Suchergebnisse

The government plans to amend the royal succession rules by making primogeniture gender blind and ending marriage to a Roman Catholic spouse as a disqualification for succession. Achieving these goals means that the UK is dependent on the agreement of the fifteen Commonwealth countries—the 'realms'—that also have the Queen as head of state. The article questions whether these proposals go far enough when leaving intact other religious discriminatory rules hostile to Catholics and all others who cannot be in communion with the Church of England. It is maintained that a political disinclination to address and, as necessary, challenge the real as opposed to the formal position of the Church of England vitiates the government's approach. Moreover, it is asked whether the policy process itself should not become more open and democratic both within the UK and between the realms.

This research examines group consciousness among people of African descent in Miami-Dade County, Florida, and its possible impact on their political participation. Using an original survey of over one thousand respondents, the authors question whether African Americans and black ethnics (Africans, Afro-Caribbean Americans, Afro-Cuban Americans, and Haitians) possess a shared group consciousness and, if so, why. Second, does group consciousness or socioeconomic status most influence the political participation of our respondents? The authors find that these groups have a common consciousness because of their skin color, experiences with discrimination, common interests, similar ideological views, and leadership preferences. They also find that while group consciousness has more of an impact on African American political participation, socioeconomic status more heavily influences black ethnics. Last, factors such as age, gender, partisanship, religion, and second-generation citizenship also affect African American and/or black ethnic political participation. Adapted from the source document.

This article focuses on the state of demographic transition in Ethiopia and describes the current situation of population growth as well as its ramifications in the fields of Maternal Health, HIV/AIDS, Education, Migration and Urbanization, Food Security, Security, and Gender. Approaches to tackle the challenges posed by demographic transition are portrayed featuring the response of the Ethiopian Government. The example used is Integrated Functional Adult Education (IFAE), implemented through an interdisciplinary and inter-ministerial strategy laid down in the Master Plan for Adult Education. Pilot experience in the field is displayed by the Integrated Women Empowerment Program (IWEP) to present possible changes on the ground. (DIPF/Orig.) ; Mit diesem Beitrag wird die demografische Entwicklung in Äthiopien und deren Auswirkungen auf unterschiedliche gesellschaftliche Felder, wie zum Beispiel Gesundheit, Sicherheit, Migration, Urbanisierung und Bildung beschrieben. Dabei wird in den Blick genommen, wie die äthiopische Regierung auf die damit verbundenen Herausforderungen im Bereich der Bildung reagiert. Diese Bemühungen werden durch die Darstellung von Integrated Functional Adult Education (IFAE) anhand des Integrated Women Empowerment Program (IWEP) illustriert. (DIPF/Orig.)

Frauen sind in einer paradoxen Situation. Einerseits verspricht die, nachholende' Arbeitsmarktindividualisierung Eigenständigkeit, Gleichstellung und Emanzipation. Andererseits sind Frauen gerade wegen ihrer prekären Integration in den Arbeitsmarkt einer riskanten Vulnerabilität ausgesetzt. Subjektivierung gefasst als ein doppelter Prozess, der marktlich/betrieblich hergestellte Anforderungen an die, ganze Person' der Arbeitssubjekte und des individuellen Sinnanspruchs an einen, eigensinnig' hergestellten Lebenszusammenhang enthält, aber auch neue Autonomiepotentiale, die als emanzipatorische und geschlechterpolitische Chance aufgegriffen und bearbeitet werden müssen. (DIPF/Orig.).;;;There is, in fact, a paradox about women. Their growing presence in the world of paid labour is an indication of greater participation in society and of female individualization. At the same time, however, this broader participation in the world of employment, which is itself structurally precarious, exposes them to major hazards and social risks and hence to social vulnerability. Subjectivation - which means the transition from external supervision to self-supervision, self-organization and self-economization -, on the other hand, could be regarded as a basis for (self-)authorization. This empowerment of the subject is becoming a driving force in the democratization of gender. (DIPF/Orig.).

Dieses Paper gibt eine Übersicht über die verschiedenen Formen der Streitbeilegung in der Amhara-Region im Kontext des realen Rechtspluralismus und vor dem Hintergrund der Rechtsentwicklung in Äthiopien. Die zum Einsatz kommenden Institutionen – gewohnheitsrechtliche, formal-staatliche oder hybride – bieten ein Forum für die Austragung alltäglicher Konflikte auf lokaler Ebene. Dabei können die verschiedenen Institutionen sowohl ergänzend als auch konkurrierend zueinander funktionieren. So verschieden die Institutionen sind, so unterschiedlichen Mustern der Legitimation unterliegen sie; dies gilt ebenso für die Beachtung von Frauenrechten, wobei hier beide als Bewertungskriterium herangezogen werden. Wenngleich gerade die gewohnheitsrechtlichen Institutionen nicht immer im Einklang mit nationalem und internationalem Recht stehen, so sind sie doch zentral für die Aufrechterhaltung von Frieden und sozialer Ordnung in der Gemeinschaft. ; This paper aims to give an idea about the different institutions of conflict resolution in the Amhara Region in Ethiopia. Customary, hybrid and state institution may work together or even against each other to provide a forum for conflict resolution in case of every-day conflicts. The various institutions follow different patterns of legitimization and gender equality. Although especially the customary institutions might not always be in line with national and international human rights, they are crucial to sustain peace and social order within the community.

Gender equality has been accepted as a universal principle. However, the long history of the subjugation of women made it difficult for modes and patterns of discrimination to be totally wiped out. In developing countries like Nepal, women are found to be still enjoying less political and economic privileges compared to men. One area where inequality lingers is participation in civil service and this is what this article is about. The level of participation and inclusion of women in Nepalese civil service is assessed using extensive literature review, survey and interview of women in the civil service as well as those involved in non-profit work and social activism. The findings of the research suggest that there is a lot more to be done to promote the participation of women in civil service. This problem is aggravated by an urban-rural economic gap that result in less women going to schools and having access to capacity-building facilities.

It is considered that political knowledge is one of the most prominent features of democratic citizenship, which makes its analysis especially relevant in a democratising society. This paper explores the predictors and correlates of youth political knowledge in Serbia. Political knowledge was measured by 12 multiple-choice questions pertaining to three areas: everyday politics, the rules of political game and foreign politics. Research participants were 788 fourth-grade students from 25 Belgrade secondary schools. The results show that the level of youth political knowledge is generally low and unevenly distributed among students. Its main predictors are interest in politics, academic achievement, gender and father's interest in politics. Other predictors that are usually regarded as very important (e.g. socioeconomic status, civic education) proved to be non-significant. Although political knowledge is positively correlated with political tolerance, political activism and diffuse political support, the coefficients are very low. The concluding part discusses possible causes of the obtained results.

This article draws attention to radical possibilities in classroom work with pop culture texts when teachers and students acknowledge and explore the micro-level political work people undertake when negotiating meanings for those texts. Data from a year-long ethnographic study of pop culture in a tenth grade English classroom in the U.S. illustrates some ways youth used embodied pop culture texts like clothing, shoes, and accessories to negotiate racial and ethnic identities in the classroom. The author employs post-structural performance theory to analyze a moment of discursive conflict between two students - an event when categories of race, gender, and class circulated discussion of a pair of earrings. She argues that similar struggles over pop culture text meanings are events when people practice performative politics, i.e., performing, reproducing, and reinventing ways of being in school and the world. Such uses of pop culture texts carry radical possibilities for classroom participants and curriculum.

Abstract
By analyzing the history of a photograph taken in a Bombay photo studio in 1885, this article explores notions of the production of knowledge on India and cultural dialogues, encounters, appropriations, and conflicts in colonial British India in the late nineteenth century. The photograph was taken after a Hindu religious ceremony in honour of the Italian Sanskritist Angelo de Gubernatis. Dressed as a Hindu Brahman, he is the only European photographed next to three Indian scholars, but what the image suggests of encounter and hybridity was challenged by the many written texts that reveal the conflicting dialogues that took place before and after the portrait was taken. Several factors were examined in order to decide who should and who should not be in the photograph: religion, cast, and even gender were successively discussed, before the category of "knowledge" became the bond that unified the four men who studied, taught, and wrote on India.

AbstractValues are conceptions of the desirable in various domains of life. This study tests the hypotheses that (1) when Muslims are a minority living in a non-Islamic society (e.g., India, Singapore, Uganda), their values are more similar to those of the non-Muslim majority religion in their society than to those of Muslims in Muslim-majority Islamic societies (e.g., Iran, Morocco, Pakistan); and (2) this tendency toward value assimilation is more pronounced when the Muslim minority is socially included, rather than excluded, by the non-Muslim majority. Data from representative samples of the population of nine Muslim-majority societies and nine Muslim-minority societies in the 2000 (fourth) wave of the World Values Surveys are used to construct scales for three domains of cultural values: religious values, family values, and gender values, and measures of social exclusion. The findings largely confirm hypothesis 1 and lend some support to hypothesis 2.