Suchergebnisse

The division of power and authority between central and local governments has been a key issue about which many scholars have shown great concern. In political and administrative science, it is a theoretical and practical issue of great significance. Since the Third Plenary Meeting of the 11th National Congress of the Chinese Commnity Party (CCP) Central Committee, China has established and carried out a policy of reform and openness that has set China on the fast lane of economic growth and brought about great change. One of the most important components of the reforms of the political, administrative, and economic systems is the transfer of power to lower levels and the adjustment of authority relations between governments. In the 21st century, the development and perfection of the socialist market economic system requires further adjustment of power and a scientific, rational distribution of authority between central and local governments. Further systematic research in this area is of great theoretical and practical significance.

This article argues that under the traditional system of highly centralized state power, there exist various kinds of malpractices in the relationship between central and local government, and between government and other public sector organizations. The article affirms the positive effects achieved since 1978 by the reforms centered on "transferring power to a lower level and yielding some interests." But the article also points out that the malpractives of the traditional system have not yet been completely eradicated. At the same time, some new problems have arisen as a result of the reforms. So we must adopt the following measures: first, combine the powers and functions of the central government with the transfer of moderate degree of power to the local government; second, the transfer of administrative power from cental to local government should be coordinated with the transfer of economic power from government to enterprises; third, the division of powers and responsibilities between central and local government must be given a scientific and legal basis.

In 1995, Congress, with the support of the Clinton administration, passed the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act, a sweeping welfare reform designed to appease conservative critics of 1960s War on Poverty programs. In the last decade, conservatives have intensified a comparable campaign to dismantle environmental programs and regulatory agencies established during the 1970s through the efforts of the environmental movement. Conservatives' calls for market forces to replace governmental environmental protection programs echo the arguments of conservative opponents of welfare. Similarly, contemporary battles over environmental policy are being waged in the mass media arena. Therefore, it behooves environmental advocates to review the public discourse that surrounded the welfare debates of the 1990s. Using frame analysis, this Essay describes the evolution of media discourse in Massachusetts from 1990 through 1994 regarding the role of government and its responsibility in providing public welfare programs. The Essay then draws lessons from welfare reform that are relevant to current environmental debate.

The scandals surrounding organ removal and retention throughout the United Kingdom provoked several Inquiries and ultimately led to law reform. Although the medical professions were well represented at the Inquiries, little was heard of the voices of those at the 'coal face'. In this scoping study, funded by the Wellcome Trust, we interviewed a number of doctors and others engaged in the uses of human tissue and organs to explore their hopes, concerns and fears about the role of the law in their practices. We found that those involved in transplantation were more aware of, and more actively involve with, the law, whereas others, such as pathologists, had less direct engagement with the law. Most of those we interviewed expressed the hope that law reform would provide much-needed clarity. Although some expressed concern that the law might be over-intrusive, most felt that the placing of authority firmly in the hands of the person him or her self to decide what should happen to their bodies was to be welcomed.

Рассмотрены экономические и политические условия функционирования сельскохозяйственных предприятий до начала реформ, вскрыты причины кризиса в сельском хозяйстве, которые обусловили необходимость радикального реформирования аграрного и продовольственного сектора страны в целом. Анализ изменений в законодательстве после 1990 года позволил обосновать более точно новую структуру сельскохозяйственных предприятий, а оценка финансово-экономического и социального положения классифицировать направления их финансового оздоровления. Особое значение отведено государственной политике в области финансового оздоровления сельскохозяйственных предприятий. ; The paper deals with economic and political conditions of agricultural companies functioning before the beginning of reforms; it exposes the causes of crisis in agriculture, which has led to the necessity of radical reforms in agrarian and food sector as a whole. The analysis of changes in legislation after the year of 1990 has enabled to ground more accurately the new structure of agricultural companies; the evaluation of financial economic and social situation allowed for classification of its financial reanimation direction. A particular attention is given to the state policy in the sphere of financial reanimation of agricultural companies.

An introduction to a special section on, Ten Years After Nolan, discusses functions of the Committee on Standards in Public Life which is charged with overseeing the ethical dimensions of public office. Led by High Court Judge Lord Nolan, the standing committee was established in the wake of parliamentary scandals, especially allegations related to payments made by Harrods owner Mohamed Al Fayed in his pursuit of UK citizenship. Although the Committee has no direct powers, it is expected to introduce reforms to combat a weakening of ethical standards. Although several of the committees early reforms were implemented, its subsequent history has been uneven. The papers in this section address how the Committees recommendations have been assimilated & adapted in relation to areas of public life apart from Whitehall & Westminster. The contributors also explore significant organizational changes that have been carried into effect; differentiation to the issue of ethics in sub-central governments of GB; & how the government walks the line between politics & ethics. Areas for future research are suggested. J. Lindroth

In light of dramatic and risk-laden change in the Palestinian political landscape, explored are the substance of domestic changes impacting the development of Palestinian political and governing systems and the dynamics of relations with Israel, and the incentive structure in which key Palestinian players have decided their objectives, crafted policy perspectives, and conducted cost-benefit analyses. The failures of Fatah and the rise of Hamas, as well as the lack of a credible alternative, or "third force," are discussed before examining the relationship between internal structures and processes, eg, Palestinian Authority reform, to external ones, eg, the peace process. Attention is given to the implications of Hamas' electoral victory over Fatah for the peace process, noting that the international community's unwillingness to address fundamental political issues of Israeli-Palestinian relations while fixating on the notion of Palestinian reform, has made it complicit in Israeli unilateralism, a problem that predates Hamas' win. How Hamas will approach the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, particularly in terms of US and EU policy prescriptions, is considered in closing.

This article argues that Indonesia since reformasi remains subject to powerful tendencies for disinfigrasi -- both province-based "separatism" and general socio-political decay. These tendencies are greatly aggravated by the failure of democratically elected presidents and parliaments to effectively tackle endemic corruption or reform the armed forces, which continue to enjoy near-total immunity as a major practitioner, guarantor and enforcer of corrupt business practice and extortion. The article notes the activism of civil society and liberal media on the corruption issue and the commendable new array of anti-corruption institutions. But it argues that reform efforts have been virtually nullified by broad collusion of Indonesia's political, bureaucratic, military and business elites in sustaining -- but also "democratising" and decentralising -- the system of corruption inherited from Suharto. Change must await new social and political struggles initiated outside the parliamentary arena which itself has become a major source of KKN (Korupsi, Kolusi dan Nepstisme). Adapted from the source document.