Suchergebnisse

Mit der Aufnahme von Verhandlungen zwischen der srilankischen Regierung und Vertretern der tamilischen Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) im September 2002 scheinen sich die Aussichten für Frieden in Sri Lanka vergrößert zu haben. Allerdings hat es bereits in der Vergangenheit immer wieder solche, letztendlich erfolglosen Ansätze gegeben. Christian Wagner zeigt, dass die nationalen und internationalen Veränderungen zwischen 1999 und 2002 ein neues "window of opportunity" für die friedliche Belegung des Konflikts zwischen der singhalesischen Mehrheit und der Minderheit der Sri-Lanka-Tamilen geöffnet haben, allerdings keine hinreichende Bedingungen für eine friedliche Lösung darstellen. Um diese Entwicklung zu verdeutlichen, gibt der Beitrag zunächst einen kurzer Rückblick auf die Entstehung und den Verlauf des Konfliktes. Anschließend werden die verschiedenen Wahlen zwischen 1999 und 2001 und die Folgen für die Akteurskonstellation im Konflikt analysiert. Auf internationaler Ebene stehen der Einfluss externer Vermittler sowie die Folgen des 11. September im Vordergrund.

This paper sets out a vision for international relations and development cooperation for the year 2030. It argues that the major transformation of the international political economy between 2007 and 2030 is likely to be the rise of large developing countries to great power status. Current trends in the growth of the economic and political power of such countries are examined, as are risks to their continued growth. These trends suggest that by 2030, it is highly likely that China, and potentially other developing countries will have become major powers, and that the international distribution of power will be multipolar. This multipolarity is less likely to be conflictual than in previous periods of historical multipolarity because of the growth of international institutions and because of the economic interdependence of major powers. The implications of this rise of large developing countries on poorer, smaller countries are not clear cut: while smaller developing countries may benefit from an increased diversity of development paradigms and reformed international institutions, conflict amongst great powers for power and influence could be played out on their territory. However, conflict between North and South over development goals and objectives is not thought to be a major risk. The overall vision for 2030 is an optimistic one, but this optimism depends both on the actions of existing and new powers in the coming 25 years.

There is a growing discrepancy between the output of human rights courts which protect the individual and traditional international institutions which protect the interests of states. This volume provides a systematic analysis of the impact of international human rights courts on more traditional international institutions

ABSTRACTUsing hand-collected data from a sample of 210 international banks during the period 2009 to 2013, we investigate whether fair value exposure, the proportion of financial assets measured at fair values, is associated with earnings persistence and whether the reliability of fair value measurements influences earnings persistence. We also examine whether the association between fair value measurements and earnings persistence is a function of institutional factors such as legal enforcement, the audit environment, and country-level auditor industry expertise. Results suggest that the use of fair values for balance sheet financial instruments enhances earnings persistence. Also, we find that the nondiscretionary fair value Level 1 assets (measured with observable inputs) are positively associated with earnings persistence, whereas the Level 2 assets (measured with indirectly observable inputs) and Level 3 assets (measured using unobservable inputs) are not associated with earnings persistence. We provide further evidence that there is a strong association between factors reflecting countrywide institutional structures and the predictive power of fair values based on discretionary measurement inputs (Level 2 and Level 3 assets) and we find that the moderating effect from these institutional factors is greater for Level 3 assets than for Level 2 assets. Additional tests suggest that the association between fair value estimates and earnings persistence is moderated by the classification of fair value assets (that is, through profit and loss versus other comprehensive income) and the reliability of fair value estimates.

"Née au début des années 1970 aux États-Unis, en Grande-Bretagne et au Canada, l'économie politique internationale (EPI) éclaire notre compréhension des transformations de la scène internationale en mettant l'accent sur leur dimension économique. Elle s'intéresse aux interactions entre le monde des États et les marchés et à leurs effets sur la politique mondiale. Devenue aujourd'hui, avec les questions de sécurité, l'une des plus importantes disciplines du champ plus vaste des relations internationales, l'EPI a procuré à ce dernier certains de ses concepts les plus novateurs : mondialisation, interdépendance complexe, stabilité hégémonique, puissance structurelle, gouvernance mondiale, etc. Elle a donné naissance à diverses théories, dont les principales sont défendues par deux écoles largement incompatibles : l'école orthodoxe, ancrée aux États-Unis, et l'école hétérodoxe, dominante en Grande-Bretagne et très présente au Canada et un peu partout dans le monde. Synthèse critique à destination des internationalistes francophones, ce livre présente les principaux auteurs, paradigmes et débats fondateurs de la discipline."--Page 4 of cover

A 19th century treaty on the demilitarisation of a small group of islands in the Baltic Sea may not appear, at face value, as a very promising incipit for an exciting academic text. Demilitarisation and international law in context: The Åland Islands, is a salutary reminder that prima facie judgments are often inaccurate. This brief study offers an examination of how demilitarisation has contributed to a peaceful resolution to a case of disputed sovereignty and reflects on the current legal and political challenges to this settlement. The overall objective of the book is: "to look at the demilitarisation and neutralisation of Åland as a long-standing regime intended to limit war" (p. 1). It is therefore relevant to numerous academic disciplines, including the international legal framework (of demilitarisation and neutrality); the international relations and political science framework of conflict resolution (intended to limit war); and the historical perspective which is adopted as a general progressive process through which the case-study is analysed. ; N/A

There appear to be few ways available to improve the prospects for international cooperation to address the threat of global warming within the very short time frame for action. I argue that the most effective and plausible way to break the ongoing pattern of delay in the international climate regime is for economically powerful states to take the lead domestically and demonstrate that economic welfare is compatible with rapidly decreasing GHG emissions. However, the costs and risks of acting first can be very large. This raises the question of whether it is fair to expect some states to go far ahead of others in an effort to improve the conditions for cooperation. I argue that a costly obligation to act unilaterally and to accept weak initial reciprocity can be justified and does not violate standards of fair burden sharing. Rather, the costs of creating the underlying conditions within which we can hope to achieve meaningful international cooperation are non-ideal burdens for which we can appropriately assign fair shares.

This article is devoted to US global political awakening after September 2001 and American approaches to international security issues. It tackles important foreign-policy decisions have been made during recent years. The 9/11 attacks gave Washington a surfeit of purpose to go along with its preponderant power. Being an ambitious politician, George Bush-junior recognized that the war on terror would require all elements of national power, from military to law enforcement to soft power, international institutions were flawed but essential and thus needed to be reformed. Since Barack Obama came into power, he has promoted the idea of US foreign policy shift to the most realistic and acceptable one claimed during his presidential campaign. Such an alternative deals with multilateral cooperation to face global challenges like denuclearization of the world, weapons reduction, mediation in international disputes and collective security. To succeed, America must revive and update the discipline of grand strategy in the regions like Middle East, Latin America, and South-East Asia.

ABSTRACTThis paper highlights the key issues which affected the design and implementation of water policy within the first phase of the Environmental Programme for the Danube River Basin. The programme represents one of several regional environmental initiatives in Eastern Europe which were designed to control pollution through the coordinated actions of national governments, international organizations, international financial institutions and non‐governmental organizations.The paper identifies three key controversial findings. Firstly, although the programme has been a valuable tool for the skills and technology transfer which are necessary to enable the Danube states to control water pollution, it has failed to generate the anticipated levels of capital investment or establish itself as a cornerstone of Danube basin management. Secondly, the policy process has been beset by political, economic, social and historical conflicts and power struggles between the participating parties. Thirdly, valuable lessons for the strategic and sustainable management of international river basins can be learned from the operational experiences of the Danube programme.

Kikas reviews 'New Wine and Old Bottles: International Politics and Ethical Discourse' edited by Jean Bethke Elshtain.

Am Beispiel einer nationalen Minderheit, den Armeniern, einer ethnischen Minderheit, den Kurden, und einer religiösen Minderheit, den Baha'is, werden Notwendigkeit und Möglichkeiten des internationalen Minderheitenschutzes erörtert. (DÜI-Hns)