Suchergebnisse

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Examines implications of international organizations and NGOs in the Balkans in context of international cooperation in Bosnia and Herzegovina; 1990s. Summary in English p. 197.

Unlike its other counterparts, South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) as the first of its kind experiment at regional integration in South Asia has almost reached a point of stagnation. The idea that was flagged off in 1985 has not delivered significant returns either as a forum to enhance intra-regional trade or as an institutional platform for conflict management and dialogue. This article argues that the SAARC as an idea has not been seen more than a geopolitical symbol of regional cooperation in South Asia. As global power pivots towards Asia, a stable and integrated South Asia could well be a game changer. However, the regional organisation has not been able to embody the spirit of multilateralism and remains on the sidelines, marred by long-standing bilateral issues. States in South Asia are either looking beyond the region or investing in subregional initiatives to further their interests.

Journalists often portray the Arctic and Space as rife with economic competition, contested territorial claims, and impending conflicts. In actuality, there is extensive and ongoing cooperation between Russia and Western states in both regions. A number of factors common to the Arctic and to Space contribute to this ongoing cooperation, including 'complex interdependence' and widely agreed rules of international law. This article focuses on three further common factors: the 'cold, dark, and dangerous' character of the regions; the absence of substantial 'weaponisation'; and the relative ease with which information about military activities may be gathered in the Arctic and Space, for instance through Space-based technologies. The latter factor enables Arctic and Space-faring states to avoid classic 'security dilemmas'.

Global regulation increasingly relies on alternatives to legal rules, variously termed "soft law," "best-practice rules," or "standards." Such voluntary best-practice rules can be highly effective. Standards influence users by virtue of the expertise on which they are based & because of their enforcement by public & private actors. Standards globally proliferate because they are more compatible with regulatory autonomy of states than binding directives. When global standards are effective, the question of how to subject them to democratic control often arises. The prospects for holding global standard setters accountable largely depend on how decisions on standards are made. These insights are illustrated by examples of the global regulation of financial markets. The preliminary evidence suggests that standards need to be taken more seriously by students of global regulation. 2 Tables, 57 References. Adapted from the source document.

Examines the implications of US strategy regarding the control & prevention of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) & the conclusions to be drawn about the viability of multilateral international security institutions, eg, the International Criminal Court or landmines convention. Discussion opens with a look at US strategy under the Bush administration to determine whether its policies are a function of US hegemony in general or the proclivities of the administration; attention is given to Robert Kagan's (eg, 2002) thought as well as the ideas of key actors in the Bush administration. The implications of US hegemony for the design of multilateral institutions, highlighting the power of international law, which has been eschewed by the Bush administration in developing a strategy centered in US military/material power. The pros & cons connected with institutional design are delineated. A consideration of the Iraq war is used to explore the merits of multilateralism vs the Bush doctrine of preventive war. The success of the US strategy regarding WMD is then compared to the success of coalitions of states moving forward with initiatives like the landmine convention without the US hegemon. The relevance of US domestic policies & threat perceptions to world politics is contemplated in closing. J. Zendejas

Examines military and economic aspects of Sino-US relations and argues that US policy should be based on cooperation and negotiation.