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Includes indexes. ; First ed. published in 1910 by the Classification Division. ; "Additions and changes to April 1900": 137 p. at end. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Early in its development, political science established itself as part of modern secular authority, with something to say about government and politics. This achievement did not, though, lead to much noticeable impact on governance and policy, with the exception of administrative reforms. The past five decades have witnessed impressive growth in influence, as political science self-confidently embraced an idea-driven policy science. Political behaviorism, fashioned as a response to the loss of Enlightenment naiveté, was a political as well as a science project, and its successes, on both fronts, drew many to a new type of policy science. A leading example is neoconservatism, whose practioner political scientists linked new political ideas with applied social science as a basis for challenging assumptions of the regulatory welfare state. By the end of the twentieth century, political science had returned to its earliest mission(s)—building a better science and strengthening democratic practice.

This volume examines how religion is intrinsically related to politics in India. Based on studies from states across the length and breadth of India, it looks at political formations that inform political discourse on the national level and maps the trajectory of religion in politics. The chapters in this volume: discuss contemporary trends in Indian politics, including Hindutva, citizenship bills and mob violence; draw on fieldwork conducted across states and regions in India on critical themes, includingthe role of religion in electoral process, political campaigns and voting behaviour, political and ideological mobilization, and state politics vis--vis religion, among minorities; focus on the emerging politicsof the 21st century. The book will be akey reference text for scholars and researchers of politics, religion, sociology, media and culture studies, and South Asian studies.

This book offers a fresh analysis of third wave popular protests in Africa, shedding light on the complex dynamics between political change and continuity in contemporary Africa. The book argues that protests are simultaneously products and generators of change in that they are triggered by micro-and-macrosocial changes, but they also have the capacity to transform the nature of politics. By examining the triggers, actors, political opportunities, resources and framing strategies, the contributors shed light onto tangible (e.g. policy implementation, liberal reforms, political alternation) and intangible (e.g. perceptions, imagination, awareness) forms of change elicited by protests. It reveals the relevant role of African protests as engines of democracy, accountability and collective knowledge. Bringing popular protests in authoritarian and democratic settings into discussion, this book will be of interest to scholars of African politics, democracy and protest movements.

This symposium explores the ways in which women are descriptively represented in political science, by exploring the ways in which they are positioned institutionally in Spain, Finland, Germany and the United Kingdom. The symposium also explores the ways in which structures may serve to disadvantage women, by analysing HE policy and citation practices. Critical theory reminds us that in observing power structures we can seek to change them, and so our conclusion reflects on some more practical suggestions.

Title Varies: Jan.1913-May 1925, Bulletin of the British Library of Political Science; Aug. 1925-Dec. 1933, Bulletin of the British Library of Political and Economic Science ; Mode of access: Internet.

In 1977, Charles Lindblom concluded his study ofPolitics and Marketswith the assertion that "the large private corporation fits oddly into democratic theory and vision. Indeed, it does not fit." In 1983, Robert Reich envisionedThe Next American Frontieras the eradication of the distinction between business culture and civic culture in the United States and the full integration of the corporation into the country's key political and social processes. Failure to achieve such a new political-economic compact could mean, Reich asserted, the end of democracy's progress in America. Between Lindblom and Reich lie six short years in time and one vast gulf in political theory and policy perspective. Their positions set the framework for a whole series of political choices confronting American politics today. They also set an agenda for political science as a discipline that studies power, authority, and social change—an agenda calling for an expansion of both intellectual focus and analytical paradigms.Differences between the purposes and contents of Lindblom's and Reich's studies can be cited, of course.Politics and Marketspresents itself as a scholarly work in the theory of political economy, whereasThe Next American Frontierhas a definite prescriptive flavor designed to influence current political debate. But such differences do not obscure the important element shared by the two books: recognition of the power and position of large corporations as the determining factor in the political-economic future of liberal democracy. Generated from this are several critical questions both authors confront: What is the purpose of public power and that of private economic power in advanced industrial societies today? What should be the relationship between the two as regards the preservation of liberal democracy? Whatisthat relationship when the large corporation is taken into account? What redirection of corporate power is necessary or possible? What blending of corporate institutions and political institutions does liberal democracy allow—or demand?