Suchergebnisse

AbstractScholars have long debated the causal impact of international institutions such as the World Trade Organization or the International Monetary Fund. This study investigates Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), an organization that purports to have significant influence over the market for the world's most important commodity–petroleum. Using four empirical tests, I find that OPEC has little or no impact on its members' production levels. These findings prompt the question of why so many people, including scholars, believe in OPEC's influence over the world's oil supply. The idea of OPEC as a cartel is a "rational myth" that supports the organization's true principal function, which is to generate political benefits for its members. One benefit it generates is international prestige. I test this idea using data on diplomatic representation and find that OPEC membership is associated with increased international recognition by other states. Overall, these findings help one to better understand international regimes and the process of ideational change in world politics.

East Asia has emerged over the last decade as the most active site for the negotiation of regional inter-governmental collaboration. The primary focus has been on trade but, in the wake of the financial crises, governments have also engaged in historically unprecedented collaboration in several areas of finance. Multiple factors have driven this new regional engagement. Although the agreements have been primarily economic in their focus, the primary motivation for many of them has been to secure diplomatic or strategic gains. The aggregate benefits from the agreements are likely to be limited given the low levels of tariffs and the availability of provisions that facilitate the intra-regional exchange of components. They may, however, be of significant interest to producers of specific products either because they provide advantage over competitors (or remove the advantage that competitors through agreements that their governments have signed). The trade agreements thus often reflect particularistic interests that governments have been enlisted to champion. Adapted from the source document.

(An expanded version of "Living with the Hegemon: European Dilemmas," Terrorism and the International Order, 2002.) Focuses on how European nations relate to the US. The dilemma facing European allies of the US is whether they accept a global framework of American hegemony or try to balance US dominance by enlarging European institutions as a competing center of power. Theories of liberal hegemony are reviewed. It is noted that the recent increase in America's economic, technological, & military supremacy has been accompanied by a "weakening of American soft power." Transatlantic rhetoric of the past helped European governments to accept American leadership & US hegemony still relies on consent rather than raw power. Striking a balance between military power, diplomatic activity, & economic influence will require the development of a new political understanding that will allow European leaders to demonstrate to their publics that they share in a common enterprise with the US as opposed to being coerced to follow an American-set agenda. J. Lindroth

After the end of the Cold War, it seemed as if Southeast Asia would remain a geopolitically stable region within the American imperious for the foreseeable future. In the last two decades, however, the re-emergence of China as a major great power has called into question the geopolitical future of the region and raised the specter of renewed of great power competition. As the eminent China scholar David Shambaugh explains in Where Great Powers Meet, the United States and China are engaged in a broad-gauged and global competition for power. While this competition ranges across the entire world, it is centered in Asia, and in this book, Shambaugh focuses the ten countries that comprise Southeast Asia. The United States and China constantly vie for position and influence in this enormously significant region-and the outcome of this contest will do much to determine whether Asia leaves the American orbit after seven decades and falls into a new Chinese sphere of influence. Just as importantly, to the extent that there is a global "power transition" occurring from the US to China, the fate of Southeast Asia will be a good indicator. Presently, both powers bring important assets to bear. The US continues to possess a depth and breadth of security ties, soft power, and direct investment across the region that empirically outweigh China's. For its part, China has more diplomatic influence, much greater trade, and geographic proximity. In assessing the likelihood of a regional power transition, Shambaugh at how ASEAN (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations) and the countries within it maneuver between the United States and China and the degree to which they align with one or the other power. Not simply an analysis of the region's place within an evolving international system, Where Great Powers Meet provides us with a comprehensive strategy that advances the American position while exploiting Chinese weaknesses.

For the past ten years, Ahmet Davutoglu has played a pivotal role in Turkish diplomacy: first as adviser to Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and now as Foreign Minister. Between them, the duo has revitalized Turkey's image and given it a leading role in regional and global affairs. From Iraq to Bosnia, from Haiti to Somalia, Ankara is always on the spot, either as a mediator or as a supplier of humanitarian aid. With its dynamic economy and active foreign policy, democratic Turkey is the envy and inspiration of every other Muslim country. Turkish diplomacy is at its most skilful in times of diplomatic crisis, and the interminable drama in Syria is one more chance for it to put its finesse to good use. Adapted from the source document.

If economic interdependence with Europe and the US is seen as a diplomatic vulnerability, countries that might one day face sanctions will look for alternate arrangements that are less easily exploited (Survival / SWP)

Verlagsinfo: At the height of the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, a complex multinational diplomacy had proposed setting up a coalition government in Kabul as a solution to the 'Afghan problem'. Even as all sides worked on the coalition, the US took steps that India considered a 'stab in the back'. With the help of the official papers collected by US ambassador John Gunther Dean and conversations with Ronen Sen, Rajiv Gandhi's diplomatic aide during those crucial years, the author recreates the falling apart of the India-US cooperation and the catastrophic effect it had on South Asian history.

In Kennedy, de Gaulle and Western Europe , Mahan revises prevailing interpretations of Franco-American relations during the early 1960s that either chastise de Gaulle for anti-Americanism or Kennedy for imposing U.S. policies on Europe. Summoning a wide range of French and American archival sources, this book demonstrates that the structure and dynamics of the Franco-American relationship during this period were embedded in complex multilateral relationships within the Western alliance.

This paper investigates Chinese Commercial Diplomacy and investment in Nigeria. The paper shows that Commercial Diplomacy is a movement led by state delegates with political status in perspective on business advancement between a home and a host nation. The study employed qualitative research techniques whereby none of the present literature focuses on validating the findings quantitatively. The findings of the study revealed that China-Africa trade 2018 was $185 bn, up from $155 bn in 2017. In 2018, the biggest exporter to China from Africa was Angola, trailed by South Africa and the Republic of Congo, South Africa was the biggest purchaser of Chinese merchandise, trailed by Nigeria and Egypt. China's FDI in Africa is firmly connected to trade and improvement help. FDI has expanded in the course of recent years couple with expanded Sino-African trade, in spite of the fact that China's FDI to Africa stays minor as far as China's all out outward FDI flows (0.2% in 1991 and 5.9% in 2007) and all out FDI got by Africa from the remainder of the world (3% in 2007). The study concludes that Nigeria-China bilateral trade Nigeria-China two-sided trade has stayed low particularly before the consenting to two-sided trade arrangement. The study recommends that China needs to adjust its policies to assuage concerns of Nigeria and put the Sino-African relationship on a more balanced footing and legislature should attempt to draw in remote ventures from China to segments. ; Historically, Commercial diplomatic activities can be dated back to the Roman Empire whereby Diplomatic missions have long been used as a tool to improve relations to other states around the world (Berridge, 2002).Today, commercial diplomacy activities, is a common behavior by developed countries (Kostecki and Naray, 2007). There is an increasing focus on commercial diplomacy, which can be related to the global economic stagnation and the decreasing growth many countries experience domestically (Justinek, 2012). Diplomatic activities may occur on the ...

the traditional North-South liaison dynamics are now taking place between the emerging Suds, and this article questions Francophonie's ability to bring about this change. He pointed out that it was on the basis of a resource, its international recognition and plural but forced territories that Francophonie was struggling its legitimacy to connect emerging worlds. The instruments used to achieve this range from culture to politics through diplomatic action and discursive production. Despite its instruments, there is no evidence that the resulting recognition capital is used to facilitate links between emerging worlds. ; The traditional dynamics of North-South relations are now played between the emerging South, this article questions the ability of the Francophonie to carry this change. It argues that it is from a resource, its international recognition and plural territories but constrained that the Francophonie has built its legitimacy to link emerging worlds. The instruments mobilized for this go from cultural to political through diplomatic actions and discursive production. Despite its instruments, there is no evidence that the resulting recognition capital serves to facilitate the links between emerging worlds. ; the traditional North-South liaison dynamics are now taking place between the emerging Suds, and this article questions Francophonie's ability to bring about this change. He pointed out that it was on the basis of a resource, its international recognition and plural but forced territories that Francophonie was struggling its legitimacy to connect emerging worlds. The instruments used to achieve this range from culture to politics through diplomatic action and discursive production. Despite its instruments, there is no evidence that the resulting recognition capital is used to facilitate links between emerging worlds. ; Les dynamiques traditionnelles de liaison Nord-Sud se jouent désormais entre les Suds émergents, le présent article interroge la capacité de la Francophonie à porter ce changement. ...

Asia Minor cities embassies are a good vantage point to assess political and institutional evolutions that went through Greek communities from the arrival of legions in the East to the end of the Early Empire. This investigation focuses on a long time scale that allows us to see evolutions in the reasons why cities would refer to Roman authorities. Principate institution was a break away in the relationships between oriental Greek communities and Rome, that they considered until then as a joint power. However, many continuities show that civic missions haven't quite shifted from being diplomatic acts to purely administrative facts at the end of the 2nd century. Ambassadorial practices have evolved a lot, being linked to institutional, diplomatic and social mutations of the Roman world. However, the several workarounds of Roman diplomatic rules can be seen as a persistent will for Greek communities to express their autonomy towards Rome. Despite the outbreak, especially among civic elites, of critical views towards inopportune delegations, sending a mission to Rome for good reasons would allow to show, not the complete freedom of the sending entity, but the dialog that it was able to establish with the masters of the antique world. ; Les ambassades des cités d'Asie Mineure constituent un poste d'observation commode pour qui veut apprécier les évolutions politiques et institutionnelles qui travaillèrent les communautés grecques de l'irruption des légions en Orient à la fin du Haut-Empire. Cette enquête portant sur un temps long permet notamment de cerner les évolutions dans les raisons qui poussaient les cités à en référer aux autorités romaines. Si l'institution du principat constitua une rupture indéniable en personnalisant les relations entretenues par les communautés de l'Orient grec avec une Rome conçue jusque-là par elles comme une puissance collective, il n'en reste pas moins que plusieurs éléments de permanence prouvent que la mue des ambassades civiques d'actes éminemment diplomatiques en faits purement ...

في عام 1988 تم توقيع اتفاقية تعاون بين الاتحاد الأوروبي ومجلس التعاون الخليجي بهدف تعزيز وتعميق العلاقات الاقتصادية والسياسية بينهما. بدأت مفاوضات العام التالي لتوقيع اتفاقية التجارة الحرة ؛ في عام 2008 تم إيقافها ولم تستأنف قط. منذ ذلك الحين ، لم يبد الاتحاد الأوروبي قادرًا على وضع سياسة خارجية شاملة ومصممة خصيصًا تجاه شركائه في الخليج العربي بسبب المشاكل الطارئة والهيكلية وعدم التناسق العام في مستوى تكامل المؤسستين. في الوقت الحاضر ، أعادت دول الخليج العربي والأحداث السياسية التي تدور ضرورة إحياء أبواب التعاون مع الاتحاد الأوروبي من أجل بناء سياسات تهدف إلى تشكيل علاقاته مع الأنظمة الملكية في الخليج العربي. ومع ذلك، فقد تضررت االسياسة الخارجية للاتحاد الأوروبي بسبب عدم وجود مرونة لبناء العلاقات الثنائية والتدفقات التجارية الاستراتيجية والأنشطة الدبلوماسية ، مما أعاق تنمية هذه العلاقات. ; In 1988 a Cooperation Agreement between the European Union and the Gulf Cooperation Council was signed, with the goal of strengthening and deepening economics and political ties between the two. The following year negotiations for the signing of a free trade agreement were initiated; in 2008 they were halted and never resumed. Since then, the EU didn't seem able to set a comprehensive and tailor-made foreign policy towards its partners in the Arab Gulf, due to both contingent and structural problems and an overall asymmetry in the level of integration of the two institutions. Nowadays, the Arab Gulf and the political events unfolding there, have revived the EU's necessity of adopting a broad policy in shaping its relations with monarchies there. Nevertheless, the EU's external action is damaged by the resilience of national bilateral relations regarding strategic trade flows and diplomatic activities, hampering its common stand on sensible concerns.

Turkey and Iran have maintained stable relations for decades and established cooperation by exploring their common interests despite many political disputes, ideological differences, or economic competition. But recently, many emerging disagreements of the two neighbors started to test the breaking point of this longtime balance. Today, Ankara and Tehran are trying to get a better hand against each other through diplomatic, military, and economic instruments. Starting by presenting an overview of Turkish-Iranian relations, this article focuses on the main points of friction between the two actors in the South Caucasus and Central Asia. The region is going through a critical juncture with crucial events such as the Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020 and the aftermaths of the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan. So far, Turkey has increased its regional influence by strengthening its economic and diplomatic presence and establishing military cooperation. This target is pursued through the Turkic identity, which provides the ideological basis for Ankara's regional strategy. The Islamic Republic of Iran, on the other hand, is trying to defend the regional status quo to resist the containment strategy and international isolation that it has been facing since the revolution. The "axis of resistance" idea that Iran pursues, especially in the Middle East, is almost nonexistent in the Central Asian and Caucasian region due to the Russian factor, lack of sympathy to such an approach on the part of the regional actors, and the Regime's reluctance to change the status quo in its Northern and Eastern borders. In addition to Ankara and Tehran's competing regional desires, several bilateral problems to solve in energy, trade, security, and migration management put the actors on the opposing sides. The study claims that the incompatibility between the actors' regional strategies increases to the point that their rivalry in the Middle East will expand to Central Asia and the Caucasian region. But in contrast to this slow process, there are imminent common issues that can only be solved by a joint effort by Turkey and Iran, and this necessity will restrain the damages of this incompatibility on bilateral relations.