Suchergebnisse

The increasing flow of immigrants into Europe over the last decade has generated a range of considerations in the policy agenda of many receiving countries. One of the main considerations for policymakers and public opinion alike is whether immigrants contribute their 'fair' share to their host country's tax and welfare system. In this paper, we assess the net fiscal impact of intra-EU and extra-EU migration in 27 European Union (EU) Member States. We find that migrants in the EU, on average, contribute more than natives to welfare states. However, when we take an age-specific life-cycle perspective, we find that natives generally show a higher net fiscal contribution than both groups of migrants. Among migrants, extra-EU migrants contribute less than intra-EU migrants. We then use a demographic microsimulation model to project the potential net fiscal impact of migration in the EU into the future. We show that despite the fact that intra-EU migration contributes to reduce the strong negative impact of population ageing, its contribution is not sufficient to offset the negative fiscal consequences.

The European Union (EU) was founded in 1957 in order to prevent new wars in the Continent. Over time, many institutions and instruments have been introduced for defining and implementing common policies concerning economics, society and politics. All these innovations have contributed to generating the "European people", beyond the single national peoples, with common institutions and cultural heritage. In fact, each people is also a population, describable in terms of demographic structure as well as in terms of natural and migratory dynamics. Therefore, it is reasonable to ask if, over time, all the national populations of the EU tend to converge towards a European population, with a common demographic profile. Here, a statistical method is proposed for measuring the demographic convergence of the populations of the EU towards a common pattern.

Tracing the relationships and networks of trust in Western European revolutionary situations from the Ancient Greeks to the French Revolution and beyond, Francesca Granelli here shows the essential role of trust in both revolution and government, arguing that without trust, both governments and revolutionary movements are liable to fail. The first study to combine the important of trust and the significance of revolution, this book offers a new lens through which to interpret revolution, in an essential work book for all scholars of political science and historians of revolution.

Cybersecurity is increasingly seen as a fundamental problem of the state, which comprehensively affects its security and defense, economy, certain spheres of public life, in particular energy, health care and others. Reliable operation of data networks, computer systems and mobile devices is a prerequisite for the effective state and society functioning, an individual's life. The reliability of key public information systems depends on many factors: cyberattacks, hardware and software failures, and all kinds of errors. The significant increase in the number of incidents in cyberspace necessitates a systematic analysis of sources of threats, the first place among which is phishing. The introduction of criminal responsibility for phishing is complicated by the fact that "phishing" is an "umbrella" concept that covers a number of launched or committed crimes. From criminal law point of view, phishing attacks can correspond to different categories of crimes (extortion, fraud, blackmail, offenses related to the processing of personal data, etc.). The attempt by some states to impose criminal penalties for phishing at the national level does not solve the problem, since it is not difficult for phishers who work worldwide to cross national barriers. That is still the reason why counteracting cybercrime requires significant efforts not only by individual states but also by international organizations, in particular by the European Union.

Haltung zur Integration in die Europäische Union.

Themen: Dringende Probleme im Land; Bewertung der Demokratie;
Zufriedenheit mit den materiellen Gegebenheiten; aktuelle
gesellschaftlche Situation; Tüchtigkeit der Regierung;
Informationsquellen; Glück; Einschätzung der Wirtschaft; soziale
Stellung verschiedener städtischer Gruppen; Identität;
Auswanderungsabsichten; Nationalstolz; Freizeitaktivitäten; Traditionen;
Vertrauen in Institutionen; Einstellung zur EU; Wissen über die EU;
Interesse an der EU; Unterstützung der EU-Mitgliedschaft; Erwartungen an
Sloweniens Position innerhalb der EU; Gewinner und Verlierer der EU;
erwartete Veränderungen; EU-Referendum; Einschätzung der Sympathie von
Parteien; Links-Rechts-Selbsteinstufung; Wahlentscheidung;
Parteipräferenzen; Bewertung von Politikern; Nachrichten im Fernsehen
und Zeitungen.

In the European Monetary Union, the estimation and analysis of preference parameters in its members is of special interest because possible differences could help us to understand why a common monetary policy could have different effects on the different economies involved. In this paper we have focused our attention on the elasticity of intertemporal substitution, one of the key preference parameters in intertemporal macroeconomic models.
Different studies have shown a possible underestimation of such elasticity for different countries. It is common practice to estimate the parameter using only non-durable goods and service consumption data, without referring to the service flows generated by durable consumption. This is only admissible if the intratemporal utility can be separated among the different consumption components. Our priority objective is therefore to test the assumption of intratemporal separability for a selection of European countries (Germany, Spain and France), and then to analyse the effect of durable consumption on the estimated values of the intertemporal elasticity of substitution of these countries, our ultimate goal. Knowledge of such elasticity will enable us to characterise how saving in these economies reacts to variations in the real interest rate.

This paper examines the impact of the EU Cohesion Policy on the relative development of EU countries as well as on the development of NUTS-2 regions within member states. The main hypothesis is that the Cohesion Fund payments are reducing inequalities between member states, while failing to decrease the regional inequalities within member states in the European Union. The basic conclusion is that Cohesion funds should not be viewed as the only solution for the problem of regional inequalities in the EU, but rather as a complementary policy instrument to national regional policies. However, the problem of creating institutional capacity for the withdrawal of the Cohesion resources remains emphasized, especially in new member states with lower real GDP growth, in order to compete for projects of highest multiplicative effects on the economy.

Industrial processes are currently responsible for nearly 26% of European primary energy consumptions and are characterized by a multitude of energy losses. Among them, the ones that occur as heat streams rejected to the environment in the form of exhausts or effluents take place at different temperature levels. The reduction or recovery of such types of energy flows will undoubtedly contribute to the achievement of improved environmental performance as well as to reduce the overall manufacturing costs of goods. In this scenario, the current work aims at outlining the prospects of potential for industrial waste heat recovery in the European Union (EU) upon identification and quantification of primary energy consumptions among the major industrial sectors and their related waste streams and temperature levels. The paper introduces a new approach toward estimating the waste heat recovery in the European Union industry, using the Carnot efficiency in relation to the temperature levels of the processes involved. The assessment is carried out using EU statistical energy databases. The overall EU thermal energy waste is quantified at 920 TWh theoretical potential and 279 TWh Carnot potential.

With the European Union Whistleblowing Directive (2019), the topic of whistleblowing is becoming increasingly important for EU MS's public and private entities. Whistle-blowers might play a vital role in exposing corruption, fraud and mismanagement of the EU's supranational norms. The Directive introduced minimum standards for the protection of whistle-blowers and obliges many public and private entities to introduce their own internal whistleblowing channels. The EU also can take some lessons from Indonesia about the practice and obstacle in implementing whistleblowing system. The aim of this article is to introduce the new EU Whistleblowing Directive's main features and some presumable obstacles for implementation. The hypothesis is that the new Directive might enhance the fairwork-place environment, roll back fraud and corruption, reduce work-related wrongdoing and manage equal treatment and no-discrimination policy including bullying and sexual harassment. However, some theoretical and pragmatic discrepancies will be introduced as well.

Company taxation is an important element for the establishment and the completion of the Internal Market. Against this background, the European Commission recommends the harmonisation of the tax base in the European Union. Carsten Wendt analyses the necessity, the concept as well as potential advantages and effects of a common tax base for multinational enterprises in the European Union. He addresses important issues concerning a common tax base, such as the definition of the consolidated group, the technique and scope of consolidation and the formula used to allocate the consolidated tax base among the involved member states. The author provides alternative options to solve these issues and concludes that a common tax base as intended by the European Commission would remedy many of the existing tax obstacles for multinational enterprises in the EU. However, distortions will remain, mainly because member states retain their sovereignty to set their tax rates independently and the territorial scope of a common tax base has to be restricted to group entities located within the EU.

Escribirlo acá en Portugués Alguns membros da União Europeia (EU) enfrentaram anos de crise na primeira metade da década de 2010 com uma excessiva dívida pública inicial, mas vários outros tinham ampla margem para incentivos fiscais. Contudo, a prolongada duração da depressão econômica europeia esgotou o orçamentos público, o que debilitou as políticas de incentivo e solvência soberana. Enquanto isso, uma das formas de sair da depressão é uma centralização proposta pela UE mediante uma união fiscal. Os países da Zona do Euro estão dispostos a participar de um fundo de risco nas finanças públicas? Este estudo pretende responder a essa pergunta. O artigo apresenta a hipótese de que a sustentabilidade das finanças públicas se deteriorou durante a crise global e a crise do euro na maioria dos países-membros da Zona do Euro e na UE, o que desencorajou os países centrais a buscarem a união fiscal. A análise utiliza os indicadores de sustentabilidade fiscal de Blanchard e a qualificação de risco soberano dos países da EURO-18 e UE-28. Além disso, apresenta como resultados um resumo teórico da sustentabilidade fiscal, do desenvolvimento da sustentabilidade fiscal nos Estados-membros da UE, dos indicadores de convergência ou divergência de sustentabilidade fiscal na comunidade e conclusões baseadas nos indicadores da probabilidade de uma união fiscal. ; Some EU members faced years of crisis in the first half of the 2010s with an excessive initial public debt, but several others had broad room for fiscal stimulus. However, the prolonged duration of the European economic depression expended public budgets, while exhausting stimulus policies and sovereign solvency. Meanwhile, one of the ways out of depression is a proposed centralization of the EU through fiscal union. Are the eurozone countries ready to participate in a risk pool in public finances? The study seeks to answer this question. The article presents the hypothesis that the sustainability of public finances deteriorated during the global and euro crisis in the majority of the eurozone member countries and in the EU, and this phenomenon is discouraging the core countries from seeking the fiscal union. The analysis uses the Blanchard indicators of fiscal sustainability and the sovereign risk rating of the EURO-18 and EU-28 countries. The analysis presents as results a theoretical summary of fiscal sustainability, the development of fiscal sustainability in the EU member states, indicators of convergence or divergence of fiscal sustainability in the Community, and conclusions based on the indicators of the likelihood of a fiscal union. ; Algunos miembros de la UE enfrentaron años de crisis en la primera mitad de la década de 2010 con una excesiva deuda pública inicial, pero varios otros tenían amplio margen para estímulos fiscales. Sin embargo, la prolongada duración de la depresión económica europea agotó los presupuestos públicos, debilitando las políticas de estímulo y la solvencia soberana. Mientras tanto, una de las formas de salir de la depresión es una centralización propuesta de la UE mediante una unión fiscal. ¿Están los países de la eurozona dispuestos a participar en un fondo de riesgo en las finanzas públicas? El estudio busca responder a esta pregunta. El artículo presenta la hipótesis de que la sostenibilidad de las finanzas públicas se deterioró durante la crisis global y la crisis del euro en la mayoría de los países miembros de la eurozona y en la UE, lo cual desalienta a los países centrales de buscar la unión fiscal. El análisis utiliza los indicadores de sostenibilidad fiscal de Blanchard y la calificación de riesgo soberano de los países de EURO-18 y UE-28. El análisis presenta como resultados un resumen teórico de la sostenibilidad fiscal, el desarrollo de la sostenibilidad fiscal en los Estados miembros de la UE, los indicadores de convergencia o divergencia de sostenibilidad fiscal en la Comunidad y conclusiones basadas en los indicadores de la probabilidad de una unión fiscal.