Suchergebnisse

<p>Análise crítica da tentativa de implementar o Estado Gerencial à luz da realidade das instituições político-administrativas brasileiras é o tema posto a debate. Analisa-se em que medida foi possível através das referidas reformas legislativas a cultura administrativa solidificada na ação estatal. Para tanto abordará a formação patrimonialista estatal, a tentativa de reformas administrativas e a proposta do Estado Gerencial Brasileiro com as críticas pertinentes à luz dos mitos administrativos.</p><p> </p><p>Critical analysis of the attempt to implement the Managerial State in light of the reality of Brazilian political-administrative institutions is the subject of debate. It is analyzed to what extent it was possible through the aforementioned legislative reforms the solidified administrative culture in the state action. In order to do so, it will address state patrimonial formation, the attempt of administrative reforms and the proposal of the Brazilian State Management with the pertinent criticisms in the light of administrative myths.</p>

Special economic zones (SEZ), one of the most important instruments of industrial policy used in developing countries, often impose export share requirements (ESR). That is, firms located in SEZ are required to export more than a certain share of their output to enjoy a wide array of incentives—a practice prohibited by the World Trade Organization (WTO) Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures. In this paper we exploit the staggered removal of ESR across products and over time in the SEZ of the Dominican Republic—a reform driven by external commitments to comply with WTO disciplines on subsidies—to evaluate how ESR affect export performance at the product and firm levels. Using customs data on international trade transactions from the period 2006 to 2014, we find that making the Dominican SEZ regime WTO‐compliant made SEZ more attractive locations for exporters to be based in. The reform, however, did not have a significant effect on the country's exports or on the share of export value originating from SEZ.

The public service is the main administrative tool that links government and society. The relationships between these elements and effective public administration depend on professional competencies of public officers and their approach to the activities. The new qualified public servants can enter on duty in terms of the development and implementation of qualification requirements system and effective selection models that include requirements for education, skills, knowledge, professional and personal strengths (competencies) focused on the goals and objectives of the government. In the context of Russian administrative reforms, new legislative instruments and amendments regulating such requirements were adopted. These reforms defined such core competencies as strategic thinking, sociability, planning, and multitasking for all categories of public employees. The study identifies the range of skills required for leadership positions and behavioral indicators demonstrating the specific nature of each competence. Besides, the author examines the methodological basis for the development of competency models and empirical methods for assessing the professional skills of public officers.

AbstractScholarship has long held that Islamic reform was a preparatory stage for nationalism in the Muslim world. In challenge to this view, this article shows how in the context of 20th-century Algeria Islamic reformers and nationalists continued to maintain distinct political ideas, visions, and projects. The article examines the internal framework of the Association of Algerian Muslim ʿUlamaʾ, an Islamic reform movement founded in 1931 when Algeria was under French colonial rule, and its interactions with other local movements, especially the Algerian nationalist movement. Through a comparison of the discourse of the Algerian ʿulamaʾ to that of the nationalists, it argues that while both groups claimed to be successors of Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, their understanding of politics (siyāsa) was different. Whereas the ʿulamaʾ associated politics with their own spiritual leadership, the nationalists associated it with institutions. The study situates these distinct visions within the post–World War II historical context, in which the expanding nationalist movement undermined the ʿulamaʾ's popular appeal.

AbstractThis paper draws on the example of the Northern Territory Intervention to examine the role of Australia's broader socio‐cultural context in maintaining racist policies concerning Indigenous self‐governance. Central to this paper is the claim that legislative, constitutional, and other structural reforms are limited on their own to prevent institutional practices of violence and exclusion that are bound up with popular ways of imagining Indigenous and non‐Indigenous identities. In light of the potential limitations of top‐down reforms to prevent the perpetuation of discriminatory policymaking in relation to Australia's First Peoples, this paper explores the value of bottom‐up initiatives that constructively engage the imaginative, affective, and reflective capacities of individuals to facilitate a 'critical re‐imagining' (The Epistemology of Resistance: Gender and Racial Oppression, Epistemic Injustice, and Resistant Imaginations, Oxford University Press, 2013) of Indigenous Australians as social and political actors. Developing and supporting such initiatives, on this view, is integral to the wider task of promoting and protecting Indigenous rights, interests, and entitlements.

Public opinion on high-visibility election rules can be expected to reflect elite-level party divisions. We explain how partisanship affects support for, and opposition to, low-visibility convenience voting reforms. We find state-level factors such as quality of polling-place voting and party polarization explain some variance in support. However, individual-level factors are paramount. Attitudes about election reforms are strongly conditioned by partisan predispositions, with Democrats more supportive and Republicans more opposed. In addition, we find younger people, those with lower incomes, nonvoters, and people with disabilities were more likely to support proposals that might make voting easier. Although this cannot demonstrate that increased convenience voting would alter the composition of the electorate, it shows that, above and beyond partisanship, people who faced greater barriers to voting were most supportive of making voting easier. However, the dominant role of partisan predispositions suggests limits to rules changes that might make voting easier.

Governments in Europe have emphasized the development of more autonomous public universities over the last couple of decades. Often, the aim of these reform policies has been to stimulate to a more competitive and agile higher education sector, where increased formal autonomy is perceived as a key condition to strengthen the strategic capacity of universities. These reforms have resulted in considerable shifts in the internal governance models of some universities, while others have kept their traditional governance models. In this article, instrumental and cultural perspectives derived from organizational theory are used as lenses to compare how universities with different internal governance models organize and structure their strategic development processes. Our findings suggest that internal governance models have little impact on the design and organization of strategic processes. In conclusion, it is argued that changes in internal governance arrangements alone are not enough to drive transformation in higher education institutions, and the issue of formal institutional autonomy is intimately linked to how various policy instruments at the system level are designed and coordinated.

In 2015, the UK House of Commons adopted new procedures known as 'English Votes for English Laws' (EVEL). This article evaluates whether EVEL has succeeded in answering the West Lothian Question, a constitutional anomaly arising from the asymmetrical character of governance in the UK. After outlining the historical background against which EVEL emerged as a supposed solution to this iconic question, the paper explains how the 2015 reform works, and proceeds to assess its operation during the 2015-17 parliament. It concludes that these new procedures appear to have overcome the main practical and constitutional obstacles associated with this type of reform, but they have, so far, failed to provide meaningful English representation at Westminster – particularly in relation to supplying England, and its MPs, with an enhanced 'voice'. ; This work was supported by the Economic and Social Research Council and the Centre on Constitutional Change [grant number ES/L003325/1]; and by a British Academy/Leverhulme Small Research Grant [grant number SG152634].

The relationship between students' withdrawal and educational variables has generated a considerable number of publications. As the explosion of information in sciences and integration theories led to creating different curriculum designs, it has been assumed that differences among designs explain academic success and, therefore, students' retention. However, little attention has been given to examine explicitly how diverse designs influence dropout rates in practice, which questions if decisions to reform curricula are sufficiently informed. This article describes our curriculum reform, which exposes our former and current curriculum designs as having had dissimilar dropout percentages. Furthermore, we aimed to explore the influence of different curriculum designs on students' dropout rates. The conclusion is that dropout variations may be explained not only because of the curriculum design itself, but also because of the power relationship changes between teachers and students that brought out the design change. Consequently, more research is needed to fully understand the political implications of different curriculum designs and their influence on dropout rates.

La política fiscal en España sufre una transformación fundamental del Antiguo al Nuevo Régimen. La mala situación de las finanzas estatales motivó la búsqueda de recursos y la necesidad de su control. El control de los recursos locales se convirtió en uno de los objetivos de todos los gobiernos durante los siglos XVIII y XIX, para lo que se realizaron numerosas reformas del sistema fiscal y del sistema contable, reformas que culminaron a mediados del siglo XIX. ; The fiscal politica in Spain undergoes a fundamental transformation of the Old one to the New Regime. The bad situation of the state finances reason the search for resources and the necessity of its control. The control of the local resources became one of the objectives of all the governments during centuries XVIII and XIX, for which numerous reforms of the fiscal system and the countable system were made, reforms that culminated in the middle of century XIX.

ABSTRACT This article seeks the construal of sounds local democracy and public service improvements in Indonesian decentralization context by bringing the example of wastewater management in Bandung Municipality. Data collected through series of interviews with respected individuals involved in wastewater service, particularly those who directly engage in water and sanitation projects funded by local and external funding sources. Despite the positive view on decentralization could create a more powerful local government in overseeing local development for more effective public service delivery. It also could be tested by the fragile administrative system and the immature local democracy. In the case of wastewater service in Bandung Municipality, for example, the respected institution called PDAM Tirtawening (Bandung Municipality Water Supply Agency) shows less efficient use of fund compared to the same project funded by the AusAID (Australian AID) as one of Indonesian development partners. Sound governance and administrative reform should be employed to achieve better public service performance. Keywords: local democracy, decentralized Indonesia, Bandung Municipality, wastewater management, governance reform

Процеси, які відбуваються в нашому національному інформаційному просторі, не можуть не насторожувати. Особливо тривожними вони є у сфері телевізійного мовлення. І особливо небезпечними вони є тепер, коли Україна знаходиться у мілітарному протистоянні, поєднаному з гібридною війною з агресивним північним сусідом.Переживаємо складний період спроб реалізації задекларованих владою реформ (на жаль, у більшості — псевдопланів), особливо в інформаційній сфері, від чого залежать не лише результати майбутніх виборів, але й завтрашній день нашої держави. ; The processes, taking place in our national information space, cannot but put us on guard. Most alarming they are in the sphere of TV-speaking. Now they look especially dangerous, when Ukraine is in military confrontation, combined with hybrid war with aggressive Northern neighbour.We have been experiencing a difficult period of attempts of reforms' implementation, which have been declared by the authorities (unfortunately, the majority of them are pseudo plans), especially in information sphere. Both the results of future elections and the future of our state directly depend on these reforms.

Amidst the regional turmoil in the Middle East, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan prevails its relative stability despite undergoing only limited democratic reforms. The article aims to present and analyze the Jordanian regime's reaction to the Arab Spring in light of the international historical sociology, which depicts multidimensional and interlinked relations between the state, socjety and international environment, all immersed in historical context. The analysis finds that Jordan is a case proving that some nations praise stability over rushed political reform and, what is a key to understand the phenomenon, this is the view shared not only among the ruling elite but also by a vast part of the society. The somewhat stalled democratisation works in favour of the autocratic regime of King Abdullah II who retains power, of the Jordanian society, which does not have to fear internal disorder, and of the international community for whom Jordan is a long-standing and reliable partner.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14763

In this paper, we use the development of the Australian Professional Standards for Teachers (APST) as an illustrative case to examine how national schooling reforms are assembled in Australia's federal system. Drawing upon an emerging body of research on 'policy assemblage' within the fields of policy sociology, anthropology and critical geography, we focus on interactions between three dominant 'component parts' in the development of the APST: the Australian federal government; New South Wales state government agencies; and the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. While policies like the APST claim to be national in form and scope, our analysis suggests 'the national' is much more disjunctive and nebulous, constituted by a heterogeneous and emergent assemblage of policy ideas, practices, actors and organisations, which often reflect transnational traits and impulses. We thus see national reforms such as the APST as having a phantom-like nature, which poses challenges for researchers seeking to understand the making of national policies in federal systems.

This dissertation examines the relationship between state visions of penal reform and actual conditions in women's prisons in the coastal cities of Shanghai and Tianjin during a quarter century of political change encompassing Nationalist political control, Japanese occupation, civil war, and the early years of the People's Republic of China. In particular, my research addresses a body of literature on the "woman problem," a topic of heated public debate centered on the status of women and their proper role in twentieth-century China. I ask the following question: what was the place of problem women — the unruly, the indigent, and the criminal — within the woman problem? Even though women criminals were among the most disenfranchised members of Chinese society, their lives touched on important issues of national debate about women's purported inherent weakness and its relationship to national weakness. Government reformers and planners believed that the reform of criminal women — who were often compelled to serve sentences in modern prisons — played an integral role in successful state building.