Suchergebnisse

Klappentext: Georg Jellinek war der bedeutendste Vertreter der Staatslehre seiner Zeit. Bis heute wird er in der internationalen Literatur diskutiert. Ob Zwei-Seiten-Lehre, Drei-Elemente-Lehre oder Vier-Status-Lehre - Jellinek schrieb sich mit prägnanten numerischen Formeln in die Geschichte der Staatstheorie und Staatsrechtslehre ein. Seine Formel von der "normativen Kraft des Faktischen" gehört längst zum festen Bestand der politischen Publizistik. Sein opus magnum, die "Allgemeine Staatslehre" wurde bereits bei ihrem Erscheinen als Meisterwerk gefeiert und rasch in alle Weltsprachen übersetzt. Für Max Weber, auf den er starken Einfluss ausübte, war Jellinek der einzige Vertreter seines Fachs von Weltgeltung. Die Beiträge dieses Bandes diskutieren die zentralen Aspekte der Staatstheorie Jellineks und prüfen sie im Blick auf ihre Relevanz für die Lösung heutiger Problemstellungen, nicht zuletzt für die Fragen der Staatlichkeit und des Verbandscharakters der Europäischen Union. Zu den Arbeitsgebieten des Herausgebers Andreas Anter gehören die Staatstheorie, Politische Ideengeschichte und Verfassungspolitik. Mit Beiträgen von Andreas Anter, Hans Boldt, Stefan Breuer, André Brodocz, Jens Kersten, Dieter Koop, Oliver Lepsius, Walter Pauly, Martin Siebinger.

The article attempts to study a political interview as part of political and ideological media content. The purpose of a political discussion is to explain and promote a specific political ideology. The politician also aims to shape the image of the party he/she represents. The interviewer is a journalist whose task is to monitor the changing roles of communicants. In such an interview, a politician tries to win the initiative. The interviewer strives to ensure that the addressee perceives the discourse of the interviewed politician. The politicians expect that they will be allowed to substantiate their position. The ultimate goal of political interviews is to reach an understanding with the audience on critical issues related to domestic and foreign policy issues. Among the main types of political communication, let us single out political communication, which is carried out by journalists and with the help of journalists. Such communication is also designed for a mass audience. Examples include interviews and analytical articles in the press written by journalists, political scientists or politicians (often with the help of media specialists). In this case, journalists draw the audience's attention to the current issue, suggest ways to solve it, report on the attitude of political organisations and their leaders to it, and help politicians achieve their goals. In this case, journalists draw the audience's attention to the existing problem, propose ways to solve it, report on the attitude of political organisations and their leaders to it, and help politicians achieve their goals. Politically passive citizens perceive political information mainly in the form presented in the media.

The Siege of Westphalia : Non-state challenges to a state-centred world / STEFANO RUZZA AND CHARLES C. GEISLER -- Back to the clan : Organized crime as state surrogate for the market / FABIO ARMAO -- Dispute resolution mechanisms provided by violent non-state actors : An international comparative analysis of causes and consequences / EDGARDO BUSCAGLIA -- Clausewitz in the boardroom : Legitimacy and hegemony / VINCENZO RUGGIERO -- New vortices of power : The alliance between trans-national corporations and private military security corporations in the Katanga district of the Democratic Republic of the Congo / SPENCER SCHWARTZ AND CHARLES C. GEISLER -- The logic and consequences of state strategies towards violent non-state actors / SARAH ZUKERMAN DALY -- The shifting territorial dimensions of crime-fighting : Rescaling state security to the sub-local level in Mexico City / DIANE E. DAVIS AND GUILLERMO RUIZ DE TERESA -- The privatization of counter-piracy : Implications for order at sea / PETER CHALK -- Between public and private : Reconstructing the field of security in post- communist Europe / ALEXANDRA GHECIU -- The state and the reproduction of violence in post-transition El Salvador and Guatemala / JOSÉ MIGUEL CRUZ -- Debunking the stationary bandit myth : Violence and governance in statebuilding history / KIMBERLY MARTEN -- Regardless of Clausewitz? : Classical strategic theory in a hybrid world / GIAMPIERO GIACOMELLO AND STEFANO RUZZA -- Non-State Challenges : Nibbling on the edges or crunching on principles of the Westphalian order? / ANJA P. JAKOBI

'In a famous and controversial book, Arno J. Mayer has defined European society at the end of 19th century as a persistent Ancien Regime. To defend his thesis, he invoked in particular the recruitment and formation of dominant elites mainly in Britain, Germany, the Dual Monarchy, Russia and more sketchily in Italy, Spain and even France. As the author has shown in two of his books (Les élites de la République and La crise des sociétés impériales), this thesis already controversial in the first quoted countries is not at all relevant for France. This does not mean that France was, as pretended its republican governing elites, a democratic and meritocratic nation, but that it is impossible to analyse elites in France with so broad and unprecise concepts as aristocracy, bourgeoisie and so on. The aim of this paper is to propose a new perspective with new social concepts and to compare them with results of the study of elites in the two other imperial societies, UK and Germany. We shall begin with France and then turn to these countries to show some similarities and differences forgotten by current historiography.' (author's abstract)|

"It is rarely questioned that the European Union can be considered as a model for other world regions. Comparable initiatives elsewhere are m less integrated, and up until now less successful, even if like Mercosur they are based an the European model. Although elements of the democratic rule of law in the EU are more developed than in all comparable projects and organisations, the model character of the EU is highly questionable in terms of democratic theory, and we should ask what scholars concerned with the European Union learn from similar . r experiments in other world regions. Perhaps experience from the Marcos countries with deliberative citizen democracy at e local level, the . double perspective of the still ongoing transition from a 'communalistic' to a 'normative' constitutional regime within nation states, and the simultaneous continental networking of law, economics, and policy could also be instructive for the current EU with its new problems in the realm of democracy and rights. Transcontinental social capital can only build p if the learning processes are opened in both directions." (author's abstract). Contents: Marcos Aurelio Guedes de Oliveira: Political development and comparative issues with EU (9-18); Christian Joerges: What is left of the European Economic Constitution? (19-52); Hauke Brunkhorst: European Democratic Legitimation after the failure of the constitution (53-62); Guilherme Leite Goncalves: "People's" position in regional integration: an alternative to the theory of consensus (63-76); Michelle Ratton Sanchez: Civil society participation in Mercosur: some critical points (77-112); Wenzel Matiaske: The European Union's social capital (113-126); Gerd Grözinger: Between non-regulation and harmonisation: tax policy in the European Union (127-134); Arne Heise: Governance in the European Union: possibilities and problems of supranational policy coordination (135-148); Rainer Nickel: Governance, democracy, and judicial control in the EU - the European Court of Justice and the EU Committees (149-170); Rüdiger Voigt: From the 'Nomos der Erde' to a unified European defense system (171-184); Agustin Gordillo: The future of Latin America: can the EU help? (185-200).