Suchergebnisse

Ministry of Education, Science, Research and Sport of the Slovak Republic is currently preparing a curricular reform of regional education. In the context of the strategic intentions of the announced curricular reform, the authors of the paper analyse some results of a broader research inquiry, which aim was to identify factors influencing significantly pupils´ decision for choosing technical profession as their future job. Pupils' views on the subject of technology are basically very negative. Only 2 % of eighth graders stated technology among their favourite subjects. Ninth grade pupils did not mentioned this subject even once. To the three most frequently stated activities that contribute to the popularity of the subject of technology, or which pupils enjoy within technology belong manual work, practical activities and discussions focused on interesting technical issues. Innovation of the technology subject content and the methodology of its teaching represents a way in which it is possible to maintain and further develop particular technical study programs.

Intro -- Vorwort -- Inhalt -- Einleitung -- 1. Das Thema der Arbeit -- 2. Methodische Probleme -- Sozialistische Statistiken -- Der Begriff Imperium -- 3. Forschungsstand -- 1. Der RGW in der Stalin-Periode -- 1.1 Die imperiale Expansion nach Osteuropa -- 1.2 Die sowjetischen Berater als Institution imperialer Macht -- 1.3 Die Gründung des RGW als imperiale Organisation -- 1.4 Der RGW im Kontext der sowjetischen Berater -- 1.5 Die imperiale Trägheit der Sowjetunion -- Fazit -- 2. Die Entstalinisierung und ihre Folgen für die imperialen Strukturen im RGW -- 2.1 Die asynchrone Entstalinisierung -- 2.2 Der Niedergang des sowjetischen Beratersystems -- 2.3 Imperialer Gestaltungswille statt imperialer Trägheit? Die RGW-Reformen von 1954 -- 2.4 Die Fortsetzung der RGW-Reformen 1956 aus imperialer Perspektive -- 2.5 Der Oktober 1956 und die Folgen für die RGW-Zusammenarbeit -- Fazit -- 3. Konsensimperium I: Der gemeinsame Plan -- 3.1 Versuche der Festigung des sowjetischen Führungsanspruchs -- 3.2 Die Preisbildungsdebatte als Beispiel sowjetischer Einflussnahme -- 3.3 Die Verwissenschaftlichung als Mittel zur Konsensbildung -- 3.4 Die Idee des gemeinsamen Plans als Ausdruck imperialen Gestaltungswillens -- 3.5 Die Grenzen imperialer Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten -- Fazit -- 4. Konsensimperium II: Die Konsolidierung unter Brežnev -- 4.1 Die Apathie des RGW als Krise imperialer Gestaltungspolitik -- 4.2 Brežnevs Führungsstil als Grundlage für die Stabilisierung des RGW -- 4.3 Die Rückkehr der imperialen Trägheit als stabilisierendes Element -- 4.4 Die "Rationalisierung" der Handelsbeziehungen als neues Mittel imperialer Einflussnahme -- 4.5 Die Verstetigung der imperialen Trägheit im Komplexprogramm -- Fazit -- Schluss -- Tabellen- und Abbildungsverzeichnis -- Abkürzungsverzeichnis -- Quellen und Literatur -- Archive -- Veröffentlichte Quellen.

Die Novellierung des Kulturschutzgesetzes im Jahre 2016 sorgte für einen Aufschrei unter deutschen Kunstsammlern und Galeristen und warf dabei ein Schlaglicht auf ein Rechtsgebiet, das sonst nur selten in den Feuilletons der deutschen Tageszeitungen diskutiert wird. Insbesondere die Reform des Abwanderungsschutzes löste eine hitzige Debatte über Enteignung und kulturpolitisches Interesse des Staates aus. -- Die Untersuchung befasst sich mit einem bisher weniger beleuchten Aspekt dieses Spannungsfeldes: der Überschneidung zwischen Urheberrecht und Kulturgüterschutz. Hierbei wird der Versuch unternommen, entlang der Grenzen des Allgemeininteresses an kulturellen Artefakten und den Privatinteressen von deren Urhebern ein übergeordnetes Kulturrecht zu definieren und dessen Antinomien auszuloten. Die bisherige Debatte um die eigentumsfreiheitliche Dimension des Kulturgüterschutzes soll dabei um eine kunstfreiheitliche Diskussion erweitert werden. / »Culture Law – Cultural Artefacts as legal objects under Copyright Law and Culture Property Law«: In the wake of the highly controversial 2016 reform of the German Cultural Property Protection Act, the work deals with the hitherto largely unstudied legal tension between copyright and cultural property. It attempts to define an overarching cultural right along the boundaries of the public interest in cultural artifacts and the private interests of their creators. The previous debate on the protection of cultural property in terms of freedom of ownership is expanded to include a discussion of the freedom of art.

According to Nancy Fraser's concept of the triple movement of social protection, emancipation, and marketisation, the forces of emancipation can form an alliance with social protection or marketisation. A genuine example of emancipation is the transformation of residential disability care services to personal assistance. However, what remains unclear is why some reforms overlap more with marketisation and others overlap more with social protection, whereas other countries did not undertake any pervasive reforms in their disability care services. This paper attempts to illuminate this issue by examining the morphogenetic approach to explain developments within disability care services in 10 European countries. A fuzzy set ideal type analysis was used to delineate four types of disability care services. The analysis assigned Greece, Slovenia, and Spain to the domestic-traditional type; Belgium, Germany, and Switzerland to the benevolent-paternalist type; Sweden to the encompassing-progressive type; and Latvia, the Slovak Republic, and the United Kingdom to the precarious-progressive type.

In the endemic world, the emergence of China as a potential superpower is surfacing. It has been a long evolutionary process from the coarse period to the age of prosperity that pushes China to an upward trajectory with its reform model for domestic and worldwide growth. Its economic and strategic directions are reaping fruits in the Belt and Road Initiative. Beijing's goodwill has been endorsed by different countries of the world who wish to learn from the ascendancy of China on the world stage. However, with the rise of China, it is feared that it would have implications for the predominant world order. This paper, therefore, highlights the country's political, economic, military, and social reforms by its distinctive Soft Power approach. China is becoming an influential power that cannot be ignored on the global horizon.

Bibliography Entry
Almotairi, Sager Ghalib. 2021. "China's Emergence as a Potential Superpower and the World Order." Margalla Papers 25 (2): 35-46.

In Poland, during the People's Republic of Poland, the policy of central management of the economy was based on the principles of unity of state power and unity of state property. They constituted the foundation of the state sector and the state economic activity. State-owned enterprises, strongly subordinated to public administration bodies, were the leading form of economic activity. The authoritarian state controlled not only the process of enterprise creation, liquidation and supervision, but also the enterprises' operational activities. Strong state supervision and lack of responsibility for financial results were the main reasons for their low profitability, which in turn brought about attempts to reform the legal structure of the state-owned enterprises. The aim of the article is to show the legal and organizational changes in state-owned enterprises that are to produce an increase in economic efficiency. Based on the historical-legal method and the grammatical interpretation of the law, it was shown that the reforms undertaken in the field of the organization of state-owned enterprises were not effective.

The aim of the research was to examine the influence of cooperative ideologies on the origin of credit societies in Russia. The emergence of a legal framework for consumer and, later, credit cooperation in Russia came in two ways. The first formal credit union was established in 1831 by Russian military officers banished to Siberia after the December 1825 revolt. Other cooperatives were organized in a Western model by enthusiasts from the wealthy strata. Later, the history of cooperation in consumer credit before the revolution in Russia can be divided into three stages: first, 1831-1860 (before the peasant reform); second, 1861-1904 (after the peasant reform); and third, 1905-1917 (adoption of government regulations on cooperation). To solve the objective set, the authors used the documentary method close to the historical method. It is concluded that analysis of the preconditions of the first cooperative organizations in Russia shows that there were some known forms of primitive cooperation or pre-cooperation over the centuries.

AbstractAfter its landslide victories of 2010, 2014 and 2018, Fidesz has introduced numerous institutional changes in the Hungarian political system. The academic research has emphasized the illiberal and antidemocratic character of these reforms, and the populist ideology of the party has been widely considered as the underlying force behind them. This study analyzes the most important reform that Fidesz has undertaken: the new Fundamental Law, enacted in 2012. We examine whether this change can be regarded as a violation of liberal democratic principles, and, if that is the case, whether it can be linked to the populist character of Fidesz. We found that some of the most criticized dispositions of the newly enacted constitution cannot be regarded as violations of liberal democratic principles, whereas other changes clearly constitute attacks to the foundations of Hungarian democracy, mainly affecting the separation of powers and the civil rights of minorities, These findings are largely consistent with the effects of populist governments on democracy as documented in the literature.

Our article endeavours to critically examine the prospects for socialist parties and socialist policy reform in South Africa. Firstly, we seek to provide an appraisal of modern socialist politics and policies globally. Secondly, we attempt to diagnose why South Africa has been as yet unable to fashion a suitable socialist workers' party during the democratic epoch. In this, the article discusses the prospects of socialist parties and policy reform in South Africa after examining the failure of the Socialist Revolutionary Workers' Party (SRWP) to make an impact at the 2019 polls. Using a combination of comparative methodology and critical inquiry, our study presents not only that socialist politics and policies are valuable to democratic systems, but also that socialist politics should have a more viable vehicle in South Africa. The prospects for deepened ideological development, particularly the formation of a successful socialist or workers' party, remains quite weak in South Africa but there is considerable evidence to suggest that civil society both requires and desires a more vibrant relationship with modern socialism.

The socio-economic characterisation of resettled small-holder farmers under the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP) in Zimbabwe has blind spots in relation to the emergent transformative social policy features such as 'social cohesion', 'cooperation', 'protection' and 'accumulation' which are equally important among land beneficiaries. Using the Sangwe farm, this article departs from the conventional use of the political economy, sustainable livelihoods, human rights-based and neo-patrimonial approaches to experiment with the transformative social policy approach. Using both quantitative and qualitative data in an exploratory research design, the article shows that viewed from the transformative social policy approach, the FTLRP was neither a resounding success nor a complete disaster. The programme actually produced mixed results. The article thus, recommends the use of in-depth, ideologically free and neutral approaches in its analysis so as to reveal its detailed outcomes. Additional studies in which existing land reform policies can be considered in the collective efforts of improving the transformative agenda of the FTLRP across the country are needed.

The initiatives of large-scale reforms of the European Union to accelerate European integration and to achieve "European sovereignty" were one of the main topics of the presidential program of E. Macron. For the first time in the political history of the Fifth Republic, the future head of state synchronized the implementation of internal reforms in France with an ambitious "European project". The article analyzes the progress of the implementation of the European program of Macron and examines the reasons which have not allowed to achieve the implementation of the plans. The author summarizes the preliminary results of the European policy of Paris, holding that the French leader's European initiatives were unrealistic since they did not sufficiently take into account the current complex realities and contradictions of the European Union, as well as the past negative experience of France in promoting the idea of creating a "Europe-Power". A forecast is made about a possible new version of Macron's "E

AbstractAfter the 1994 judicial reform, the Mexican Supreme Court has transformed into a more genuine enforcer of law and the final arbiter in an increasing number of disputes over power and resources between different levels and branches of government. Constitutional controversies have become an essential legal resource enabling subnational actors to defend the autonomy and jurisdiction guaranteed in the Constitution. The number of constitutional controversies filed by municipalities and subnational actors before the Court increased considerably in the 1995–2021 period, reaching nearly 2500 intergovernmental disputes of exclusive jurisdiction. In the context of growing political fragmentation, this judicialization process has motivated subnational actors to appeal regularly to the Supreme Court to act as a counterweight, resulting in an increasing influence in the national political arena and even in the implementation of public policies. With its rulings, a nonrepresentative body is regulating coexistence among elected political actors and institutionalizing new rules of behavior. The Supreme Court's rulings on fundamental cases that are still pending should reveal whether the 2021 judicial reform will enhance judicial independence.

AbstractOn March 11, 2020, the World Health Organization declared the emerging COVID‐19 threat a pandemic following the global spread of the virus. A year later, a number of governments are being handed the concluding reports of national public inquiries tasked with investigating responses, mishaps, and identifying lessons for the future. The present article aims to identify a set of learning obstacles that may hinder effective lessons drawing from the COVID‐19 pandemic responses. The seven obstacles discussed in this article are: (1) retaining lessons and implementing them effectively, (2) effectively drawing lessons from other countries, (3) the potential for reforms to introduce unanticipated vulnerabilities elsewhere in the system, (4) political pressure, (5) drawing the conclusions from observations, (6) experts versus decision makers, and (7) reforms may not be related to the actual crisis. Exploring these obstacles will be central to future discussions concerning which kinds of responses will set precedent for future pandemics and global health crises.

AbstractCorporatization—arguably as important as privatization regarding public service reform—remains an under‐researched topic in Public Administration. In this paper, we explore the extent to which the implementation of different types of corporatization strategies can be explained by the ideology of the ruling party in the Spanish public healthcare sector, selected for study because this sector was subject to reform, particularly, decentralization and marketization. To do so, we use count‐data regression models to analyze secondary data from the 17 Spanish regional governments for the period 2003–2017. Our estimates reveal that right‐wing controlled regional governments exhibit a clear preference for corporatization strategies that actively involve the private sector, such as Public–Private Partnerships and Public Finance Initiatives. Further analysis suggests that left‐wing governments are positively associated with the implementation of corporatization strategies that do not involve the private sector, such as the creation of Public Enterprises and Public Entities. These results are robust to a variety of alternative specifications.