrschaft, als die neue Staatsideologie Shintô gegründet wurde, wurden ganze Teile der japanischen Gesellschaft – namentlich die Samurai-Kaste und der buddhistische Klerus – entweder vollkommen entlegitimiert oder radikal redimensioniert, während die Klasse der Künstler und Hand-werker, die ihnen über Jahrhunderte gedient hatte, in Armut, gesellschaftlicher Zurück-weisung und Bedeutungslosigkeit versank. In derselben Zeit mussten die umfangreichen Kunstsammlungen, die über die Jahrhunderte von vielen daimyô- und auch samurai-Traditionen aufgebaut worden waren, ideologische Vorurteile und Zerfall erleiden, während viele buddhistische Klöster, Denkmäler und Tempel, Bilder, Objekte und Relikte aufgrund des Bildersturms und der Fremdenfeindlichkeit der haibutsu-kishaku-Bewegung zerstört wurden. Erst viel später, im Jahre 1897, wurde das erste nationale Fürsorgegesetz unter dem Titel "Gesetz zum Schutz von alten Tempeln und Schreinen" (Koshaji hozon-hô) erlassen.Dennoch hing die Schärfung einer umfassenden Sichtweise von Japans kulturellem Erbe wie überall weithin von der Entwicklung einer breiten und beständigen Kenntnis des Staatsgebietes und seiner Kunst und Kultur ab; außerdem war sie von Methoden und Klassifikationssystemen abhängig, mit denen diese Kenntnisse dokumentiert, beschrieben, wiedergegeben und übermittelt werden konnten. Die erste Erhebung, die eine nationale Sichtweise von kulturellem Erbe ausdrückte, wurde 1795-96 durchgeführt. Konzipiert und angeordnet von den Mächten des Shogunats, sollte diese Erhebung Informationen und Dokumentationen über gewisse Kategorien von Objekten zusammentragen, die kulturelle und ideologische Symbole für die mächtigen Schichten der japanischen Gesellschaft darstellten.Während der Meiji-Herrschaft wurden verschiedene ausführliche Erhebungen in zu-nehmend größeren Teilen des japanischen Staatsgebiets und über zunehmend weitere Kategorien und Arten von Objekten durchgeführt. Die ideologische Fracht und die Ziele dieser Erhebungen – die 1872 unter der Führung und Verantwortung der Museumsabteilung (Hakubutsu Kyoku) des Bildungsministeriums (Monbushô) begannen und 1897 endeten – variierte je nach politischen Bedürfnissen zu verschiedenen Zeitpunkten und je nach Prioritäten, die den Staatsinteressen geschuldet waren.Die politischen Strategien der Meiji-Zeit waren in Konzeption und Aktion an sich pragmatisch, wie es in den Slogans "ermutige die Industrie, fördere die Produktion" (shokusan kôgyô) und "das Alte schätzen, vom Neuen profitieren" (kôko rikon) zum Ausdruck kommt. Im Gebiet der Kultur verfolgten die Meiji-Herrscher Staatsherrschaft über religiöse Traditionen und eine deutliche Orientierung in Richtung auf utilitaristische Sichtweisen und Errungenschaften. Über buddhistische Tempel und ihre Kunstobjekte wurde eine starke Staatskontrolle aufgebaut, um ihre Bedeutung und Nutzen als Kulturwaren anstelle von religiösen Gegenständen zu betonen. Außerdem wurde alte japanische Kunst als nützlich angesehen, weil sie Inspirationsquellen für die zeitgenössische Kunstproduktion lieferte: Auf diese Weise konnte Japan teure Stücke ins Aus-land verkaufen und so Anerkennung in der Völkergemeinschaft ernten. In den 1880ern unternahmen Meiji-Herrscher verschiedene Initiativen und führten eine Kulturpolitik ein, welche die Kultur in die Einflusssphäre der Ideologie des kaiserlichen Systems (tennôsei ideorogii) brachte.Wichtige Einflüsse, Innovationen und Entdeckungen kamen von "angeworbenen Ausländern" (oyatoi gaikokujin) der westlichen Welt, aus Europa und den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, die in Japan als Lehrer und professionelle Berater auf den verschiedensten Gebieten von Kunst und Wissenschaft arbeiteten. Diese trugen zum Er-wecken und Ausweiten der öffentlichen Wahrnehmung in Bezug auf die Motivation der Erhebungen, der Bewahrung und des Schutzes von kulturellem Erbe in seinen verschiedenen Aspekten bei. Darüber hinaus hielten auf diesem Wege neue Kunsttechniken aus dem Westen Einzug sowie neue Methoden, archäologische Funde und Antiquitäten zu erforschen und zu interpretieren.Unter den Ideen, Begriffen, Konzeptionswerkzeugen und Klassifikationssystemen, die in der Atmosphäre der großen Kulturbürokratie der Meiji-Epoche in Gebrauch kamen, waren einige von feudalistischen Traditionen übernommen, und einige wurden in Japans Kultursystem aus den westlichen Kunstkategorien der Renaissance eingepflanzt. Zum Beispiel wurde der Schlüsselbegriff "Schatz" (hômotsu), der von den Meiji-Reformern aus dem Feudalismus übernommen worden war, zu kokuhô oder "nationaler Schatz" verändert. Dieses Konzept, das auch im heutigen Japan noch prä-sent ist, ist ein sehr wichtiges Mittel, um den Status, den Rang und die hochsymbolische Bedeutung von national anerkannten Meisterwerken zu definieren, die zur Darstellung von außergewöhnlichen ästhetischen und künstlerischen Werten bestimmt sind. Auf der anderen Seite existierten Begriffe und Konzepte entsprechend den westlichen Kategorien wie "die schönen Künste", "Malerei", "Bildhauerei" und "Architektur" in Japans Kunsttradition nicht. Sie mussten in der frühen Meiji-Epoche neu erfunden werden, indem die ursprünglichen westlichen Begriffe exakt übersetzt wurden. Auf diese Weise wurden die Wortschöpfungen bijutsu, kaiga, chôkoku und kenchiku entwickelt und seitdem als Klassifikationsmittel angewandt.Die Neubewertung der Edo-Stadtkultur und der Ukiyoe-Kunst, die in der Mitte der Meiji-Ära begann, und die Migei-Undō-Bewegung für das Volkshandwerk Mitte der 1920er Jahre erweiterten das Bewusstsein von der Komplexität und Reichhaltigkeit von populärer Kunst und Handwerkstraditionen.Gegen Ende der Meiji-Epoche war die ideologische Hauptströmung der Kulturerbe-Politik und der Staatsintervention im speziellen Gebiet von Kulturgütern klar festgelegt. Die Gesetze, die während der Taishô- (1912-1926) und Shôwa- (1926-1989) Epochen eingeführt wurden, veranschaulichen die Verpflichtung des Staates, fortschreitend seine Verantwortung für den Schutz von Natur, Umwelt und Architektur auszuweiten und das Bestreben, den Schutz für sowohl "nationale Schätze" (kokuhô) als auch "wichtige Kunstobjekte" (jûyô bijutsuhin) zu verbessern. Die Gesetze und Verordnungen, die zwischen 1919 und 1949 erlassen wurden – obwohl sie alle 1950 aufgehoben wurden – geben uns eine Gesamtidee von der erweiterten Staatsverpflichtung zum Schutz von Kulturgütern und nationalem Erbe zwischen den zwei Weltkriegen.Nach dem zweiten Weltkrieg wurden zwei neue Abteilungen im Bildungsministerium eingerichtet: Die Abteilung für die Förderung der Künste (1945), deren Aufgabe darin bestand, nationale Kultur wiederzubeleben und aktiv zeitgenössische Kunst und Kultur zu fördern, und die Abteilung für den Schutz von Kulturgütern (1949). Das neue Gesetz zum Schutz von Kulturgütern (Bunkazai hogo-hô), das 1950 verkündet wurde und auch heute noch in Kraft ist, hob alle früheren Gesetze auf und führte in die Liste der geschützten Objekte zwei neue Kategorien ein: die "immateriellen Kulturgüter" (mukei bunkazai) und die "verschütteten Kulturgüter" (maizô bunkazai).(deutsche Übersetzung durch die Redaktion) ; Introductory Note by Stacey SteelePART ONEI. IntroductionII. The Political Perception of Culture and the Arts from the Late 18th to the Mid-19th Century, from the Bakumatsu to Meiji RestorationThe Abolition of Feudalism and Meiji Reforms: Consequences for Cultural HeritageIII. The Birth and Evolution of the New Ideology of Culture in Meiji Strategies of Political Pragmatism1. The First Period of Internationalization of Japan: the Contribution of the Iwakura Diplomatic Mission of 1871-73 to the Views of Art and Artistic Culture2. Aims and Results of the Surveys of Japan's Cultural Heritage Guided and Sponsored by the State in the 1870s and 1880s3. The Re-evaluation of the Feudal Past and the Birth of the "Edo period", a New Historical and Cultural Entity, at the End of the 1880sIV. The Western Influence on the Art Productions, the Art History, and the Scientific Culture of the Meiji Period1. The Contribution of "Hired Foreigners" to Modernisation and the Introduction of Western Art Techniques2. The Birth of Scientific Archaeology: Edward Sylvester Morse and William Gowland3. The Historical and Aesthetic Re-evaluation of Japanese Art Traditions: Ernest Francisco Fenollosa and Okakura TenshinV. The First Half of the 20th Century1. The Mingei Undô Movement for the Folk Crafts2. Summary of the Legislation Relating to Cultural Properties and National Heritage Between the two World Wars and after World War II until 1950PART TWO**[VI. The Second Half of the 20th Century and the Beginning of the 21st: Contemporary Japanese Policies on the Protection of Cultural Properties, 1950-2004VII. Contemporary Japan's Policies Promoting Cooperation and International Exchange in the Field of Cultural Properties]** Part Two will be published separately in the next issue of the Journal.
Son dönem Osmanlı anayasal reformları siyasi bir takım manevralar mıdır, yoksa dönemin hukuk doktrinine uygun bir şekilde köklü bir hukuksal reform girişimi midir? Bu tezin temel amacı 19. Yüzyıl anayasal belgelerinde öngörülen insan hakları koruma rejimini bu soru etrafında incelemektir. ; I will attempt to examine whether the constitutional reforms in the late Ottoman Empire were indicative of political expediencies or religious legitimacies in this thesis. The subject matter of this thesis is the human rights protection of the late Ottoman constitutional documents. ; DECLARATION, i -- ÖZET, ii -- ABSTRACT, iii -- TABLE OF CONTENTS, v -- LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS, ix -- ACKNOWLEDGMENT, xi -- INTODUCTION, 1 -- Literature Review, 4 -- Methodology and Sources, 11 -- CHAPTER ONE: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK, 18 -- A. The Concept of Human Rights, 18 -- 1. The Restriction of Political Authority as an Instance of Protection of -- Human Rights, 20 -- a) Definition of Political Authority, 20 -- b) The Restriction of Political Authority, 25 -- 2. The Restriction of Political Authority in Islamic Jurisprudence, 25 -- a) The Conformity of Ottoman Legal System with Islamic Jurisprudence 27 -- 3. The Formation of Human Rights in Ottoman Empire in terms of the -- Restriction of Political Authority, 31 -- a) A Methodology Problem in Ottoman Historiography, 31 -- b) The Phases of the Formation, 32 -- (1) From Feudalism to Absolutism (16th Century), 32 -- (2) From Absolutism to Pre-modern Constitutionalism (17th-18th -- Century), 36 -- (3) From Pre-modern Constitutionalism to Modern Constitutionalism -- (19th Century), 40 -- B. The Concept of Constitutional Document, 41 -- 1. The Definition of "Constitution", 42 -- 2. The Definition of "Constitutional Document", 45 -- a) The Features of Constitutional Documents, 46 -- 3. The Legal Characteristic of the Late Ottoman Constitutional Documents . 47 -- CHAPTER TWO: THE THEORETICAL GROUNDINGS OF HUMAN -- RIGHTS IN ISLAM, 49 -- A. The Constitutional Documents in the Early History of Islam, 49 -- 1. The Covenant of Madina, 49 -- 2. The Pact of Umar, 50 -- B. Theories, 52 -- 1. The Theory of Rights Based on Justice and Reaction to Injustice, 53 -- 2. The Theory of Rights Based on Dignity (Karamah), 55 -- 3. The Theories of Rights Based on the Immunity of Rights, 60 -- a) The Theory Based on Maslaha (the Theory of Maslaha), 60 -- vi -- b) The Theory Based on Ihtisas (the Theory of Ihtisas), 61 -- c) The Theory Based on Iṣmah (the Theory of Iṣmah), 63 -- C. Rights of Human in Islamic Jurisprudence: Iṣmah bi 'l-Ademiyyah, 66 -- CHAPTER THREE: CONSTITUTIONAL DOCUMENTS IN THE LATE -- OTTOMAN EMPIRE, 75 -- A. Documents, 75 -- 1. The Charter of Alliance (Sened-i İttifak), 75 -- Rights and Freedoms Protected in the Document, 76 -- a) In the Context of State of law, 76 -- b) In the Context of Presumption of Innocence, 76 -- c) In the Context of the Right to Live and Property, 76 -- d) In the Context of the Right of Physical Integrity and Prohibition of -- Torture, 77 -- e) In the Context of the Principle of Proportionality in Tax Farming, 77 -- 2. The Imperial Edict on the Limitation of Confiscation (1826), 77 -- 3. The Imperial Edict of Rose Chamber (Tanzimat Fermanı), 78 -- Rights and Freedoms Protected in the Document, 79 -- a) In the Context of State of law, 79 -- b) In the Context of the Right to Live, 80 -- c) In the Context of the Right of Personal Integrity, 80 -- d) In the Context of the Right of Property and Prohibition of Confiscation, 80 -- e) In the Context of the Fair and Public Trial, 80 -- f) In the Context of the Principle of Individual Criminal Responsibility, 80 -- g) In the Context of Equality and Prohibition of Discrimination, 81 -- h) In the Context of the Principle of Proportionality in Tax Farming, 81 -- i) In the Context of Freedom of Expression and Chair Immunity, 81 -- 4. The Imperial Edicts on the Prohibition of Slavery and Slave Trade -- (1847-1856-1867-1869-1891-1909), 82 -- 5. The Imperial Edict on the Re-regulation of Jizyah, 83 -- 6. The Imperial Edict of Reform (Islahat Fermanı), 85 -- Rights and Freedoms Protected in the Document, 86 -- a) In the Context of the Right to Live, 86 -- b) In the Context of Right to Personal Integrity and Prohibition of Torture, 87 -- c) In the Context of Right of Property, 87 -- d) In the Context of the Fair and Public Trail and Right of Legal Remedies, 88 -- e) In the Context of Equality and Prohibition of Discrimination, 88 -- f) In the Context of Freedom of Religion, 89 -- g) In the Context of the Principle of Proportionality in Tax Farming, 89 -- h) In the Context of Freedom of Expression and Chair Immunity, 90 -- i) In the Context of Minority Rights, 90 -- 7. The Imperial Edict on Justice (Ferman-ı Adalet), 90 -- Rights and Freedoms Protected in the Document, 91 -- a) In the Context of the Right to Live, 91 -- b) In the Context of Right of Personal Integrity, Right of Liberty, and -- Prohibition of Torture, 91 -- c) In the Context of the Right of Property, 91 -- d) In the Context of the Fair Trial and Right of Legal Remedies, 92 -- vii -- e) In the Context of Prohibition of Forced Labor, 92 -- f) In the Context of Equality, 92 -- g) In the Context of Freedom of Religion, 92 -- B. An Overview of the Constitutional Documents in terms of Fundamental -- Rights, 92 -- CHAPTER FOUR: THE JURISPRUDENTIAL GROUNDINGS OF THE -- LATE OTTOMAN REFORMS ON HUMAN RIGHTS, 94 -- A. Introduction, 94 -- 1. The Basic Parameters of the Constitutional Reforms, 95 -- a) Effects of the Metamorphosis of the State into a Modern State, 96 -- b) Effects of Ulama (Shariah Experts), 102 -- c) Effects of International Impositions, 105 -- d) Effects of Bureaucracy, 106 -- 2. Categorization of Rights in terms of Jurisprudential Foundations, 107 -- a) First Group of Rights, 107 -- b) Second Group of Rights, 107 -- c) Third Group Rights, 109 -- B. Several Examples of Rights and their Islamic Jurisprudential -- Groundings, 110 -- 1. Right to Life, 110 -- a) Documents, Subsidiary Legislation and Jurisprudential Practice, 111 -- b) Islamic Jurisprudential Foundations and Contemporary Groundings, 119 -- (1) The Jurisprudence, 119 -- (2) The Reactions and Groundings of Contemporary Muslim Thinkers, 122 -- c) The Abolition of Execution without Trial (the Arbitrary al-Qatl -- Siyāsatan): As an Example of the Effects of Bureaucracy, 126 -- (1) The Concept of al-Qatl Siyāsatan, 126 -- (2) The Structure of the Ottoman Society in terms their Positions before -- the Execution without Trial, 131 -- (3) The Developments on al-Qatl Siyāsatan in the 19th Century, 135 -- 2. The Right of Personal Integrity: Prohibition of Torture and Degrading -- Treatments, 136 -- a) Documents and Subsidiary Legislation, 137 -- b) Islamic Jurisprudential foundations and Contemporary Groundings, 141 -- (1) The Jurisprudence, 141 -- c) Torture to Extract Confession (Forced Confession): As an Example of -- the Effect of Ulama and the Superiority of Shariah, 146 -- (2) The Status of Illegally Obtained Evidences in Due Process in Islamic -- Law, 149 -- (3) The Status of Forced Confession in Due Process under Islamic Law150 -- (4) The 16th Century Practices, 151 -- (5) The Reactions of Ulama, 153 -- (6) The Status of Forced Confession in the Tanzimat Law, 154 -- 3. The Right of Liberty, 156 -- a) Documents and Subsidiary Legislation, 157 -- b) Islamic Jurisprudential Foundations and Contemporary Groundings, 159 -- (1) The Jurisprudence, 159 -- viii -- (2) The Groundings of Contemporary Muslim Thinker, 162 -- c) The Formation and Reformation of Prison in the Ottoman Empire: As an -- Example of International Impositions, 164 -- (1) The Formation of Prison as a Liberty Binding Punishment in the -- West, 165 -- (2) The Formation of Prison in the Ottoman Empire, 167 -- (3) The Legal Initiatives to Enhance the Condition of Prisons, 170 -- 4. The Right of Equality, 170 -- a) Documents, Subsidiary Legislation and Practice, 172 -- b) Jurisprudential Foundations and Contemporary Groundings, 175 -- (1) The Jurisprudence, 175 -- (2) The Reactions of Contemporary Muslim Thinkers, 176 -- c) Equality in Testimony before the Nizamiya Court: As an Example of the -- Effects of the Modernization of the State, 179 -- (1) The Nizamiya Courts in terms of Modernization of the State: the -- Courts for the Citizens, 179 -- (2) The Mazalim Courts as a Means of Legitimacy in terms of Nizamiya -- Courts, 182 -- (3) The Status of Testimony in Due Process in Islamic Jurisprudence -- and Mazalim Courts, 183 -- C. The Distinctive Features of the Protection of Human Rights in the Late -- Ottoman Empire, 185 -- 1. Depanding on Islamic Jurisprudence, 186 -- 2. Mutual Relationship of Rights and Responsibilities, 188 -- CONCLUSION, 191 -- BIBLIOGRAPHY, 197.
Die Arbeit behandelt die Frage, wie in Zeiten umfassender, technologisch beförderter Veränderung, Vertrauen als wirksames Instrument selbstbestimmten Handelns dienen kann. Sie orientiert sich dabei an Luhmanns Begriff rationalen, zur Komplexitätsreduktion dienenden Vertrauens. Sie gliedert sich in zwei Teile. Im ersten Teil wird der digital geprägte Alltag als Grundlage für Vertrauen betrachtet. Dazu wird der Begriff eines "digitalen Systems" eingeführt. Dieser dient als Erklärungsmodell, das den Systembegriff aus der Systemtheorie aufgreift und darin Merkmale sozialer und technischer Systeme zusammenführt. Es wird argumentiert, dass digitale Kommunikation und der Code, der dieser zugrundeliegt, das sozialen System Gesellschaft zunehmend gestalten und strukturell "ordnen." Damit wird das Vermögen, Daten zu verarbeiten, und die Verfügungsgewalt über diese Daten zur Voraussetzung für Macht und Teilhabe. Die Freigabe von Daten wird zum digital anschlussfähigen Vertrauenserweis. Inhaltlich fokussiert der erste Teil auf gesellschaftliche Praktiken der Datenerhebung und -verwertung. Es wird aufgezeigt, wie sich Kommunikations- und Kooperationsmechanismen verändern und neue Machtstrukturen mit Tendenz zu einem totalen System entstehen. Ergänzend werden mithilfe soziologischer und historischer Konzepte einige Grundzüge digital determinierter Ordnung herausgearbeitet, und es erfolgt eine Annäherung an deren ideologischen Unterbau. Dieser wird auf die Prämissen 'Maschinen>Menschen' und 'tertium non datur' zurückgeführt. Im zweiten Teil wird untersucht, wie der Einzelne im digitalen Alltag Vertrauen zur Grundlage rationalen und gestaltenden Handelns machen kann. Dazu werden zunächst Vertrauen und Misstrauen als "Mechanismen" mit bestimmten Funktionen und Kosten betrachtet. Im Anschluss erfolgt, angelehnt an ein Modell von Kelton et al., eine Dekonstruktion des Vertrauensbegriffs und eine Spiegelung vertrauensrelevanter Kriterien an Erkenntnissen aus Wissenschaft und Praxis. Untersucht werden: 1. Vorbedingungen dafür, dass Vertrauen benötigt wird und entstehen kann (Ungewissheit, Abhängigkeit, Verletzbarkeit). Dieser Abschnitt befasst sich mit Machtasymmetrien und Verletzungsmöglichkeiten durch die intransparente Verarbeitung von Daten. 2. Stufen des Vertrauensaufbaus (Gefühlsbindung, Vertrautheit, Eigenkontrolle, Fremdkontrolle und Sinn). Gezeigt wird, wie diese instrumentalisiert werden können und wie insbesondere arational wirkende Mechanismen den Anschein persönlichen Vertrauens und gemeinsamen Sinns befördern können. Betrachtet wird auch die Rolle von Wahrheit, von Erwartungen, Deutungsangeboten und Kommunikationsmustern. Es wird gezeigt, welche Faktoren das Ausüben vertrauensstützender Kontrolle behindern – und wie rationales Vertrauen dennoch gelernt werden kann. 3. Rahmenbedingungen, die das Vertrauen prägen (Selbstvertrauen, das Vertrauen der anderen, Kontext). In diesem Abschnitt wird u.a. beleuchtet, wie technische Voreinstellungen soziale Praktiken befördern und wann einer augenscheinlichen Vertrauensbeziehung keine belastbare Vertrauenspraxis zugrundeliegt. Dies berührt unter anderem die Zuweisung von Risiko und Gefahr. Außerdem werden einige gesetzliche, technische und ökonomische Rahmenbedingungen für rationales Vertrauen aufgeführt. 4. Anzeichen für Vertrauenswürdigkeit (Kompetenz, Berechenbarkeit, Wohlwollen, Rücksichtnahme und Ethik). Es wird argumentiert, dass sich das Vertrauen im digitalen System überwiegend auf einen imaginierten Vertrauenspartner richtet, und mit anderen Vertrauensformen verglichen. In der Auseinandersetzung mit der Praxis fokussiert dieser Abschnitt auf die Möglichkeiten und Grenzen algorithmischer Entscheidungsfindung, unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des Machtanspruchs im Begriff "Ethische KI". Anhaltspunkte für Ethik werden in einem separaten Kapitel (unter Setzen einer Vertrauensvermutung und Einziehen von "Lernschwellen" für eventuell notwendiges Misstrauen) weiter vertieft. Es wird aufgezeigt, wie die rationale Auseinandersetzung mit Vertrauen in letzter Instanz auf die Sinnfrage hinführt.
Acknowledgments -- Map of Southern Europe -- Introduction: Southern Europe and the making of a global revolutionary South -- Conspiracy and military careers in the Napoleonic Wars -- Pronunciamentos and the military origins of the revolutions -- Civil wars: armies, guerrilla warfare and mobilization in the rural world -- National wars of liberation and the end of the revolutionary experiences -- Crossing the Mediterranean: volunteers, mercenaries, refugees -- Re-conceiving territories: the revolutions as territorial crises -- Electing parliamentary assemblies -- Petitioning in the name of the constitution -- Shaping public opinion -- Taking control of public space -- A counterrevolutionary public sphere? The popular culture of absolutism -- Christianity against despotism -- A revolution within the Church -- Epilogue: Unfinished business. The Age of Revolutions after the 1820s -- Chronology -- Bibliography -- Index.
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В статье анализируются монои мультилинейные концептуальные подходы к развитию человечества, представленные в трудах таких выдающихся интеллектуалов как Н.Я. Данилевский, О. Шпенглер, А.Дж. Тойнби, Т. Парсонс, И. Валлерстайн, Ф. Фукуяма, Л.Н. Гумилев, С. Хантингтон, Гж. Колодко, Л.С. Васильев, Ю.И. Семенов, М. Музилис, Б. Витрок и др. Подчеркивается, что разнообразие линий социально-экономического развития народов основывается на различиях двух доминирующих макротипов цивилизации «европейского» и «азиатского». В контексте этих и локальных цивилизационных различий рассматриваются модели социально-экономической трансформации постсоциалистических стран; при этом особое внимание уделяется российскому вектору посткоммунистического транзита, в основу анализа которого, по мнению автора, может быть положена теория евразийства Л. Гумилева, Н. Савицкого, Н. Трубецкого и концепции современных российских авторов С.Г. Кордонского, В.Б. Пастухова, О.Э. Бессоновой и других ученыхThe discussion of transformation outcomes has become increasingly tense in the recent years and is now challenging contemporary social sciences. Two major approaches can be distinguished today. According to one of them, transformation is a linear process and it refers to logical transition from non-market to market economy. Such understanding of social development constitutes the classic theory of modernization (W. Rostow, T. Parsons). Similar lack of alternativeness is also a characteristic of the increasingly popular world-system analysis (I. Wallerstain). Yet it can be argued that institutional structure and value systems, which determine the inner logics of social development, are not so universal in nature. The end of 1990s has seen the rise of new theories of non-European modernity, the variety of capitalisms and the trend towards distinguishing modernization from westernization. These ideas have received much support in developing countries. We too argue that the difference of transformation outcomes in European and Eurasian areas cannot be adequately explained in terms of single-vector deterministic model. The reason for the emerging variety of socio-economic developments may very well lie in the inner civilization differences between countries. We argue that both, Marxist and liberal unitarisms with their optionless evolutionary approaches to certain sociohistoric organisms, ignore the interconnection of common and particular in the human history and thus become a subject to discussion. Along with unitarian approach, according to which the development processes within particular sociohistoric organisms follow a single logic in human history, there also exists a pluralist multilinear approach. It implies, that humanity is represented by a set of relatively autonomous historic entities, each of which has a certain life cycle with its own stages of birth, development and decease. The concept of monolinearity has been criticized as far back as in the late XIXth century by a Russian historian N. Danilevsky, whose notion of civilization concurrency ('ryadopolozhennost' tsivilizatsiy') [Danilevsky 2003] suggests that along with some universal essentials civilizations may have very specific goals of development and their own criteria of civilization's successful reproduction. Danilevsky is also the author of the idea that among the factors, which stipulate multilinearity of historical process and the variety of options of social development, a special role belongs to the type of civilization we choose. He also produced his own theory of cultural-historical types: '…civilization is a notion far more extensive than science, art, religion, political, economic or social development taken alone. Civilization includes it all. I am saying that even religion itself is a notion inferior to that of civilization.' [Danilevsky 2003, p.129]. He reckoned that such analysis of history-dependent types of civilization can help explain many phenomena in the past, the present and the future of different peoples, especially since he had learned about the particularities of Russian culture and history. Although he never criticized the Romano-Germanic culture, Danilevsky completely denied its universality and perceived his native Russian civilization as its equal but essentially different counterpart. In XXth century the popularity has come to such advocates of historical pluralism as O. Spengler, A.J. Toynbee, L. Gumilyov, S. Huntington and others. By accepting the possibility of concurrent development for countries, which belong to different civilizations, one does not have to deny the universality of technologies of existence in the very broad sense of its meaning. Although what we must consider is that institutional structure and value systems, which regulate development processes within certain social organisms, may not, and usually are not, universal in nature. Thus it makes sense, that different civilizations and, consequently, national states, which fall under these civilizations, are very likely to develop along different vectors. The institutional theory has also produced a hypothesis, according to which there exist different institutional matrices that can be regarded as latent mechanisms of functioning and reproduction of sociohistoric organisms. The matrix acts as a stable and historically dependent set of interacting institutions that are specific for particular civilizations. By applying this logics in comparative analysis of Eastern and Western macrocivilizations some Russian economists argue that in historical perspective Eastern matrix persistently features non-market mechanisms of distribution, centralized state and the priority of collective values over individual ones. The existing variety of development paths can generally be reduced to the differences that arise between two dominating types of civilization, which contingently can be referred to as European and Asiatic. The first one emerged from ancient polises and, basically, represents the chain of societies with private property, the balance between civil society and civil institutions, advanced personality and the priority of individual values. The latter type Asiatic one is historically connected to Asian despotisms, the domination of state property, all-powerful government institutional structures, the lack of civil society and so forth. We rely on the explanatory concept of basic institutional structures, which distinguish Eastern civilizations from Western ones the so called relations of power-property. This concept has been developed by an outstanding Russian orientalist L. Vasiliev in his works from 1960s 1990s. It is peculiar that in the course of human history this type of civilization has been dominating geographically as well as historically. And it also explains why in the XXth century etacratism (in other terms, etatism or statism) has developed in the countries, which fall under the Asiatic civilization area. Yet it should be underlined that there is no such necessity as to draw the dividing line between monolinear and multilinear approaches. We cannot as well ignore the experience of the previous centuries, which has been institutionalized in verifiable sources. This experience provides evidence of completely different options of social development not only for the organisms that have literally become history, but for those which survived until today. Some of them progressed from savagery feudalism and then onto capitalism; some have initially turned to the Asian mode of production and have only recently developed the advanced forms of capitalism (postindustrialism); the others got 'stuck' in a non-market phase of development and adapted it to the circumstances of contemporary global system. Yet we are only able to speculate within a definite historical horizon, that is measured by the life of a few nearest generations. The point is: there is no sense in crossing swords regarding the future of humanity beyond the XXIst century. Starting from the end of 1990s the Western literature brings an increasingly bigger number of publications, which support theories of non-European modernity and variability of development and attempt to separate modernization concept from westernization. These ideas have gained a lot of support in developing countries, where authors draw attention to the lack of explanatory power of existing social theories, which are incompatible with non-Western forms of contemporary society. According to multilinear approach in the modern world there coexist several main civilizations with distinct institutional, axiological and behavioral characteristics. These civilizations are connected with dominating religious systems. As applied to Central European, Southern European and Eurasian areas (post-communist countries, which are in the process of transformation) these religious systems are Catholicism, Protestantism, Orthodoxy, Islam. The social, economic and political situation in the corresponding countries is essentially different in a number of aspects. Moreover it explains the variation of development paths and the outcomes of liberal reforms in many post-socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Consequently we argue that these civilization particularities must be closely studied. Even today many European researchers and analysts are still convinced that social and economic order of contemporary Russia is not essentially different from that of the developed European countries a still another type of capitalism. One of the most popular approaches is the so called variety of capitalisms approach [Drahokoupil 2009]. According to this approach the variety of social and economic systems, which exist in contemporary Europe, may be reduced to several fundamental forms (e.g. 'liberal market economies', 'controlled market economies' or even 'dependent market economies'). So it, basically, reduces the problem of determining the outcomes of various policies to the problem of diagnosing various states of capitalism in different countries depending on the structure of its economic institutions and the presence of foreign capital. Yet it is never discussed how and why Russia and its predominantly 'orthodox' post-socialist neighbours deviate from any of these classifications. Etacratism in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe was enforced from the USSR. The ones that resisted most were the countries which already had the most experience of market economy, some forms of civil society and the rule of law in the course of their history. During the 45 years of Soviet domination these countries have always been the most unreliable periphery of the 'true socialism'. All of them belonged to Catholic and Protestant Christian cultures. At the same time, etacratism voluntarily and rather autonomously developed in countries, which have never known capitalist relations and had a different history China, Vietnam and Mongolia. The contemporary societal system, which formed in CEE countries, was a result of a single anti-communist revolution of 1989 -1991, which according to V. Ilin had a system nature. These revolutions were encouraged by the idea of catch-up modernization. In CEE and Baltia the original goal of transformation, which included higher standards of mass consumption, social state and technological modernization was rather quickly reduced to two basics which represent the idea of progress market economy and competitive democracy (political pluralism along with democratic freedom) [Ilin 2006, p. 262-266]. The development in Russia, as well as some other countries of the former USSR, went in a different manner. The achievements of market economy and liberal democracy were far more modest than in the CEE neighborhood. We hold the following conceptual viewpoint on Russia's development. The contemporary Russian society, as well as Soviet, belongs to a particular civilization (Eurasian), which is essentially different from European (Atlantic) in relation to its institutional structure and system of values. Thus, in the social space of Europe there actually exist at least two substantially distinct 'Europes'.
Sculptural installation for the exhibition 'Parallax', the beginning of a cultural exchange between Katowice Academy of Fine Arts and the Chelsea College of Arts, and the opening of the new ASP Katowice building. A gathering of one-man tents with windbreak, flag and bunting, constructed from plasterboard, steel studwork and jointing tape. The bunting blocks access to a central communal seating area. The pile of waste from the construction of the work lies just outside.
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WEAVER ORGAN AND PIAN ) CO., MANUFACTURERS, YORK, PA , U S A. H^^i^S$g;^oKMCSK&t^KC^C^!^S4$^9Ki^^MC;^;^^ ■ I '•t 'V. IT I\v f ■£■ h '■)/ 1\ I•V Students' Headquarters —FOR— HATS, SHOES, AND GENT'S FURNISHING. Sole Agent for WALK-OVER SHOE ECKERT'S STORE. Prices Always Eight lite Lutheran PuMicfltioii Society No 1424 Arch Street, PHILADELPHIA, PA. Acknowledged Headquarters for anything and everything in the way of Books for Churches, Colleges, Families and Schools, and literature for Sunday Schools. PLEASE REMEMBER That by sending your orders to us you help build up and develop one of the church in-stitutions with pecuniary ad-vantage to yourself. Address HENRY 8. BONER, Supt, THE M ERCURY The Literary Journal of Gettysburg College. Voi. XVI GETTYSBURG, PA., NOVEMBER, 1908 No. G CONTENTS. THE SPIRIT OF SELF-SACRIFICE, 2 S. SNYDER, '09. I A DEFENSE OF FOOTBALL, 7 H. DOLLMAN, '08. THE IDEAL AMERICAN GOVERNMENT, 10 G. L. KIEFFER, '09. THE DANCE OF DEATH, 11 S. BOWER, '10. OUR LITERARY SOCIETIES—I. PHILO, 16 FRIENDSHIP AND THE STRENUOUS LIFE, 18 PAUL M. MARSHAL, '10. OUR TREATMENT OF AN INFERIOR RACE, SO R. E. BOWERS, '10. THE POWER OF PUBLIC OPINION, 22 MISS VIRGINIA BEARD, '09. WHAT KNOWLEDGE IS BEST FOR CULTURE, 25 O. D. MOSSER, '09. EDITORIALS, 27 BOOK REVIEWS, 29 EXCHANGES, 31 THE MEFCUKY THE SPIRIT OF SELF-SACRIFICE. S. SNYDER, '09. N this age of commercialism and industrialism every man is striving for a position in the world. His high-est aim seems to be that this position should make him prominent in the eyes of his fellow-men. The spirit of the age tends somewhat towards selfishness. Man seems to have lost the dee]) meaning of the term sacrifice. Webster de-fines the term, in the light we wish to consider it, as surrender, or suffer to be lost, for the sake of obtaining some thing; to give up in favor of a higher or more imperative object of duty. Self-sacrifice is then, the sacrificing of one's self, one's interest, for others. Such a spirit we all admire. Every nation immortalizes her heroes and her martyrs. Why is this? Why does the spirit of self-sacrifice fill our minds with the greatest admiration and gratitude? Admiration, because the man who sacrifices is worthy to be admired. Gratitude, because through the efforts and sacrifices of men from age to age, the world stands at the present time more nearly perfect than ever before. Self-sacrifice is an unchangeable law. All around us are il-lustrations of this. It may be traced from man to the far dis-tant beginnings of life in its lowest forms. Below even the or-ganic we find the atom giving itself to the molecule and the molecule giving itself to the crystal, it is prevalent throughout the vegetable and animal kingdoms. In these the weaker are sacrificed to the stronger. It is very evident then, that in the plan of nature the lower was intended as a means to the higher. Naturally then the question arises, if this is an unchangeable law in all the lower ranks of nature, where everything is sacrificed unconsciously or unwillingly, does it stop when it reaches man, the very point when the beauty of morality and the glory of heroism becomes possible? Nay, rather the reverse. Sacrifice in the lower forms simply fortells what it should be when it reaches man, something higher and nobler, because man ] - sesses an intellect—a will. It is then no longer a fixed law. • It-is in the power of the individual to use at bis will. THE MEROUEY. Man realizes the importance and the joyful reward of a life infused with this noble spirit, but in this like many of his other activities, he is unwilling to pay the price. He too willingly gives up his high and noble ideals of self-advancement to his baser and more ignoble passions. As a country grows richer the sacrificial spirit naturally de-clines, but never should it be forgotten. For this spirit has made history. Progress of any kind can be attained only through sacrifice. AVhatever vocation in life one aspires to is attained only by a certain amount of sacrifice upon the part of the aspirant. (Glory and renown will be brought to the seeker and his vocation in proportion as his life is filled with the spirit of sacrifice.) The story of individuals is precisely the same as that of na-tions, it was not an easy task to found the great empires of Greece and Rome. Not simply one sacrifice but a series of sac-rifices accomplished these two great tasks. Greece, lovely Greece, the land of poets, the mother of art and philosophy! How proud she can feel of her illustrious men! Men whose works are still alive and helping to mark destinies. Her governmental found-ers who were so filled with that high sense of honor and right that her history became famous! Her citizens in general, how brave and noble! They were willing to sacrifice their very lives in the pass of Thermopylae and on the plains of Marathon that the honor of their nation might survive. They fondly hoped her influence should go on forever. But alas! All her glory suddenly turned to shame and she fell. Rome, the city of the seven hills, was likewise the seat of a e mighty nation. She was invincible on land and sea. She ruled the world. Her list of illustrious men how wonderful! The very founders of law and government which today we fol-low. But alas! Her death knell, too, was sounded and she fell. "Why did these great nations fall? Simply because they ne-glected to carry out the fundamental principles on which they were founded. Jealous}-, avarice, and debauchery virtually : • ?ed their ruin. Is this not the story of many a lost life? The downfall of Greece and Borne remain a message to every republic in every time. The same enemies of Greece are at WOTk todav. Every nation should be on her guard lest these -4 THE MERCURY, same enemies gnaw at her vitals and place her honored name among the nations that were, but are no more. What is true of nations is likewise true of individuals, because a nation is nothing more than an aggregation of individuals. Who can read the history of that little country, the Nether-lands, that so valiantly defended its religious and civil liberties, without regarding it as one of the noblest examples of self-sac-rifice in all history? Think of the little children crying in the streets at the death of her noble leader, William the Silent. How many children cried in the streets at the news of Napoleon's death? The lives of truly great men are measured by the sac-rifices wherewith they have lifted humanity to a higher stand-ing. Away with the person whose motives are merely for the grati-fication of self. Scott points out the destiny of such an ideal in these words:— "The wretch concentered all in self, Living shall forfeit fair renown, And, doubly dying shall go down To the vile dust from which he sprung Unwept, unhonored, and unsung." Our own country, today the head of all nations, was establish-ed through the glorious spirit of sacrifice. Queen Isabella of Spain gave Columbus her jewels that he might plough through the mighty waters of the untried sea and discover the shores of an unknown world. After the discovery came the colonization of America, and we can but faintly picture the hardships endured by emigrants com-ing to strange shores. Yet they passed through all these trials cheerfully in the hopes that their posterity would fare better. The Revolutionary War which secured national independence to the colonies, shone brilliantly with the noble spirit of self-sacrifice. It was the spirit that moved Patrick Henry, in that memorable Virginia convention, to utter those inspiring words. "Give me liberty or give me death." It was this spirit that prompted Washington to leave his comfortable and peaceful THE JIERCUHY. home at Mt. Vernon to assume the cai-es and duties of command-er- in-chief of the Continental Army. It was this spirit that ciuised Lafayette to leave the sunny clime of France to fight for America's liberty. It was this spirit that caused Nathan Hale to utter those inspiring words, dear to the heart of every loyal American, "All that I regret is that I have but one life to give to my country." It was this spirit that possessed those three patriots, who refused to release their captive prisoner even though offered bribes of gold. Yea, it was this spirit that prompted the thousands of brave heroes to give the very best they had—their very lives—that their country might be free and independent of Great Britain to become the greatest repub-lic the world has ever known. But these are historical facts of many years past. Behold our present surroundings! All around us are the marks of a once bloody struggle. Here on this historic battlefield of Gettysburg-thousands of brave heroes gave their life-blood for the cause they thought to be right. But I woud not hold up before you such examples as those heroes of the Bevolution, nor would I hold before you the heroes of hard fought battlefields as the highest and only types of self- Bacrifice. There is one sacrifice of the battlefield and there is another not of the battlefield. The sacrifice of giving one's life on the battlefield simply shows what man will do when put to the test. In this there is an objective impulse impelling him on- • id. The other type of sacrifice is that type which is working ■secretly, the results of which come out before the world in deeds, not words. That type of sacrifice that sees in the future some noble purpose which will be a benefit to humanity and which dares to stand firm in the presence of opposition. That type which, when wrong is in its presence, dares to hurl against it all the powers of right. Such a spirit of sacrifice has recognized the mutual relations of Sacrifice and Service. True sacrifice should always serve. Patriotic self-sacrifice was known before Christ, and it is known outside of Christendom. That is but saying that Christi-anity interprets the sublime experiences as it supplies the deep-est needs of the human race. This it does by showing human. virtue to he a manifestation of the divine life. 6 THE MERCURY. But sacrifice has done more than mould great nations given to man eternal life. The stories of ancient struggles assume a new significance when read in the light of Christ's life and death. They are but revelations of that life of God in the soul of man which is as universal as humanity. Remove from the Bible the historical interpretation of sacri-fice, and from the Christian hymns the expression of the Chris-tian faith in divine sacrifice; and by that very act the inspiration to self-sacrifice as the consummate flower of the divinity in man and the supreme ethical expression of the highest life is taken away. it has The life of Christ was one of contin-uous sacrifice but the sacrifice of giving His life on the cross that man might be saved far eclipsed all others. But there is another type of sacrifice which is seldom men-tioned and it has done and is still doing more than any other, humanly speaking, to mould characters and to shape destinies. This is the sacrifice of the mother in the home. Of all earth's sacred shrines the home is supreme. What is home without a mother? The sacrifices of a mother are unparalleled. Words can paint no picture of them. To realize their deep significance they must be experienced. We are in a sense what our mothers make us. How many of us would be compelled to write shame upon our foreheads were it not for the sacrifices and guiding hand of mother? She is the colossal figure that towers above •all others. She is the one who solves the many perplexities of the home and radiates it with a brightness and sacredness inde-scribable. She is the essence of love divine. THE MERCURY. A DEFENSE OF FOOTBALL. HARRY DOLLMAN, '08. j OOTBALL has been condemned by many, but mostly by those who know little or nothing about the game itself and the real merits of the game. Now, it is only rea-sonable and fair that football should be judged from an unprejudiced and unbiased point of view. Man is not only unfair to himself, when he forms hasty opinions without having weighed all the facts in the case, but his actions become very ignoble when he endeavors to enforce his ungrounded con-clusions upon others. We will admit that there are some marked evils attached to the game, but we do not believe they belong to the main body of football any more than a wart or a mole is a part of the nor-mal physical organism. They are mere accidents. If we elimi-nate from our sports, which are so essential to keep the body and mind in a normal healthy state, every game that bears some evil fruit, we will be compelled to do away with athletics alto-gether and possibly with all forms of recreation. There is a well-grounded sociological principle which bids us to substitute something positive when we wish to eliminate an evil tendency. This is especially true when the evil tendency attracts the attention of the young. Since the hostile football critics have not been able to offer a substitute, the wise course is not extermination but rather a readjustment of the game so as to suppress the evil effects. Do away with football in college life and you will introduce a series of escapades. Do away with athletics altogether and you will usher in a chaotic state of disorder. All the penned up pas-sions of youth would then be let loose to work havoc and destruc-tion. Football is an exhaust valve through which all the super-fluous energy of mob violence escapes by means of a natural and harmless outlet. You never hear of college eruptions during the football season. College strikes, raids, and the like are un-known when the student body has a common interest at stake in the success of their team. This branch of athletics has also a harmonizing effect upon. 8 THE MERCURY. the students. They gather in mass meetings to arouse enthu-siasm for a common cause. There are no class distinctions. There is no fraternity prejudice. The faculty, the college men. the preparatorians, and the seminarians are on the same level. All have come together in a common hond of fellowship, that each one may contribute his part to the athletic success of ! i - Alma Mater. If this great American game touches I lie emotions of the soul and causes it to overflow with enthusiasm, will these same emo-tions lie dormant when the student goes out in active life? No, he will undertake the great tasks before him with that enthusi-asm which he developed and fostered in college. He will ac-quire that unerring confidence which will enable him to tackle every obstacle and to press forward towards the goal of his life's ambition. Injury of body, a sluggish intellect, and immorality have been associated with football. But here again, the critic is laboring under a false impression. He is judging rather from the excep-tions and not from the broad general effects. Football develops the physical, quickens the intellectual, and disciplines the moral side of man. It only requires a little direct observation to determine how quickly football transforms a slow, awkward, round-shouldered,, anatomy into a spry, supple, square-shouldered organism. It produces in a player a firmness and alertness of step, a strong, graceful movement of the body, and above all, it is the best ex-ercise known to increase the amount of chest expansion. On the other hand, football teaches the participant to think quickly and act quickly. He must be able to comprehend and interpret signals and act instantly. He must learn to size up his opponents' strength, to take into account his own position on the gridiron, to strike the right blow at the right time and at the right place. Many brawny men stand along the side lines because they are not able to use their heads while in a game. Generalship is more important than avoirdupois in gaining a victory on the gridiron. There is no other game in the curriculum of athletics that tones down an explosive temper so well as football. The univer-sal testimony of football men bear witness to this fact. A playeY THK MLERCtniY. ■will very soon learn that be must respect the rights of others. Clean playing wins, while Foul playing carries the ball towards the enemy's go.il. Apart, from all this, the host moral benefit a player receives is the discipline he derives from careful training. I take the liberty of quoting the pledge which forty-three football candi-dates in Gettysburg College have signed: "1st. I do hereby pledge upon my honor to abstain-from the use of tobacco in any form, intoxicating liquors of any kind, to indulge in no licentious acts or conversation, nor willingly listen to or observe the same, to observe proper sleeping hours as or-dered, to lake no part in any gambling (including betting on any contest), to attend promptly every game and practice (un-less excused in advance by the coach), to do all in my power to promote harmony and good feeling among the members of the team, and cheerfully to obey all rules and regulations which may be adopted in the future. "2nd. The fact that I do not win a position on the team will not absolve me from this pledge." Does it mean anything to the moral life of a small institu-tion to have forty-three men adopt such principles in their every day life as are embodied in this document? Does it not also .strengthen the individual to observe these rules rigidly when he is tempted to break them ? Will men be disposed to ignore these principles when.they get out into the real contests of life? There is a price put upon a clean moral life that his mind may be free to act and his body quick to respond. 10 THE MEKCUUY. THE IDEAL AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. Q. L. KIEFFEK, '09. |HEN our forefathers left the sovereign dominions of Europe and settled on the American shores, they sought a tolerance of thought and action. And when the hand of tyranny still persisted in reaching across the seas mi (I grasping them in its despotism, they arose with one accord and declared themselves free and equal. They then set up upon this earth a form of government which they meant to be ideal. Yea, it has even modified the form of every existing government. But its firm establishment was not without a price. The welding of the nation as a world power was amid the din of battle. But not alone by din of battle was this accomplished. Her illustrious sons in her halls of state during peace, also won for her eternal fame. What would she have been but for a Jef-ferson, a John Sherman, a John Hay, or a Boosevelt? Surely their achievements added to those of a Washington, a Lincoln, and a McKinley. But did the establishment of this government alone require the coping with an external world? Ah, no! Internal foes had to be met. There was a time when the curse of slavery threatened the disunion and annihilation of the nation itself. She had met her external foes and had conquered. Was she to perish by her own hand? No. Again mid the din of battle and in her halls of state victories were won. Upon the heights of Gettysburg it was decreed the nation should live. From her halls of state came forth the Emancipation Proclamation and the immortal words of Lincoln at Gettysburg. Such in brief has been our nation's historic past. But let us examine whether the ideal government, of our forefathers' con-ception is today firmly established. Is this ideal being correctly interpreted when it is necessary for the cry to go forth through-out the land : "Shall the people rale?" Is this cry, if the ideal is being correctly carried out, not tautological? Evidently an apathy exists among the American people which necessitates such a cry. The nation is not thinking of her historic past and high ideals. She has permitted her leaders to become the asso- THE MERCURY. 11 ciates of a corrupted few, and the legalizers of a despot which: corrupts her sons and daughters. But this shall not continue. The American people have not forgotten the ideals of their forefathers. They will rule su-preme. From north, from south, from east, from west, there-comes the rumor of her sons uprising to their might of self-gov-ernment. . Down with the betrayers of your confidence and: blighters of your homes. Arise ye true sons of America and save-her from the hands of her enemy. Let the righteous and just rule. God grant that the emblem of our nation shall no longer be a misnomer. May the time come when its stars in the held of" blue shall brightly be the symbol of ripening fields and happy homes; its red, the symbol of the valor and heroism of her sons not vainly manifested; its white, the undeniable symbol of the purity and the true faith of her people. And as the sun makes his daily circuit may this emblem even be found waving before-his path—a symbol of "a government of the people, by the peo-ple and for the people"—which "shall not perish from the earth." A THE DAHCE OF DEATH. S. E. BOWER, '10. T was midnight in the little Canadian town of St Francis. The continuous rattle of many shuttles and. the steady grind of factory wheels had long since died, away. Only the echo of a foot-fall on the stone pave-ment, or the distant barking of a dog across the Walloostook broke the profound silence. Probably none of the villagers were conscious of the superb, beauty of this night. All of them had long since retired—save one man. John Maynard, a bachelor, lived in the upper story of an old mansion which, divested of its former glory, was now used as a kind of apartment house. The court was to meet the-following week and he had been working for several hours on his briefs. His work finished, be folded his papers, and leaned back 12 lUE 11EKCCKY. to relax in his chair. He contemplated retiring but his atten-tion was suddely attracted by the light of the clear moon. He stepped to the window to drink in the beauty of this night. From his position he could look down upon the Walloostook as her shining waters moved along silently. On the ridge yon-der his eye beheld an oak standing in profile against the sky. and near it one pale star caught in the upper branches of a dead pine. On the opposite ridge but a short distance away, the little graveyard stood out in full view where tops of the pine trees were rocking to and fro' in the night breeze and the white stones shone in the moonlight and the long shadows crept silently o • this dwelling place of the dead. For some time Maynard stood silently musing upon the see] '•This is the very witching time of night when the spirits stalk abroad," said he to himself, startled by the sound of his owi voice. Suddenly it flashed through mind that this was the eve of All Saints' Day, the night on which the disembodied spirits returned to visit the scenes of their life on this earth. Just then the town clock struck the half hour after eleven. He hastily threw on his coat, reached for his hat and betook himself to the graveyard. He was a venturesome fellow and de-termined to find out for himself whether this superstition had any foundation in fact. He hurried along at a breathless pace and was soon at the entrance of the cemetery where the rusty gate created an unwelcome greeting as he passed within. For a moment he stood still, hesitating to pursue this adventure, but the sound of the midnight hour from the distant clock spurred him on to quick action. He rushed to a secluded corner of the graveyard and concealed himself beneath a grave-stone. "This is indeed a ghostly scene," thought he, "and I wonder whether my foolhardiness will be rewarded." The echoing ring had not yet died away when the graves be-gan to yawn forth their dead. One after another opened and there floated majestically forth all that was left of that frail form which men and women so often worship here on earth. Others came more slowly as though reluctant to be aroused from their peaceful slumber. Some had but one leg, others but one-arm. Some forms were bowed with a ripe old age, others had' THE MERCURY. 13 the bearing of a knight. Some jaws were set with teeth of gold,. while others had no teeth at all. At first there was heard not a sound to break the awful still-ness, but as the assembly increased in number the spirits began. to seek out each his own friend or relative and soon the conver-sation became general. '"How are you, Brown, I'm glad to see you out again." ■•Hello, Smith, where've you been keeping yourself?" •'And here's our old friend Jones. Jones, we're mighty glad-to see you." "Well, just think of it," grumbled poor old Mrs. Black, "if my old man didn't go and git married again, and buried his second wife within two feet of me. I won't lie there, so I won't. No, I won't." "Oh, dear," sighed old maid Perkins, "nary a hand has teched my grave in twenty years, by the look of it, an' think of the money I had." And thus it continued. Here a young fellow muttering male-diction on a certain young doctor who had made an unsuccessful attempt to remove his appendix; and there an old miser griping two rusty pennies—sole remnants of his earthly store. At length a huge and bony frame, more stately than his fellows, mounted a tomb-stone and addressed the assembly: "My clear fellow spirits: Some of you have been rather tardy in coming forth but I guess we are about all here at last. And now what shall be the manner of our celebration ? You remem-ber last year we scattered about the town on a visit to our old homes and friends; shall we do that again? "Yes, let's us visit the town," said one, "I have but one living relative and I must call on him." "No, let's stay here and have a dance," said another, "I want to get limbered up." "Let's have a good old experience meeting," said a third. "Not much. I had enough of them on earth to satisfy me." A sudden whiff of smoke hid the little assembly for an in-stant and when it cleared away Herr Teufel himself was stand-ing in their midst. He was greeted with an enthusiasm which carried Maynard back to his college days in which he figured in 8 football star and his comment was,. '^^tWB«i^a^tJji(.|§.,mjti 1 GETTYSBURG COLLEGE Gettysburg, Pa. LIBRARY - 14 THE MERCURY. confined to earth."' .Now the devil persuaded them to celebrate with a dance, explaining that if any relative needed attention he would be glad to look after the matter himself. "We have no instrument," objected one spirit. "Give me a fiddle," shouted the devil. An old musician came forth, through iho crowd and produced a violin which had been buried with him at his request. "This instrument has suffered somewhat from neglect," ob-served his Satanic Majesty, "it has only two strings." But that, however, is not of any circumstance to a good musician. This,. in fact, gives me an opportunity to prove to you thai ! can w\ a bow as expertly as that form of intra-mundane trident that is peculiar to my lordly office. Let's see. Two strings. A and G. "Why, that makes a discord.*' The assembled spirits laughed a hollow laugh at this remark. "Yes, a discord," continued the devil, "the sort of progression not without canon in my tin of music. But enough of this palaver. I'll show you that if necessity is the mother of invention I'm its father." In a I ri he pulled up the A string a half tone to B fiat and began a stir-ring dance in G minor. As the strains of music began to sound shrill and clear on the night air, the shadowy forms snatched each one his partner, whether man or woman, old or young. The many joints, stiff from non-use, began to creak and grind together till the music itself was almost drowned. The practiced violinist became warmed to the fray and brought forth such magical strains that one was reminded of the sacred cremona in the hands of the master. The steps and swing of the dancers increased to the rythm of the music till the dry bones rattled and clattered aa only dry bones can. "They glided past, they glided fast Like travelers through a mist. They mocked the moon in a rigadoon Of delicate turn and tryst. "With mop and mow we saw them go Slim shadows—hand in hand. About, about, in ghostly rout They trod a savaband. THE MERCURY. 21 would require too much space. Let us limit ourselves to the manner in which the American negroes are treated by the people ef the United States, and show why they are considered so in-ferior, how they are treated and the possible remedy for closing the breach between the two races. The negro is here'to stay. It is a case of "visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth gener-ation,'' in a magnified sense. When the old slave-traders were conveying thousands of human beings across the waters, so as to make the men of another race rich and prosperous, little did they think that they would be as free and independent by law as the masters themselves. They brought them here to serve, and they thought that they would naturally serve to the end of time. Born and reared ignorant, degraded, and illiterate, they were brought to this country, where they were often treated as brutes. They were ranked as animals. As animals they received no edu-cation; they had no social intercourse with intelligent people; the}- had no chance for intellectual development, and if they would have had, they did not have the time. As a result, we have the negro of today on our hands. While they receive a much, more human treatment than they did fifty years ago, yet they are counted socially, mentally, morally, and racially inferior to the white man. There are nine millions of negroes in the United States at present. This great mass of humanity must live in some man-ner. As it is now, they must live by serving. They are not per-mitted to hold great social and political positions. They even are not permitted to earn a living as carpenters, plumbers, ma-sons, painters, and the hundred other mechanical trades. A negro can be a fireman on a locomotive, but when he is fit to be an engineer he is turned back. That position is reserved for whitemen only, although a negro may be more capable than many a white engineer. The most responsible positions that the great majority of negroes may hold is to be a bootblack, a barber, a servant, or perhaps a teamster. A great crime has been commit-ted if he becomes a prosperous farmer, or banker, or prosperous-business man. In the South he is even treated more harshly than in the North. There race prejudice exists so firmly that special schools, special hotels, and special conveyances, besides a. THE MERCURY. host of other specials, are required so that th uiv be no ming-ling of the races. We all recognize the fact that the negro is as free as we but when it comes to the point we can never admit him as an equal. Even a negro who stands at the head of his race, and who really is our equal, and possibly superior, is still held, as our inferior. Negroes are undoubtedly advancing in civilization and culture. But the very thought that they may some day be our equals, or even our superiors, is a disagreeable and repulsive thought, I dare say, to every white man and woman in the United States. To remedy these conditions a co-operation of white and I must be formed. Surely we must not retire into the old sysi of the feudalism of the Middle Ages, having the white man as the employer, and the negro as the servant. So in order not to have the feudalism of the races, the negro must be changed and become an equal of the white man. The white man should give the negro the rights of common humanity, the right to better himself, socially and economieallj'. Booker T. Washington sums up very clearly the negro's part in the following statement: "The more I study our conditions and needs, the more I am con-vinced that there is no surer road by which we can reach civic, moral, educational, and religious development, than by laying the foundation in the ownership and cultivation of the soil, the saving of money, commercial growth, and the skillful and con-scientious performance of any duty with which we are intrusted.'" THE POWER OF PUBLIC OPINION. MISS VIRGINIA BEARD, '09. |NE of the most potent factors in the direction or forma-tion of a business enterprise, political campaign, social reform and in many eases even the selection of a life course, is found to be the great motor power of public opinion. Consciously or unconsciously we hold up to this light our undertakings and their possible or probable results, and BR, IMJLLF.U IJV IPTTH.ITITTTS.IIS PICTURE FRAMES 0F AU S0RTS M W ft** * A W «h4U, REPA|R woa|( DQNE pROlwpTLY I WILL ALSO BUY OR EXCHANGE ANY SECOND-HAND FURNITURE NO. 4 CHAMBERSBURG STREET, GETTYSBURG, PA D. J. SWARTZ DEALER IN COUNTRY PRODUCE, GROCERIES, CIGARS AND TOBACCO. GETTYSBURG. SHOES REPAIRED —BY— J. ff. QoHep, 115 Baltimore St., near Court House. GOOD WORK GUARANTEED. —TS— J. I JVfUJVTPEfi Your Photographer ? If not, why not? 41 BALTIMORE ST., GETTYSBURG, PA. 8EFT0N I FLEMING'S LIVERY, Baltimore Street, First Square, Gettysburg, Filbert St. A convenient and homelike place tostay while in the city shopping. An excellent restaurant where good service combines with low prices. BOOMS $1.00 PER DAY AND UP. The only moderate priced hotel of reputation and consequence in 3Pla.ilad.elplaj.a, ModgnLSteamu^dry . . OF YORK . . 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