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Claims over women's liberation vocalized by Tunisia's first president, Habib Bourguiba began with legal reforms related to family law in 1956. In this book, Amy Aisen Kallander uses this political appropriation of women's rights to look at the importance of women to post-colonial state-building projects in Tunisia and how this relates to other state-feminist projects across the Middle East and during the Cold War. Here we see how the notion of modern womanhood was central to a range of issues from economic development (via family planning) to intellectual life and the growth of Tunisian academia. Looking at political discourse, the women's press, fashion, and ideas about love, the book traces how this concept was reformulated by women through transnational feminist organizing and in the press in ways that proposed alternatives to the dominant constructions of state feminism.

The paper starts from the assumption that 1866 – the year a foreign prince is in-vited to the Romanian throne and a constitutional government is introduced - elevates to the rank of state ideology the discourse of the "unitary nation" that immediately becomes the hegemonic narrative. As early as 1866, at the dawn of mass politics in Romania, the parliamentarians compensate for the late and weak statehood (with internal challenges and separatist movements, and difficult international acknowledgment) with the patriotic rhetoric of national brotherhood and the exclusivist appraisal of "Romanianness". The first part examines the foundations of the new regime, by drawing comparisons with Greece. In May-June 1866 Romania condenses Greece's experience from March 1844 to March 1864. In both cases, the foreign prince from a European royal family (respectively Karl Ludwig von Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen and Otto von Wittelsbach, Prince of Bavaria) is considered the price to pay in order to gain the foreign powers' protection and their support for obtaining political autonomy, if not yet independence from the Porte. Some of the main questions asked are: to what extent the new prince is ready to accept de facto and de jure the contractual nature of the Constitution? What is the meaning of the "Constitution" for both the parliamentarians and Charles I (the name taken by the von Hohenzollern as ruling Prince of Romania)? Who is the holder of the pouvoir constituant in 1866? Why is the reference to the autochthonous constitutional tradition absent in 1866? How to explain the xenophobic arguments of the parliamentarians who oppose the foreign prince? The second part of the paper examines three of the first major pieces of legislation adopted during the first parliamentary session of 1866-1867 - on the new national currency, national day and coat of arms – in order to integrate the foreign Prince and his dynasty into the national narrative and imaginary, and to make visible the signs of state autonomy.

Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht den Prozess der Bildung von Translokalitäten in Usbekistan. Zentral- und Kleinasien sind Regionen, die durch eine heterogene Bevölkerungsstruktur, segmentäre Sozialorganisation und somit durch eine parallele Existenz von diversen Identitätsebenen gekennzeichnet sind. Die Zentralasiaten identifizieren sich gleichzeitig in unterschiedlichen Kontexten als Stammesmitglied oder Angehöriger einer ethnoregionalen Gruppe. Kulturelle Verschiedenheit wird jedoch mittels gemeinsamer Handelsinteressen überwunden. Nationale Grenzen und Ökonomien sind eine Ressource für den grenzüberschreitenden Handel und Reiseverkehr. Die Untersuchung ergibt, dass auf diese Weise die nationale Vielfalt zu einer verstärkten Integration führt und sich transnationale Identitäten bezogen auf Handel oder Familiennetzwerke innerhalb der benachbarten Länder entwickeln. Dadurch wird ein sozialer Raum geschaffen, der wiederum die Möglichkeit eröffnet, aus Geschäftsgründen länger an fremden Orten zu verweilen, wodurch sich eine weitere Verfestigung der entstehenden Translokalitäten mit ihren wirtschaftlichen Planungen und Absichten ergibt. Die dargestellten usbekisch-türkischen und islamischen Translokalitäten machen deutlich, dass ökonomisch motiviertes Handeln, moderne Kommunikationstechnologien, Mobilität und andere Beziehungen von Dauer sind und somit eine gemeinsame Welt jenseits von Grenzen und Verschiedenheit, eben Translokalitäten, geschaffen werden. Wichtig an diesen Beiträgen ist, dass die Diskussion um Vergesellschaftung aus ihrem engen nationalstaatlichen Kontext herausgehoben wird und in Bezug zu globalen, übernationalen und translokalen Vernetzungen gestellt wird. Dabei wird die Emergenz einer transnationalen bzw. globalen Vergesellschaft konstatiert, in der plurale soziale Aushandlungsprozesse auf globaler bzw. translokaler Ebene ausgetragen werden. Der Beitrag teilt insofern die grundlegende Einsicht, die sich im Kontext der Diskussionen um Globalisierung in den Sozialwissenschaften in den letzten Jahren herauskristallisiert hat, dass die Vorstellung des Zusammenfallens von Nationalstaat, Nationalökonomie und nationaler Gesellschaft einer Revision bedarf. Dabei wird die Ortsbedingung von Gemeinschaft aufgehoben, und es werden soziale Lebens- und Handlungszusammenhänge, neue soziale Landschaften entworfen, die über die nationalstaatliche Eingebundenheit hinausgehen. Es stellt sich die Frage, welche Rolle diese neuen sozialen Konfigurationen und Strukturierungen von Gesellschaften für Rekonstituierungsprozesse von Nationalstaaten nicht nur im Vergesellschaftungsraum der ehemaligen Sowjetunion spielen. Der Beitrag schlägt daher vor, die nationalstaatliche Perspektive von Gesellschaftsformation zumindest um eine translokale bzw. transnationale Komponente zu erweitern, wenn nicht gar erstere fallen zu lassen.

This paper compares the experience of two main attempts to accommodate secessionist pressures in Bougainville, a sub-national island unit of Papua New Guinea (PNG). In 1976 constitutionally based devolution was established on a largely uniform basis for Bougainville and PNG's 18 other provinces. A 2001 agreement to end a secessionist war has resulted in constitutionally guaranteed asymmetrical autonomy and a right to a deferred referendum on independence for Bougainville. The paper considers whether the Bougainville experience supports the view that autonomy creates pressure for secession and whether secessionist pressures might be accommodated by development of innovative economic policy and governance practices of the kind utilized by many other small non-sovereign island autonomies.

This paper compares the experience of two main attempts to accommodate secessionist pressures in Bougainville, a sub-national island unit of Papua New Guinea (PNG). In 1976 constitutionally based devolution was established on a largely uniform basis for Bougainville and PNG's 18 other provinces. A 2001 agreement to end a secessionist war has resulted in constitutionally guaranteed asymmetrical autonomy and a right to a deferred referendum on independence for Bougainville. The paper considers whether the Bougainville experience supports the view that autonomy creates pressure for secession and whether secessionist pressures might be accommodated by development of innovative economic policy and governance practices of the kind utilized by many other small non-sovereign island autonomies.

AbstractMost research on the relationship between film and nation‐building focuses on the content of films (the nation on the screen). Much less common is research on the structural organisation of the film sector (the nation beyond the screen). This article argues for a combined focus in order to gain deeper insight into the relationship between film and nation‐building. This is illustrated by a case study focusing on Flanders. The Flemish case shows that the relationship between film and nation‐building is dynamic and multiple. There is a clear evolution from a Belgian, French‐speaking film sector to a separate Flemish film sector. This process was stimulated by the coming of sound film in the early 1930s and by political developments towards more Flemish autonomy. But while Flemish nation‐building keeps growing to this day, the concept of 'Belgian cinema' has gained renewed relevance since the 2000s.

AbstractThe split ofSudan following popular referendum inSouthSudan may have spurred a need for a serious reconsideration of national identity and nation‐building in the two emerging states.Sudan is compelled to embark in the reconstitution of national identity in a manner that reflects the new reality.SouthSudan also needs to gear its post‐secession identity formation and nation‐building in a way that reflects and celebrates its ethnocultural diversity. This article seeks to analyse identity and nation‐building in theSudans using the sociological concepts of civic identity and ethnic identity. It examines the challenges of reconstitution of national identity and nation‐building in a postcolonial, pluralistic, and post‐secession setting. The main focus is on the post‐secession period. It argues that the hierarchical organization of the civic identity and ethnic identity, which give rise to a duality of identity, may inform the new social contract of the reconstituted nation‐building processes in the Sudans.

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