Suchergebnisse

"Venezuela: 4th & 5th republics" (Neira Fernández, Enrique) ; Presentation ; I. Conceptual frame ; Challenges and modernization ; Reforms of the state ; Governance ; Genuineness ; Decentralization ; Democracy ; Leadership ; Militarism ; Democratic caesarism ; Populism ; Violence ; Revolution ; Socialism ; II. The fourth republic (Before Chávez) ; A look back ; The economic thing ; The social thing ; The political thing ; The ethical thing ; III. The fith republic (In the times of Chávez) ; Introduction ; The strong man ; The process. Political ideology ; The process. Characteristics ; The beautiful revolution ; Gusty future ; Conclusion. The quadrature of the circle ; neira@intercable.net.ve ; Nivel analítico

Individual decision-making is a complex process. If carried out by individual citizens in the context of politically relevant decisions, serious consequences at all levels of a society might occur. That is why these decisions need to be made with care and preferably on a broad set of information to reflect citizens' true preferences. However, due to limited attention, citizens often consider only salient aspects in their decision-making. To mitigate unwanted consequences following therefrom, citizens are in dire need of decision-support. We address this need by developing an Information Systems (IS) tool. Being based on information visualisation, our tool supports citizens by providing instant feedback. To ensure a meaningful engagement, the IS tool is designed according to gamification principles. A first instantiation in the context of renewable energy acceptance in Germany yields three key findings: First, we find indications that young, urban, and environmentally aware citizens are willing to accept a high percentage of renewable wind energy. Second, we find that the tool influences citizens' decision-making. Third, we find citizens to update, however not completely turn over their preferred level of renewable wind energy after interaction with the tool. This holds true across different cross-sections of the population.

For the general audience, Wikipedia is considered the source of "truth," especially for scientific knowledge. While studies of Wikipedia usually focus around the accuracy of the knowledge within it, few studies have explored its hierarchy and categorization. This study aims to describe how scientific information is organized into disciplines in Wikipedia. I take as a case study the Hebrew Wikipedia () and examine the representation and interrelations of five social sciences: sociology, anthropology, economics, political science, and psychology. I gather data from Wikipedia entries categorized under each of these disciplines and create a network that contains categories and subcategories derived from these entries. Using network analysis techniques, I estimate the strength of the relations between the disciplines. I find that while sociology, anthropology, and political science are strongly linked to each other, psychology and economics are relatively isolated. An interesting case is the distance between economics and sociology, since under the subcategory "Inequality," the entries are uniquely categorized under sociology or economics but rarely under both categories. I claim this is an example of a fractal walk in the distinction between the two disciplines. As there is a hierarchical difference between these disciplines, the end result is a hierarchical value of the scientific knowledge presented in these Wikipedia entries.

Based on a Citizen Science (CS) project which brings together scholars and Fridays For Future (FFF) activists, the article attempts to understand what effects the Covid-19 pandemic has on the movement in terms of communication, organization and mobilization. The methodological CS rationale is that the activists in their role as citizen scientists are better equipped to address the relevant questions and methods than traditional scholars. The paper presents findings of a national survey designed in cooperation with FFF activists on how the movement responded to the challenges posed by Covid-19. The analysis shows that FFF has been strikingly resilient to the pandemic situation given its digital backbone as an organization. Digital and physical protests were organized and the internal and external communication was kept afloat.

Adoption of a single metropolitan government for Nashville and Davidson County in 1962, at a time when many metro reform proposals have been rejected elsewhere, provides an opportunity to examine the role of professional political leaders in its formulation and adoption. Thirty years of Nashville suburban spillover without annexation led to the familiar pattern of a service vacuum, inequalities, rivalries, and confused responsibility. During the 1950's, two surveys by professional staffs, working closely with the Nashville mayor and a rival Davidson County judge, led to a proposal for major structural change (city-county consolidation) which was en dorsed by both the mayor and the judge. Their support was undoubtedly helpful in the 1958 metro campaign, but it was rejected by the voters outside Nashville. Two windfall issues —annexation and an auto tax—and the opposition of the Nashville mayor contributed to a new and successful metro vote in 1962. The Nashville experience indicates that active involvement of rival professional political leaders in all stages of a metro reform movement is possible, is not necessarily a kiss of death, does not prevent "radical reform," and may actually constitute a tactical advantage for metropolitan reformers.

Este artículo analiza el comportamiento legislativo en temas de política exterior en cinco países de América Latina: Argentina, Brasil, Chile, México y Paraguay. Se somete a prueba la hipótesis sobre la especificidad de la política exterior al producir un comportamiento legislativo unificado en el Pleno, contrastando con una acentuada polarización en el ámbito doméstico. Para comprobar esta hipótesis, se estiman puntos ideales de los legisladores latinoamericanos en materia de política exterior, comparándolos con el comportamiento legislativo en la política interna. Las conclusiones muestran una semejanza en el comportamiento legislativo en ambas temáticas, siendo los principales factores explicativos del voto en la política exterior la ideología partidista y la pertenencia o no del legislador a la coalición de gobierno.

This article proposes a greater emphasis upon the intellectual history of political studies in the UK. The limitations of conventional understandings of the disciplinary past are considered in relation to the 1950s & 1960s. The author seeks to challenge contemporary views of this period in two respects. First, he shows how the key institutions of the emergent discipline were formed for highly contingent reasons, & how they were underpinned by a disciplinary ethos that was inherited from the late 19th & early 20th centuries. Second, he draws attention to an important, & neglected, shift in disciplinary self-understanding in the late 1950s & 1960s, as figures like W. J. M. Mackenzie blended aspects of the dominant approach to political inquiry with newer ideas, thus generating an influential conception of a distinctively British political science. 65 References. Adapted from the source document.

In 2024, around the world nearly 60 national elections will be held involving billions of people. Many commentators see this as a make-or-break moment in terms of re-establishing democracy and pushing back against rising authoritarian regimes that have been increasing in recent years. This essay explores why –despite worldwide scientific consensus that we are facing ecological collapse –there is little discussion about the climate crisis among the upcoming wave of national elections. This silence around the climate emergency raises several pressing questions: Why is there limited political will on behalf of national leaders when it comes to mitigating the climate crisis? What does this suggest about the state of democracy when political leaders can sidestep and ignore the escalating demands of their constituencies? Finally, what actions can be taken by ordinary people who are increasingly subject to repressive anti-protest laws that prevent them from speaking out against antidemocratic leaders and their political collusion with the fossil fuel sector?

The document of record may be found at https://doi.org/10.1017/9781316718513. ; Transformative peace operations fall short of achieving the modern political order sought in post-conflict countries because the interventions themselves empower post-conflict elites intent on forging a neopatrimonial political order. The Peacebuilding Puzzle explains the disconnect between the formal institutional engineering undertaken by international interventions, and the governance outcomes that emerge in their aftermath. Barma's comparative analysis of interventions in Cambodia, East Timor, and Afghanistan focuses on the incentives motivating domestic elites over a sequence of three peacebuilding phases: the elite peace settlement, the transitional governance period, and the aftermath of intervention. The international community advances certain forms of institutional design at each phase in the pursuit of effective and legitimate governance. Yet, over the course of the peacebuilding pathway, powerful post-conflict elites co-opt the very processes and institutions intended to guarantee modern political order and dominate the practice of governance within those institutions to their own ends.

""Cover""; ""Contents""; ""Preface""; ""Abbreviations""; ""Dramatis Personae""; ""Chapter 1""; ""Chapter 2""; ""Chapter 3""; ""Chapter 4""; ""Chapter 5""; ""Chapter 6""; ""Photo Page""; ""Chapter 7""; ""Chapter 8""; ""Appendix 1""; ""Appendix 2""; ""Select Bibliography""; ""Index""; ""About the Author""

Venus pour la plupart du négoce et de la province, les " experts de l'administration " (Schumpeter) réunis autour de l'intendant du Commerce Vincent de Gournay conjuguaient savoirs faire marchands, connaissances cosmopolites, pratique assidue des langues étrangères, éducation élitaire et compétences savantes lorsqu'ils montèrent à Paris pour investir le Bureau du Commerce. Dès les années 1750, l'offensive que le " groupe de Gournay " (entre autres : Abeille, Butel-Dumont, Clicquot de Blervache, Dangeul, Forbonnais.) mena en faveur de la " science du commerce " et d'un projet de réforme de l'administration économique du royaume sous Louis XV procéda donc d'un double transfert culturel : • transfert interne à la société française d'alors, – d'une culture négociante, provinciale et cosmopolite vers les élites nobiliaires de la capitale ; • transfert international, – de la culture économique et administrative de la grande nation rivale vers le Bureau du Commerce parisien, telle qu'elle est reconstruite par le collectif Gournay sous l'effet d'une demande publique alarmée par les succès insolents de la riche " République commerçante " d'Outre-Manche. Les idées politico-économiques importées de Londres (mais aussi d'Édimbourg, capitale du Scottish Enlightenment) connurent ainsi une profonde transformation avec le contexte de réception, des traductions libres (Petty, Davenant et l'arithmétique politique, Child, Hume, Tucker, Bolingbroke.), des essais, des brochures polémiques . Savoir d'État et pour l'État, la " science du commerce " fut initiée par des " négociants gentilshommes " devenus agents de l'État monarchique moderne, qui une fois intégrés aux élites parisiennes virent leur entendement s'étatiser et se " centraliser ". Depuis la vision synoptique du royaume que leur offrait la capitale, et fort de leur expérience internationale, ils sublimèrent leur savoir-faire commerçant (pratique, partiel, local) en une science du commerce " en général " à l'usage du législateur, apte à formuler des principes sur la production et la circulation des richesses. Leur profil singulier leur permit de procéder à une critique en règle du colbertisme, de l'excessif parisianisme des élites dirigeantes (par trop ignorantes des réalités économiques et sociales du territoire), en même temps que de leur provincialisme intellectuel (négligeant les pratiques exemplaires de l'administration économique de Londres : liberté du commerce et publicité des débats), et enfin de l'échelle féodale des valeurs monarchiques (minorant les groupes productifs). Cette entreprise intellectuelle et politique se doubla d'une vaste stratégie de publicisation depuis Paris, visant à briser l'opacité et la culture monarchique du secret sur les finances de la monarchie : abondance éditoriale, collaborations à l'Encyclopédie, bruyantes polémiques lancées dans la République des lettres, recrutement d'hommes de lettres et relais dans les salons parisiens (où l'économie politique devint vite une mode incontournable). Nous tenterons d'esquisser quelques-unes de ces transformations ayant affecté le savoir économico-politique au milieu du XVIIIe siècle français et avant les Physiocrates, transformations qui firent de Paris, pour un temps, la capitale européenne de la science économique.

"Political representation of ethnic minorities in the Republic of Kazakhstan. The article is devoted to the investigation of the political representation of different ethnic groups in multinational Kazakhstan. With gaining the independence, the Republic became home to more than 100 nations, which in turn raise the question of their equal representation in political and social spheres. The general theory on political representation, which was developed in the political literature, is investigated in the article. However, the work is mainly focused on the opportunities for all citizens' representation, where the legal basis and the political context in the society
play a crucial role. For that purpose the Political Opportunity Structure approach is seen as the most suitable, while the special attention is given to the analysis of three components of this method – electoral system, citizenship regime and political party." [author's abstract]