Suchergebnisse

Asia-Pacific trade and investment flows have burgeoned over recent decades, albeit impacted by China-US trade tensions and especially the COVID-19 pandemic (§1.02). International investment agreements have proliferated to liberalise and protect investments (§1.03), mostly adding the option of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS). Asia-related ISDS cases have also started to grow, albeit somewhat belatedly (§1.04), complementing a more longstanding upward trend in international commercial arbitration (ICA) cases involving Asian parties filed in the region as well as the traditional Western centres (§1.05). The eastward shift in international dispute resolution has already involved initiatives to improve not just support for ICA and ISDS arbitrations, but also to develop alternatives such as international commercial courts and mediation. Core arguments from ensuing chapters (§1.06) cover the main existing venues for international dispute resolution in Asia (China, Hong Kong and Singapore) but also some emerging contenders (Japan, Malaysia, India and Australia). Overall (§1.07), can ICA venues improve their attractiveness through law reforms, case law development and other measures, despite growing concerns about costs and delays? Will some emerging concerns about ISDS prompt Asia-Pacific states to become more active 'rule makers' in international investment law? How might these issues be affected by the COVID-19 pandemic?

Asia-Pacific trade and investment flows have burgeoned over recent decades, albeit impacted by China-US trade tensions and especially the COVID-19 pandemic (§1.02). International investment agreements have proliferated to liberalise and protect investments (§1.03), mostly adding the option of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS). Asia-related ISDS cases have also started to grow, albeit somewhat belatedly (§1.04), complementing a more longstanding upward trend in international commercial arbitration (ICA) cases involving Asian parties filed in the region as well as the traditional Western centres (§1.05). The eastward shift in international dispute resolution has already involved initiatives to improve not just support for ICA and ISDS arbitrations, but also to develop alternatives such as international commercial courts and mediation. Core arguments from ensuing chapters (§1.06) cover the main existing venues for international dispute resolution in Asia (China, Hong Kong and Singapore) but also some emerging contenders (Japan, Malaysia, India and Australia). Overall (§1.07), can ICA venues improve their attractiveness through law reforms, case law development and other measures, despite growing concerns about costs and delays? Will some emerging concerns about ISDS prompt Asia-Pacific states to become more active 'rule makers' in international investment law? How might these issues be affected by the COVID-19 pandemic?

Asia-Pacific trade and investment flows have burgeoned over recent decades, albeit impacted by China-US trade tensions and especially the COVID-19 pandemic (§1.02). International investment agreements have proliferated to liberalise and protect investments (§1.03), mostly adding the option of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS). Asia-related ISDS cases have also started to grow, albeit somewhat belatedly (§1.04), complementing a more longstanding upward trend in international commercial arbitration (ICA) cases involving Asian parties filed in the region as well as the traditional Western centres (§1.05). The eastward shift in international dispute resolution has already involved initiatives to improve not just support for ICA and ISDS arbitrations, but also to develop alternatives such as international commercial courts and mediation. Core arguments from ensuing chapters (§1.06) cover the main existing venues for international dispute resolution in Asia (China, Hong Kong and Singapore) but also some emerging contenders (Japan, Malaysia, India and Australia). Overall (§1.07), can ICA venues improve their attractiveness through law reforms, case law development and other measures, despite growing concerns about costs and delays? Will some emerging concerns about ISDS prompt Asia-Pacific states to become more active 'rule makers' in international investment law? How might these issues be affected by the COVID-19 pandemic?

Although the number of U.S. families who choose international adoption has grown dramatically over the past decade, concern remains about separating such children from their racial/ethnic/cultural groups of origin. Existing literature has primarily focused on African American or immigrant children's ethnic socialization experiences with little attention given to ethnic socialization of international adoptees. This paper describes a theoretical framework for understanding ethnic socialization among international adoptees and examines the applicability of existing models for understanding developmental and psychosocial outcomes for adopted minority children. Implications for practice, policy, and research are discussed.

Cet article propose une analyse de la « désoccidentalisation » comme stratégie englobant un ensemble de mesures mises en place par la Russie pour réduire l'influence des États-Unis, de l'Union européenne et de leurs alliés sur la scène internationale. À court terme, cette stratégie a pour but de réduire les effets des sanctions économiques, contrer la tentative d'isolement diplomatique de la Russie et endiguer le support militaire et économique à l'Ukraine. Dans un temps plus long, elle a pour objectif d'accroître l'influence de la Russie dans un ordre international « post-occidental » ou le groupe des BRICS est appelé à jouer un rôle déterminant.

Abstract
Why do governments borrow internationally? Why do they temporarily remain out of international financial markets after default? This paper develops a quantitative model of sovereign default to propose a unified answer to these questions. In the model, the government has an incentive to borrow internationally since the domestic return on capital exceeds the world interest rate, due to a friction in the banking sector. Since banks are exposed to sovereign debt, sovereign default causes a financial crisis. After default, the government chooses to reaccess international capital markets only once banks have recovered and efficiently allocate investment again. Exclusion hence arises endogenously.

Piero Gobetti (Turin 1901- Paris 1926) was not only one of the most important thinker and political writer of the Twentieth Century, but also one of the greatest organizers of culture: in his short life, he founded three journals (Energie Nove, Rivoluzione Liberale and Il Baretti) and a publishing house (Piero Gobetti Editore). Within his prodigious intellectual activity (obviously against Mussolini and what he represented), there was also room for reflection on the international politics of the 1920s. Gobetti's attention to international politics was expressed first in Energie Nove and then in Rivoluzione Liberale, with projects of columns and unique numbers especially dedicated to some foreign countries.

AbstractThe primary objective of this article is to cast some light upon the relationship between education expenditure and the volume of remittances sent to Albania from abroad by international migrants. To assess the existence of an education enhancing effect of remittances, an Engel curve framework is used. In addition, quintile regression analysis is employed to investigate whether migrants' remittances have a differentiated effect on various quantiles of the conditional distribution of education consumption. The two main empirical findings are that household income has a positive and well‐determined impact on education expenditure, whereas international transfers do not influence education spending.

Résumé L'apparition du concept de sécurité humaine est directement liée au bouleversement des règles du jeu de la scène internationale. Les paradigmes utilisés jusqu'au début des années 1990 pour comprendre et analyser les relations internationales se retrouvent caduques face à des menaces et des réalités nouvelles. Contrairement aux approches basées sur la sécurité nationale qui privilégient l'Etat ­ reléguant ainsi l'individu au second plan ­ la sécurité humaine nous oblige à nous intéresser aux menaces qui pèsent sur les individus au coeur des combats mortels livrés dans des Etats en décomposition. La sécurité humaine propose un nouveau cadre de compréhension et opère un renversement conceptuel pour les sciences politique.