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Die Russisch-Orthodoxe Kirche spielt scheinbar eine wichtige Rolle in der homophoben Kampagne, die das Putin-Regime in Russland entfacht hat. Doch ist dies nicht der Fall. Die Kirche hat keinen gesellschaftlichen Einfluss, sie ist lediglich ein willfähriges Instrument des Regimes. Die offiziellen Dokumente der Kirche haben für die Kampagne, die fast vollständig ohne theologische Argumentation auskommt, keine Bedeutung. Ohnehin ist der Kreis der homophoben Aktivisten klein und die Kampagne eher virtuell. Käme das Regime auf die Idee, dass Toleranz gegenüber Homosexualität ihm mehr nützt, so fände es problemlos liberale und schwule Priester, die auch diese Position im Fernsehen begründen würden. (Osteuropa (Berlin) / SWP)

After John Kerry's defeat at the hands of George W. Bush in 2004, the Democratic Party rebuilt itself. It has become a laboratory for experimentation, inventing a new "electoral science", which focuses on innovative technologies and database management. This new "science" has thus far been exploited by the Obama team to win two presidential elections. It is now used by the Democrats to push for action within the government. (Politique étrangère (Paris) / SWP)

Здійснено аналіз динаміки розвитку неурядових громадських організацій в роки незалежності України. Запропоновано власну етапизацію еволюції системи громадських організацій. Окреслено характерні особливості та проблеми взаємодії органів державної влади й інститутів громадянського суспільства. Виділено специфіку громадських організацій, акцентовано увагу на ефективному використанні їх досвіду для перспектив розвитку громадянського суспільства. ; Problem setting. The current development of Ukraine as a state, which constantly announces its path as irreversibly democratic, makes for more effective cooperation between state authorities and civil society institutions in all spheres of social and political life. It is important to identify positive and negative phenomena in the development of civil society institutions, in particular civil society organizations, at each stage of their development during the years of Ukraine's independence, focusing the problem in three dimensions – the position of the authorities, the legislative framework, and the motivation of the "third sector".Recent research and publications analysis. Among the most recent publications useful in our material, it is worth highlighting the work of M. Nazaruk "Istorychni aspekty stanovlennia instytutu hromadskyh objednan", in which we find a peculiar approach to the division into periods of public organizations development in an independent Ukraine, and I. Kondratenko's material on the role of public organizations in the socio-political life of Ukraine and the growth of demand for civil society institutes.Much attention deserves N. Gaeva's works on a detailed analysis of the latest version of the Law of Ukraine "Pro hromadski objednannia", S. Ishchuk, "Kontseptualni zasady realizatsii prava na svobodu objednan v Ukraini" on the target regional programs for the development of civil society and K. Levchuk "Hromadski orhanizatsii Ukrainy: stvorennia ta diialnist (1985 – 1996)".Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. In the context of our research, our attention was paid to following tasks: the analysis of the dynamics of public organizations development during the years of Ukraine's independence and their stages; the outlining of specific features and problems of interaction between public authorities and civil society institutions; the specification of regional public organizations and the skillful use of their experience for the prospects of civil society development.Paper main body. We offer our own stage of development of public organizations in independent Ukraine. In the logic of the criteria for the selection of such a classification, we put a chronicle of socio-political development of Ukraine, quantitative, qualitative and meaningful components of the work of public organizations, the evolution of the legislative foundations of their activities, the specifics of relations between state authorities and associations of citizens. Fixing positive and negative manifestations at each stage of the development of civic organizations in Ukraine, in our opinion, will have an important cognitive and applied effect for understanding the place and role of civil society, the mechanisms of the "third sector" in the dynamics of the development of democracy in general. Taking into account these components, we propose to consider the organizational and meaningful development of public organizations in Ukraine during the years of its independence in the following five stages: 1987 – 1990: spontaneous and organizational; 1990 – 1998: basic norm-making; 1999 – 2005: mass mobilization; 2006 – 2012: integration-institutional; 2013 – for the present: active volunteerism.We will try to substantiate the boundaries of the stages of development of public organizations in independent Ukraine and their meaningful content, noting that the problem of their phased evolution should be investigated through a three-dimensional analysis of effectiveness – the position of state authorities to the essence of civil society, the constant application of the legislative framework and the motivation spectrum of the possibilities of the "third sector". We believe that due to the unity of these components, we can achieve effective results in the process of democratization of public management and administration, as well as in the sustainable development of civil society.Analysis of the dynamics of the development of public organizations during the years of Ukraine's independence shows, in our opinion, two main points. Firstly, the formation of civil society was perceived by citizens as a direct manifestation of the democratization of social relations and the possibility of direct pressure on the government to make important socio-political decisions. Secondly, the correction of the target activity of public organizations in the direction of realization of their key essence, namely, the "spirit of volunteering", takes place quite slowly and situationally. The greatest manifestation of their activity is the crisis of social and political events (the period of the struggle for Ukraine's independence, the Orange Revolution, the Revolution of Dignity, the conduct of the Anti-Terroristic Operation).Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. An analysis of the dynamics of the development of public organizations during the years of Ukraine's independence shows, in our opinion, two main points. Firstly, the formation of civil society was perceived by citizens as a direct manifestation of the democratization of social relations and the possibility of direct pressure on the government to make important socio-political decisions. This can be explained by the chaos of the creation of various public organizations, their association in more integrated, mass popular structures. Secondly, the correction of the target activity of public organizations in the direction of realization of their key essence, namely, "the spirit of volunteering", takes place quite slowly and situationally. The greatest manifestation of their activity is the crisis social and political events (the period of the struggle for Ukraine's independence, the Orange Revolution, the Revolution of Dignity, the conduct of Anti-Terroristic Organization).

Problem setting. The current development of Ukraine as a state, which constantly announces its path as irreversibly democratic, makes for more effective cooperation between state authorities and civil society institutions in all spheres of social and political life. It is important to identify positive and negative phenomena in the development of civil society institutions, in particular civil society organizations, at each stage of their development during the years of Ukraine's independence, focusing the problem in three dimensions – the position of the authorities, the legislative framework, and the motivation of the "third sector".Recent research and publications analysis. Among the most recent publications useful in our material, it is worth highlighting the work of M. Nazaruk "Istorychni aspekty stanovlennia instytutu hromadskyh objednan", in which we find a peculiar approach to the division into periods of public organizations development in an independent Ukraine, and I. Kondratenko's material on the role of public organizations in the socio-political life of Ukraine and the growth of demand for civil society institutes.Much attention deserves N. Gaeva's works on a detailed analysis of the latest version of the Law of Ukraine "Pro hromadski objednannia", S. Ishchuk, "Kontseptualni zasady realizatsii prava na svobodu objednan v Ukraini" on the target regional programs for the development of civil society and K. Levchuk "Hromadski orhanizatsii Ukrainy: stvorennia ta diialnist (1985 – 1996)".Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. In the context of our research, our attention was paid to following tasks: the analysis of the dynamics of public organizations development during the years of Ukraine's independence and their stages; the outlining of specific features and problems of interaction between public authorities and civil society institutions; the specification of regional public organizations and the skillful use of their experience for the prospects of civil society development.Paper main body. We offer our own stage of development of public organizations in independent Ukraine. In the logic of the criteria for the selection of such a classification, we put a chronicle of socio-political development of Ukraine, quantitative, qualitative and meaningful components of the work of public organizations, the evolution of the legislative foundations of their activities, the specifics of relations between state authorities and associations of citizens. Fixing positive and negative manifestations at each stage of the development of civic organizations in Ukraine, in our opinion, will have an important cognitive and applied effect for understanding the place and role of civil society, the mechanisms of the "third sector" in the dynamics of the development of democracy in general. Taking into account these components, we propose to consider the organizational and meaningful development of public organizations in Ukraine during the years of its independence in the following five stages: 1987 – 1990: spontaneous and organizational; 1990 – 1998: basic norm-making; 1999 – 2005: mass mobilization; 2006 – 2012: integration-institutional; 2013 – for the present: active volunteerism.We will try to substantiate the boundaries of the stages of development of public organizations in independent Ukraine and their meaningful content, noting that the problem of their phased evolution should be investigated through a three-dimensional analysis of effectiveness – the position of state authorities to the essence of civil society, the constant application of the legislative framework and the motivation spectrum of the possibilities of the "third sector". We believe that due to the unity of these components, we can achieve effective results in the process of democratization of public management and administration, as well as in the sustainable development of civil society.Analysis of the dynamics of the development of public organizations during the years of Ukraine's independence shows, in our opinion, two main points. Firstly, the formation of civil society was perceived by citizens as a direct manifestation of the democratization of social relations and the possibility of direct pressure on the government to make important socio-political decisions. Secondly, the correction of the target activity of public organizations in the direction of realization of their key essence, namely, the "spirit of volunteering", takes place quite slowly and situationally. The greatest manifestation of their activity is the crisis of social and political events (the period of the struggle for Ukraine's independence, the Orange Revolution, the Revolution of Dignity, the conduct of the Anti-Terroristic Operation).Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. An analysis of the dynamics of the development of public organizations during the years of Ukraine's independence shows, in our opinion, two main points. Firstly, the formation of civil society was perceived by citizens as a direct manifestation of the democratization of social relations and the possibility of direct pressure on the government to make important socio-political decisions. This can be explained by the chaos of the creation of various public organizations, their association in more integrated, mass popular structures. Secondly, the correction of the target activity of public organizations in the direction of realization of their key essence, namely, "the spirit of volunteering", takes place quite slowly and situationally. The greatest manifestation of their activity is the crisis social and political events (the period of the struggle for Ukraine's independence, the Orange Revolution, the Revolution of Dignity, the conduct of Anti-Terroristic Organization). ; Здійснено аналіз динаміки розвитку неурядових громадських організацій в роки незалежності України. Запропоновано власну етапизацію еволюції системи громадських організацій. Окреслено характерні особливості та проблеми взаємодії органів державної влади й інститутів громадянського суспільства. Виділено специфіку громадських організацій, акцентовано увагу на ефективному використанні їх досвіду для перспектив розвитку громадянського суспільства.

The tsunami that originated from the Indian Ocean in 2004 wreaked massive destruction, killing more than 130,000 people and displacing half a million individuals in Aceh, Indonesia. More than 800 kilometers of coastline was affected, and close to 53,795 land parcels were destroyed. The land administration system sustained significant damage because documentation of land ownership was washed away along with people's houses and other possessions in the affected communities. Physical boundary markers, including trees and fences, also disappeared. An additionally, close to one-third of the land office personnel perished. When the disaster struck, Aceh was reeling from three decades of civil strife. Five years later, in 2009, the province was still in the process of recovery not only from the devastation of the tsunami but also from years of unrest. The premise of this research study is that the gender aspects of women's access to land and property rights cannot be understood solely as an administrative or procedural issue, but should be considered a part of the broader social and cultural dimensions. These dimensions need to be understood in relation to development opportunities, constraints, and risks facing women and affecting their ability to participate in the process of reconstruction and development. Understanding the macro social and institutional processes is essential to influencing and supporting changes to enhance gender equity on land and property rights. The results of this study need to be appreciated within the following limitations: (a) it is affected by the absence of baseline information and gender-disaggregated data on land; (b) the scope of this study is limited to land and property rights only; and (c) by the time this study commenced, the Reconstruction of Aceh Land Administration System Project (RALAS) Grant had closed, and therefore the study served mainly to assess and document the experiences and lessons learned.

This article is about the elements around the notion of transmission in the process of accompanying teachers who have just started work in institutional settings of higher education. The work is part of the research project Curricular processes and accompanying practices (PCyPA). Training is a cultural process that takes place under material conditions and with strategies for organizing social ties. In the time and space of the cultural act, multiple human links are unleashed that organize the plot, the drama of the transmission as an act of mediation between what is presented by the experts and what is incorporated in the newcomers to institutional practices. The encounter between two agents —generationally different— takes the form of dispositions to build paths that lead to the mobilization of knowledge — especially the desire to know — and of wanting to be in a certain way that leads to the modeling of the self, to the formation of oneself from the vital force that is located in the transmission. The incorporation process is on the side of transformation, modification, alteration, almost conversion. Transmission does not stop having communicational effects, but it is not reduced to it. Transmission has political effects since it gives way to organize and project social ties it tends to generate an aesthetic —as a principle of reality— and to cultivate collegiate strategies and collective frameworks. To reflect on the chiaroscuro of the transmission, we took two narrative diaries of teachers built in the process of immersion in a higher education institution. On the one hand, they expose the process of becoming university teachers; on the other, they reveal the vicissitudes of the accompaniment: hesitations, passions, interest and shaping of the self. ; O artigo reflete sobre os elementos que caracterizam a noção de transmissão no processo de acompanhamento de docentes recém-iniciados em ambientes institucionais de ensino superior. Inscreve-se no projeto de investigação Processos curriculares e práticas de acompanhamento (PCyPA). A formação é um processo cultural que se dá em condições materiais e com estratégias de organização dos laços sociais. No tempo e no espaço do ato cultural, desencadeiam-se os múltiplos vínculos humanos que organizam a trama, o drama da transmissão como ato de mediação entre o que é apresentado pelos especialistas e o que se incorpora nos recém-chegados às práticas institucionais. O encontro entre dois agentes - geracionalmente distintos - assume a forma de disposições para construir trajectos que conduzam à mobilização do saber - especialmente o desejo de saber - e de querer ser de uma determinada forma que conduz à modelagem de si, ao formação de si mesmo a partir da força vital que se localiza na transmissão. O processo de incorporação está do lado da transformação, modificação, alteração, quase conversão. A transmissão não deixa de ter efeitos comunicacionais, mas não se reduz a isso. A transmissão tem efeitos políticos porque dá origem a uma forma de organizar e projetar os laços sociais, tende a gerar uma estética - como princípio da realidade - e a cultivar estratégias colegiadas e quadros coletivos. Para refletir sobre o claro-escuro da transmissão, tomamos dois diários narrativos de professoras construídos no processo de imersão em uma instituição de ensino superior; de um lado, expõem o processo de se tornarem professores universitários, de outro, revelam as vicissitudes do acompanhamento: hesitações, paixões, interesse e formação de si. ; El artículo reflexiona sobre los elementos que caracterizan a la noción de transmisión en el proceso de acompañar a profesores que recién inician labores en marcos institucionales de educación superior. Se inscribe en el proyecto de investigación Procesos curriculares y prácticas de acompañamiento. Formar es un proceso cultural que se efectúa en condiciones materiales y con estrategias de organización de los vínculos sociales. En el tiempo y espacio del acto cultural se desencadenan múltiples vínculos humanos que organizan la trama, el drama de la transmisión en tanto acto de mediación entre lo que se presenta por los expertos y lo que se incorpora en los recién ingresados a las prácticas institucionales. El encuentro entre dos agentes —generacionalmente distintos— toma la forma de disposiciones para construir trayectos que llevan a la movilización del saber —en especial del deseo de saber— y del querer ser de una determinada manera que conduce a la modelación del yo, a la formación de sí a partir de la fuerza vital que se localiza en la transmisión. El proceso de incorporación está del lado de la transformación, de la modificación, de la alteración, casi de la conversión. La transmisión no deja de tener efectos comunicacionales, pero no se reduce a ella. La transmisión tiene efectos políticos pues da cauce a una forma de organizar y proyectar los vínculos sociales, tiende a la generación de una estética —en tanto principio de realidad— y al cultivo de estrategias colegiadas y marcos colectivos. Para reflexionar sobre los claroscuros de la transmisión tomamos dos diarios narrativos de profesoras construidos en el proceso de inmersión a una institución de educación superior; por un lado, exponen el proceso de convertirse en docentes universitarios, por otro, revelan los avatares del acompañamiento: vacilaciones, pasiones, interés y moldeamiento del yo.

This dissertation aims at disentangling the relationship between trade unions and "outsiders"; it investigates labour organizations' strategies with respect to the representation of this group of workers, challenging the mainstream theory that states how organized labour usually carries out insiders' interests and hinders outsiders' claims. More specifically, the thesis analyses the introduction of policies that targeted outsiders and explores whether labour organizations supported them or not. The starting point of this work is the "inclusive turn" that occurred in Latin America from the early 2000s: the Bismarckian welfare regime in place in the region – that, due to the high levels of informality, left large sectors of the population without access to social protection system - was modified by the introduction of non-contributory measures to include outsiders. While the existent literature considers the establishment of long-term democratic regimes and the advent of left parties in the cabinets as the main explanans of this paradigmatic turn, this dissertation contributes to enlarge the comprehension social policy expansion by looking at the role of trade unions in Argentina and Uruguay. The research questions thus concern whether and why labour organizations supported inclusive policies, while taken into consideration possible differences that may depend on unions' specific features and on the considered policy-fields (children allowances and pensions). According to the existent literature, some arguments have been drawn. While the insider-outsider theory identifies membership and the composition of unions' rank-and file as the main element that defines trade unions' choice to support outsiders, other strands of literature pinpoint how labour organizations differentiate their strategies according to their ideologies and the eventual relationship with governments. In addition, external factors may blur the interests of insiders and outsiders, thus affecting labour organizations' actions. These arguments have been investigated by looking at the Argentinean and Uruguayan unions. The countries have been chosen because they both exhibit similar welfare state developments but they have extremely different trade union models: while in Argentina, it is impossible for more unions to coexist within the same sector or industry, in Uruguay this restriction does not exist. Despite this framework, in Argentina there are two unions – CGT, representing insiders and with an historical relationship with the Peronist Party, and CTA, a leftist organization representing also outsiders – while in Uruguay, only one organization represents all workers, the PIT-CNT, allied with the Frente Amplio. Although the selected cases brought to different expectations, all unions expressed their support to outsiders-favourable measures. A common reason has been found in the diminishing gap between insiders and outsiders (especially in the field of pensions) that pushed trade unions to extend protection to workers well beyond their majoritarian membership. However, this factor was not enough to disentangle the empirical puzzle. Among the three, the Argentinean CTA was the only union without institutional resources. It therefore moved toward a strategy based on mobilization and coalition building with societal actors, culminated with the creation of a National Front against Poverty. When it comes to CGT, results show that it was strongly boosted by CTA's competition; this element, coupled with the deep corporatist relationship with the Peronist government, pushed CGT toward the support of pro-outsider policies. There was therefore a deviation with respect to the exclusive attention to insiders, as it would be legitimate to expect from the insider/outsider perspective. For what concerns Uruguay, PIT-CNT, is considered a supporter. The ideological affinity with government – they both shared a leftist ideology - and the possibility to state its porposals in the National Dialogue allowed PIT-CNT to promote inclusion of the most disadvantaged workers. The analysis of trade unions' strategies in the Latin American context has an important relevance also from a theoretical perspective. As the empirical investigation reveals, membership has not emerged as the crucial element to undertake decisions concerning pro-outsider policies. Rather, the economic context seems to have negatively affected the condition of insiders: in fact, some of them were not employed in the formal labour market for their entire careers, generating also difficulties in the access to social protection system. This group, defined as "mid-siders", thus impacted on trade unions' willing to promote pro-outsider policies. Another contribution that the paper does to the literature is the partial denial of the revitalization theory and, more specifically, to the definition of institutional resources and on their effects on trade unions' strategies. The access to such resources from governments is not an obstacle to the support of inclusive policies. Garay (2016) helps to understand how the strict relationship between political actors, even if they are inserted in a corporatist model, does not necessarily exclude outsiders, if there exist a competition to grab their support. Finally, this work strongly confirms the importance of ideology: union with leftist ideologies have been demonstrated to conceive social protection as "human rights", implying that welfare state should provide universal coverage. In light of this findings, the insider/outsider theory is not confirmed: rather than the rank-and-file composition, other factors intervene in defining trade unions' strategies and their support for pro-outsider policies.

Social and environmental conflicts related to land use are quite common nowadays, while the transforming space tends increasingly to be considered only in economic terms. At that stage, it is necessary to recognize the limitations of the standard instruments of urban planning. We often observe the dissociation between city building processes and desires of its inhabitants .The analysis of the city requires the consideration of the power of subjective views, made by users, and mechanisms to embrace the reaction to a certain way of doing city, to a programmed and external pattern. The discussion about the subjective city arises from a reflection of what remains, a priori, outside the institutional city building mechanisms . Emergent collective interests come into dialectic with the canonical city, and gets to question certain urban politics. The subjective city tends to be, because of that, a reply to the institutional city construction. Beginning with the interpretation of the subjective city concept that Felix Guattari deals with, its contextualization in the theory of contemporary architecture is performed.This research tackles an interpretative proposal of the subjective city in contemporary Valencia and its evolution in the dialectic of city ideas. The interpretation in processes and paradigmatic cases in the recent history of Valencia is applied.These are often produced in changing times, with political,economic, cultural or social conflicts . The ecosophical processes have special interest in defining this city in considered scenes. lt is a monitoring on the transformation, modification or institutionalization of this subjective city concept according to the circumstances and involved agents.These resistances and citizen movilizations become city generators.This citizens mobilizations in the Valencian transition to democracy represent the appearance of the first landscape and territory defense mechanisms. Both the defense of El Saler like the Turia riverbed are judged as paradigmatic cases. Two key concepts to the study of the contemporary city are introduced in this research: otherness and urban appropriation. Among the new urban activism, the defense case in the Cabañal neighborhood illuminates some facts about the subjective city configuration to add to previous ones . Finally,groups of self-managed spaces help to define urban micropolitics as those capable of fostering transformative power of inhabitant in the space around him. The subjective city is finally revealed as the challenge of facing the answers to guide the futures of the city towards the restoration of new subjectivities. ; Los conflictos sociales y medioambientales vinculados con el uso del suelo son comunes en la actualidad, al mismo tiempo que el espacio que se transforma tiende, cada vez más, a ser considerado sólo en términos económicos. En ese escenario se hace necesario reconocer las limitaciones de los instrumentos canónicos de la planificación urbana. Observamos muchas veces la disociación entre los procesos que construyen ciudad y los deseos de sus habitantes. El análisis de la ciudad requiere tener en cuenta la potencia de las visiones subjetivas de sus usuarios, y dotarse de los mecanismos para interiorizar la reacción a una determinada forma de hacer ciudad, a un modelo programado que les resulta ajeno. La discusión sobre la ciudad subjetiva se plantea desde una reflexión sobre lo que queda, a priori, fuera de los mecanismos institucionales de construcción de ciudad. Los intereses colectivos emergentes entran en dialéctica con la ciudad canónica y consiguen cuestionar determinadas políticas urbanas. La ciudad subjetiva tiende a ser, por ello, una contestación a la construcción institucionalizada de ciudad. Se parte de la interpretación del concepto de ciudad subjetiva que trata Félix Guattari y se elabora su contextualización en la teoría de la arquitectura contemporánea. Esta investigación aborda una propuesta interpretativa de la ciudad subjetiva en la Valencia contemporánea y su evolución en la dialéctica de las ideas de ciudad. Se aplica esta interpretación a procesos y casos paradigmáticos en la historia reciente de Valencia, que se producen en momentos de cambio o conflicto político, económico, cultural o social. Los procesos ecosóficos tienen especial interés a la hora de definir la ciudad subjetiva en los escenarios tratados. Se hace un seguimiento de la transformación, modificación o institucionalización de las ideas de ciudad enmarcables en ese concepto de ciudad según las circunstancias en las que se dan y los agentes implicados. Se constata cómo las resistencias y movilizaciones ciudadanas devienen generadores de ciudad y cómo dichas movilizaciones en la Transición valenciana representan la aparición de los primeros mecanismos de defensa del paisaje y el territorio .Tanto el caso de la defensa de El Saler como el del cauce del río Turia son valorados como paradigmáticos. En esta investigación se introducen dos conceptos clave para el estudio de la ciudad contemporánea: la alteridad y las apropiaciones urbanas. Dentro de los nuevos activismos urbanos, el caso de la defensa del barrio de El Cabañal alumbra algunas particularidades a añadir a las anteriores. Por último, se detectan conjuntos de espacios, resultado de mecanismos autogestionados, definiendo las micropolíticas urbanas como aquellas capaces de fomentar la capacidad transformadora del habitante sobre el espacio que le rodea. La ciudad subjetiva se desvela al fin como el reto de enfrentar las respuestas que orienten los porvenires de la urbe hacia la restauración de nuevas subjetividades. ; Postprint (published version)

Social and environmental conflicts related to land use are quite common nowadays, while the transforming space tends increasingly to be considered only in economic terms. At that stage, it is necessary to recognize the limitations of the standard instruments of urban planning. We often observe the dissociation between city building processes and desires of its inhabitants .The analysis of the city requires the consideration of the power of subjective views, made by users, and mechanisms to embrace the reaction to a certain way of doing city, to a programmed and external pattern. The discussion about the subjective city arises from a reflection of what remains, a priori, outside the institutional city building mechanisms . Emergent collective interests come into dialectic with the canonical city, and gets to question certain urban politics. The subjective city tends to be, because of that, a reply to the institutional city construction. Beginning with the interpretation of the subjective city concept that Felix Guattari deals with, its contextualization in the theory of contemporary architecture is performed.This research tackles an interpretative proposal of the subjective city in contemporary Valencia and its evolution in the dialectic of city ideas. The interpretation in processes and paradigmatic cases in the recent history of Valencia is applied.These are often produced in changing times, with political,economic, cultural or social conflicts . The ecosophical processes have special interest in defining this city in considered scenes. lt is a monitoring on the transformation, modification or institutionalization of this subjective city concept according to the circumstances and involved agents.These resistances and citizen movilizations become city generators.This citizens mobilizations in the Valencian transition to democracy represent the appearance of the first landscape and territory defense mechanisms. Both the defense of El Saler like the Turia riverbed are judged as paradigmatic cases. Two key concepts to the study of the contemporary city are introduced in this research: otherness and urban appropriation. Among the new urban activism, the defense case in the Cabañal neighborhood illuminates some facts about the subjective city configuration to add to previous ones . Finally,groups of self-managed spaces help to define urban micropolitics as those capable of fostering transformative power of inhabitant in the space around him. The subjective city is finally revealed as the challenge of facing the answers to guide the futures of the city towards the restoration of new subjectivities. ; Los conflictos sociales y medioambientales vinculados con el uso del suelo son comunes en la actualidad, al mismo tiempo que el espacio que se transforma tiende, cada vez más, a ser considerado sólo en términos económicos. En ese escenario se hace necesario reconocer las limitaciones de los instrumentos canónicos de la planificación urbana. Observamos muchas veces la disociación entre los procesos que construyen ciudad y los deseos de sus habitantes. El análisis de la ciudad requiere tener en cuenta la potencia de las visiones subjetivas de sus usuarios, y dotarse de los mecanismos para interiorizar la reacción a una determinada forma de hacer ciudad, a un modelo programado que les resulta ajeno. La discusión sobre la ciudad subjetiva se plantea desde una reflexión sobre lo que queda, a priori, fuera de los mecanismos institucionales de construcción de ciudad. Los intereses colectivos emergentes entran en dialéctica con la ciudad canónica y consiguen cuestionar determinadas políticas urbanas. La ciudad subjetiva tiende a ser, por ello, una contestación a la construcción institucionalizada de ciudad. Se parte de la interpretación del concepto de ciudad subjetiva que trata Félix Guattari y se elabora su contextualización en la teoría de la arquitectura contemporánea. Esta investigación aborda una propuesta interpretativa de la ciudad subjetiva en la Valencia contemporánea y su evolución en la dialéctica de las ideas de ciudad. Se aplica esta interpretación a procesos y casos paradigmáticos en la historia reciente de Valencia, que se producen en momentos de cambio o conflicto político, económico, cultural o social. Los procesos ecosóficos tienen especial interés a la hora de definir la ciudad subjetiva en los escenarios tratados. Se hace un seguimiento de la transformación, modificación o institucionalización de las ideas de ciudad enmarcables en ese concepto de ciudad según las circunstancias en las que se dan y los agentes implicados. Se constata cómo las resistencias y movilizaciones ciudadanas devienen generadores de ciudad y cómo dichas movilizaciones en la Transición valenciana representan la aparición de los primeros mecanismos de defensa del paisaje y el territorio .Tanto el caso de la defensa de El Saler como el del cauce del río Turia son valorados como paradigmáticos. En esta investigación se introducen dos conceptos clave para el estudio de la ciudad contemporánea: la alteridad y las apropiaciones urbanas. Dentro de los nuevos activismos urbanos, el caso de la defensa del barrio de El Cabañal alumbra algunas particularidades a añadir a las anteriores. Por último, se detectan conjuntos de espacios, resultado de mecanismos autogestionados, definiendo las micropolíticas urbanas como aquellas capaces de fomentar la capacidad transformadora del habitante sobre el espacio que le rodea. La ciudad subjetiva se desvela al fin como el reto de enfrentar las respuestas que orienten los porvenires de la urbe hacia la restauración de nuevas subjetividades. ; Postprint (published version)

[spa] La tesis de doctorado explora analíticamente el vínculo entre migración, desarrollo y remesas mediante el estudio etnográfico del programa de contratación en origen y codesarrollo del sindicato agrario Unió de Pagesos (Catalunya, Estado Español). Éste se analiza como un sistema de trabajo migratorio (Burawoy, 1976) y como una experiencia de institucionalización de la migración (Goss y Linquist, 1997) en forma de empresa migratoria, que se articula en un campo social transnacional donde se conectan distintos actores con intereses lucrativos y políticos que fomentan la migración, instituciones estatales, ONGD y grupos domésticos. Este programa de migración circular se erige como un instrumento de control y regulación de flujos, y alberga la misión de intervenir sobre poblaciones mediante el formato de estimular el retorno y la orientación en la inversión productiva y empresarial de la remesa, para generar desarrollo local y atacar la pobreza causante de las migraciones. Describir su discurso y su misión de codesarrollo, así como analizar sus prácticas locales en un país de reclutamiento como Colombia, permite entrever un juego de lógicas e intereses entre distintos actores sociales, que se ubican en una estructura asimétrica y jerárquica, fundamentada en la desigualdad en la movilización global de mano obra. Y en esta misma estructura, la implementación del codesarrollo se asimila con las estructuras y los proyectos de cooperación internacional, ONGD y asociaciones campesinas que actúan en el país latinoamericano y que perciben el programa en términos de oportunidad de financiamiento. La investigación muestra que existe un enfoque economicista e institucional que guía la experiencia, y revela como el reclutamiento de mano de obra en origen en Colombia y sus suministro hacia la agricultura catalana su fusiona con procesos informales de contratación y otros factores extraeconómicos, como el clientelismo, el patronazgo andino y el asociacionismo campesino, que devienen claves en el negocio del reclutamiento de mano de obra a nivel global, e implementación de codesarrollo a nivel local. En la tesis se analiza el programa de reclutamiento y codesarrollo como una empresa de la migración, y focaliza en dos estudios de caso en el suroccidente del país andino (Norte del Cauca y Nariño), donde se implementaron proyectos colectivos de codesarrollo entre los años 2001 y 2013. Además, se observa el problema desde las poblaciones en origen y desde la posición de las personas –gran parte de ellas mujeres-, grupos domésticos y agentes sociales radicados en origen. Las obligaciones morales, el retorno de favores, la reciprocidad y las economías del cuidado impregnan sus estrategias migratorias familiares y colectivas, y los usos y significados de mandar y recibir remesas. Mediante la antropología económica y la economía feminista se analiza el fomento de comportamientos centrados en el homo oeconomicus para empresarizar a las poblaciones migrantes y hacerlas agentes de codesarrollo en sus localidades de origen. Este planteamiento invisibiliza una parte oculta de los procesos migratorios y la redistribución de los beneficios de la migración: el rol clave de los agentes locales, sus estrategias migratorias comunitarias, y el vínculo entre remesas sociales, diferenciación social y poder local. También, el hecho de que la mayoría de hogares involucrados en la experiencia transnacional se rigen por lógicas de la reproducción ampliada de la vida (Coraggio, 2004). Mirar desde la posición más oculta de este proceso glocal, revela la importancia de las lógicas basadas en la sostenibilidad de la vida (Carrasco, 2001). El papel de las mujeres y los grupos de parientes conectan el trabajo doméstico y las economías del cuidado con el trabajo asalariado en los países de destino. En un contexto de políticas neoliberales y control represivo de los flujos migratorios, las emprendimientos que fomenta esta experiencia de migración y codesarrollo se sustenta sobra las esferas más ocultas, pero más dinámicas, que forman parte de los procesos migratorios globales. ; [eng] The doctoral thesis explores analytically the link between migration, development and remittances through the ethnographic study of the recruitment in origin program and co-development program of agrarian trade Unió de Pagesos (Catalunya, Spain). This is analyzed as a migratory labor system (Burawoy, 1976) and as an institutionalization of migration experience (Goss and Linquist, 1997) that takes form of a migration company. This is articulated in a transnational social field where different actors are connected with profit and political interests that stimulate the migration, state institutions, NGO and domestic groups. This program of circular migration is built as an instrument of control and regulation of flows. Beside harbors the mission to intervene about population using the format to simulate the return and guide to the productive and entrepreneur investment of remittances. The main objective that pursuit is to generate local development and attack the poverty that cause migrations. Describe their discourse and their co-development mission, as well as analyze their local practices in a recruitment country as Colombia, allows us to glimpse a game of logic and interests among different social actors, which are located in a hierarchical and asymmetric structure. An structure founded in inequality in the global mobilization of the labor force. In this same structure, co-development implementation is integrated with the structures and projects of international cooperation, NGOD and peasant associations which acts in Colombia and perceive the program in terms of opportunity for financing. Research shows that an economicist and institutional approach that guide the experience exist. This reveals how the recruitment of labor force in Colombia and its supply to catalan agroindustry are merged with hire informal processes and another extra economic factors, such as patronage, clientelism and peasant asociationism. All of these become key in the labor recruitment business in a global level. Also, in the implementation of the co-development in a local level. The thesis analyzes the program as a migration Company and focuses on two case studies in the southwest Andean country (Northern Cauca and Nariño), where various collective projects have been implemented between 2001 and 2013. In addition, the problem is observed from local population and from positions people –mainly women-, domestic groups and social agents based in origin. The moral obligations, the return of favors, reciprocity and care economies permeate their family and collective migratory strategies, and the uses and meanings of sending and receiving remittances. Using anthropology economic and feminist economy it analyzes the promotion of behaviors focused in homo oeconomicus in migrant populations (for example to create business), and converse them to co-development agents in theirs origin localities. This approach hides a part of migration processes and the redistribution of the benefits of migration: the key role of local actors, the community migration strategies, and the link between social remittances, social differentiation and local power. Also, the fact that in the majority of households involved in transnational experiences is governed by the logic of extended reproduction of life (Coraggio, 2004). Observer from the part more hidden in this glocal process reveals the importance of the logics based on the sustainability of the life (Carrasco, 2001). The role of the women and the kin groups connect domestic work and care economies with wage labor in the countries of destination. In a context of neoliberal politics and repressive controls of migratory flows, the endeavors fomented by this experience of migration and co-development are defended in areas more hidden, but more dynamic, that are part of the process of global migration.

The dynamism of the development of modern political systems is due to the influence of global processes of informatization and globalization. They define new standards of society, aimed at increasing the level of stability and order as the basis of progressive socio-political development. The processes of political modernization are an effective mechanism for the practical implementation of qualitatively new changes related to the structural and content-based updating of political systems, the creation of opportunities for the development of a social and legal state and civil society. In the course of institutionalization, the political elite acquires stable structural and functional characteristics that determine the features of intra-age interaction, specify the procedure of political activity and technological tools necessary for optimization of the set goals and objectives. The high level of institutionalization in the political system allows the elite to demonstrate subjectivity in initiating and practical implementation of national modernization projects. The level of institutionalization of the elite, its subjectivity in the implementation of modernization transformations can be improved due to: 1) update of the staffing of the status-role grid by attracting the potential of youth leaders and conducting of lustration; 2) creation of conditions for forming a regime of partnership cooperation with civil society and business structures on the basis of mutual recognition of obligations and responsibilities regarding the modernization of the political system in the conditions of global development; 3) formation of an effective institutional environment that will increase the level of openness of intra-age interaction, optimize communication practices with civil society and provide sequences of procedural and technological aspects of the process of political modernization; 4) initiating a national modernization project that is in line with the current trend of global development; 5) activating the mobilization and consolidation potential of civil society through raising the level of national consciousness and political identity. ; Динамічність розвитку сучасних політичних систем обумовлена впливом світових процесів інформатизації та глобалізації. Вони визначають нові стандарти життєдіяльності суспільства, направлені на підвищення рівня стабільності та порядку як основи поступального суспільнополітичного розвитку. Процеси політичної модернізації виступають дієвим механізмом практичної реалізації якісно-нових змін, пов'язаних із структурно-змістовним оновленням політичних систем, створенням можливостей розвитку соціально-правової держави та громадянського суспільства. Політична еліта в ході інституціоналізації набуває стійких структурно-функціональних характеристик, що визначають особливості внутрішньоелітної взаємодії, конкретизують процедуру політичної діяльності та технологічний інструментарій, необхідний для оптимізації поставлених цілей та завдань. Високий рівень інституціоналізації у політичній системі дозволяє еліті проявляти суб'єктність щодо ініціювання та практичної реалізації національних модернізаційних проектів. Підвищенню рівня інституціоналізації еліти, її суб'єктності в здійсненні модернізаційних перетворень можуть сприяти: 1) оновлення кадрового складу статусно-рольової сітки за рахунок залучення потенціалу молодіжних лідерів та проведення люстрації; 2) створення умов формування режиму партнерської співпраці з громадянським суспільством та бізнесструктурами, на засадах взаємного визнання зобов'язань і відповідальності щодо модернізації політичної системи в умовах глобального розвитку; 3) формування дієвого інституціонального середовища, що дозволить підвищити рівень відкритості внутрішньоелітної взаємодії, оптимізувати практики комунікації із громадянським суспільством та надати послідовності процедурно-технологічним аспектам процесу політичної модернізації; 4) ініціювання національного проекту модернізації, що відповідає сучасним тенденція глобального розвитку; 5) активізація мобілізаційного та консолідаційного потенціалу громадянського суспільства через підвищення рівня національної самосвідомості та політичної ідентичності.

The article deals with the problem of establishing a of civil culture as a condition for the successful implementation of decentralization in Ukraine. The author conduct a systematic analysis of specific features of civility, attempt to reveal the nature of the transformation of the culture of civicism in the context of decentralization reform. The study was analyzed of specific forms of civic activity: citizens' appeals, general meetings, public examination, public hearings, public consultations, was emphasized that electoral participation of citizens is one of the most important components of the culture of civic citizenship. It is noted that the sign of a high level of civic culture is the association of citizens with nongovernmental organizations that raise their members' sense of cooperation, solidarity and civil patriotism, which ensures the political structuring of society. The importance of the role of youth civic engagement in the process of decentralization reform is highlighted. An analysis of the evolution of the role of civil society in the course of decentralization reform was conducted. It is proved that the purpose of civil society is to reconcile society with the combination of private and general interests, mediation between personality and state power. It is emphasized that strategic decisions for the structures of civil society are strategic decisions that involve the transfer to the regional level of procedures through which the functions of public authorities are subject to control by the public, which ensures greater autonomy of regional governance. It has been proved that decentralization, due to its instrumentality, creates an appropriate space for the formation of a pluralistic civil society, with the expansion of opportunities for self-recruiting communities into different institutional structures. The authors emphasize that mobilization of civil society takes place through the formation of joint responsibility as a certain form of civic consciousness, which serves to confirm the coincidence of social and civil participation in the implementation of relevant initiatives. ; У статті осмислюється сутність громадянської культури в умовах децентралізації в Україні. Автор проводить системний аналіз специфічних ознак громадянськості, робить спробу розкрити характер трансформації громадянської культури на муніципальному рівні. У дослідженні проаналізовано специфічні форми громадянської участі: звернення громадян, загальні збори, громадська експертиза, громадські слухання, консультації з громадськістю, наголошено на тому, що електоральна участь громадян, є однією з найважливіших складових громадянської культури. Зазначено, що ознакою високого рівня культури громадянськості є об'єднання громадян у неурядові організації, які виховують у своїх членів самоорганізацію і самодисципліну, почуття співробітництва, солідарності та громадянського патріотизму, що забезпечує політичну структуризацію суспільства. Висвітлено важливість ролі громадянської активності молоді в процесі здійснення реформи децентралізації. Проведено аналіз еволюції ролі громадянського суспільства у ході проведення реформи децентралізації. Доведено, що призначення громадянського суспільства полягає у примиренні соціуму, поєднанні приватного та загального інтересів, посередництві між особистістю та державною владою. Наголошується на тому, що стратегічно важливими для структур громадянського суспільства є прийняття управлінських рішень, які передбачають передачу на регіональний рівень процедур, завдяки яким функції органів державної влади піддаються контролю з боку суспільства, що забезпечує більшу автономність регіонального управління. Доведено, що децентралізація завдяки своїй інструментальності створює відповідний простір для формування плюралістичного громадянського суспільства, з розширенням можливостей для власного рекрутування громад у різні інституційні структури. Автори наголошують на тому, що мобілізація громадянського суспільства відбувається завдяки формуванню спільної відповідальності як певної форми громадянської самосвідомості, що слугує утвердженню співпадіння суспільного та громадянського у процесі реалізації відповідних ініціатив.

학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :국제대학원 국제학과(국제지역학전공),2019. 8. Jeong, Hyeok. ; Economic transformation has been at the core of development planning in Ghana. However, its development indicators still reflects that of a lower income country despite transitioning into a lower middle country. This places the country in a position it can no longer compete with the cheap inputs of lower income exporters but also finds itself faced with huge competition from highly industrialized and high income countries. This is further exacerbated by inadequate revenue mobilization to spur the economic transformation the country desires. This study seeks assess Ghana's economic transformation trajectory with a focus on evaluating the relationship between Ghana's national development plan implementation and the role of government financing. Using a qualitative meta-analysis, this research identified the resource envelope, government expenditure pattern, the resource gaps and the level of implementation of each plan (GPRS I &II, GSGDA I &II). Inadequate domestic revenue generation coupled with the gradual and steady decline in donor funding clearly undermines government's ability to transform the economy. Thus the research proposes a blend of traditional and innovative ways for government revenue generation which includes improving and sustaining the drive for Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), broadening its domestic tax base to include the informal sector backed by a long term economic strategy to sustain the gains made. This will provide government with the required fiscal space to invest in other economic and social infrastructure of the transformation the country seeks. ; 경제체제 전환은 가나의 개발 플랜의 중심이었다. 하지만 가나의 발전지수들을 살펴보면 중저소득 국가의 체제변환 과정임이 나타난다. 이를 비추어 보았을때 가나는 더이상 저소득 국가들 뿐만 아니라 고소득 국가들과도 수출에 있어서 경쟁을 할 수 없는 위치에 이르게 되었다. 현 상황은 정부가 경제체제 전환을 위한 수입 조달을 적절하게 분배하지 못하게 되며 더 악화되었다. 이 연구는 가나의 경제 체제변환 방향을 가나의 국가 개발 계획 시행과 정부의 자금조달 역할과 연계하여 평가할 것이다. 이 연구는 또한 질적 메타연구를 통하여 자원 엔벨로프, 정부 지출 패턴, 자원 격차와 각 계획의 시행 수준을 알아보았다 (GPRS I & II, G SGDA I & II). 부적절한 국내 수입 발생과 점진적이고 꾸준한 도너의 자금 지원 하락은 정부가 경제를 변화시킬 수 있는 능력을 저하시키는 것으로 알려졌다. 따라서 본 연구는 정부의 수입 발생에 있어 전통적, 혁신적인 방법들을 혼합하여 소개하며 여기에는 FDI유입을 증진하고 유지하는 것, 국내 과세 표준을 범위를 넓혀 비공식 부을 포함시켜 생성된 이익을 유지할 수 있는 것을 포함한다. 이 방법을 통해 정부는 다른 경제적, 사회적 인프라에 투자하여 국가가 지향하는 경제변화를 이룰 수 있을 것이다. ; CHAPTER ONE STUDY BACKGROUND 1.0 Introduction 1.1. Ghana's Economic Trajectory 1.2. Problem Statement 1.3. Significance of the research 1.4. Definition of Terms 1.5. Outline of the thesis CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW 2.0 Introduction 2.1. Planning, Implementation and economic development 2.2. Sustainable Financing in Ghana 2.3. Theoretical Framework CHAPTER THREE RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 3.0 Introduction 3.1. Research Method – Qualitative Research 3.2. Data Collection Method and Tools 3.3. Sample Selection 3.4. Data Analysis 3.5. Limitation of the study CHAPTER FOUR PRESENTATION OF RESULTS 4.0 Introduction 4.1. Phase 1 - Plan Implementation 4.2. Phase 2 - Financing Development Plans CHAPTER FIVE DISCUSSION OF RESULTS 5.0 Introduction 5.1. Plan Implementation and Economic Growth 5.2. Financing Development Plans CHAPTER 6 POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION 6.0 Introduction 6.1. Summary of Research findings 6.2. Challenges 6.3. Policy Recommendation 6.4. Conclusion References ; Master

The dynamism of the development of modern political systems is due to the influence of global processes of informatization and globalization. They define new standards of society, aimed at increasing the level of stability and order as the basis of progressive socio-political development. The processes of political modernization are an effective mechanism for the practical implementation of qualitatively new changes related to the structural and content-based updating of political systems, the creation of opportunities for the development of a social and legal state and civil society. In the course of institutionalization, the political elite acquires stable structural and functional characteristics that determine the features of intra-age interaction, specify the procedure of political activity and technological tools necessary for optimization of the set goals and objectives. The high level of institutionalization in the political system allows the elite to demonstrate subjectivity in initiating and practical implementation of national modernization projects. The level of institutionalization of the elite, its subjectivity in the implementation of modernization transformations can be improved due to: 1) update of the staffing of the status-role grid by attracting the potential of youth leaders and conducting of lustration; 2) creation of conditions for forming a regime of partnership cooperation with civil society and business structures on the basis of mutual recognition of obligations and responsibilities regarding the modernization of the political system in the conditions of global development; 3) formation of an effective institutional environment that will increase the level of openness of intra-age interaction, optimize communication practices with civil society and provide sequences of procedural and technological aspects of the process of political modernization; 4) initiating a national modernization project that is in line with the current trend of global development; 5) activating the mobilization and consolidation potential of civil society through raising the level of national consciousness and political identity. ; Динамічність розвитку сучасних політичних систем обумовлена впливом світових процесів інформатизації та глобалізації. Вони визначають нові стандарти життєдіяльності суспільства, направлені на підвищення рівня стабільності та порядку як основи поступального суспільнополітичного розвитку. Процеси політичної модернізації виступають дієвим механізмом практичної реалізації якісно-нових змін, пов'язаних із структурно-змістовним оновленням політичних систем, створенням можливостей розвитку соціально-правової держави та громадянського суспільства. Політична еліта в ході інституціоналізації набуває стійких структурно-функціональних характеристик, що визначають особливості внутрішньоелітної взаємодії, конкретизують процедуру політичної діяльності та технологічний інструментарій, необхідний для оптимізації поставлених цілей та завдань. Високий рівень інституціоналізації у політичній системі дозволяє еліті проявляти суб'єктність щодо ініціювання та практичної реалізації національних модернізаційних проектів. Підвищенню рівня інституціоналізації еліти, її суб'єктності в здійсненні модернізаційних перетворень можуть сприяти: 1) оновлення кадрового складу статусно-рольової сітки за рахунок залучення потенціалу молодіжних лідерів та проведення люстрації; 2) створення умов формування режиму партнерської співпраці з громадянським суспільством та бізнесструктурами, на засадах взаємного визнання зобов'язань і відповідальності щодо модернізації політичної системи в умовах глобального розвитку; 3) формування дієвого інституціонального середовища, що дозволить підвищити рівень відкритості внутрішньоелітної взаємодії, оптимізувати практики комунікації із громадянським суспільством та надати послідовності процедурно-технологічним аспектам процесу політичної модернізації; 4) ініціювання національного проекту модернізації, що відповідає сучасним тенденція глобального розвитку; 5) активізація мобілізаційного та консолідаційного потенціалу громадянського суспільства через підвищення рівня національної самосвідомості та політичної ідентичності.