Suchergebnisse

In article is investigated role of famous Ukrainian scientist Yu. Shevelоv in the creation and activities of the unification of Ukrainian writers on emigration after the Second World War – Ukrainian Art Movement (1945-1948). The focus is on those events that Yu. Shevelоv together with his associates conducted for the organization of diverse forces of the Ukrainian creative intelligentsia in difficult conditions of separation from the Motherland.It is proved that the researcher pledged special hopes on the national-organic style as a consolidating factor of Ukrainian literary and artistic life. His main provisions are Yu. Shevelоv as one of the leading ideologues of UAM developed during the existence of this association. The idea of a national-organic style triggered a heated discussion in the Ukrainian emigration environment. The essence is highlighted differences in views on the national-organic style between Yu. Shevelov and his opponents is highlighted, the most famous of which was Volodymyr Derzhavin. It is noted large extent thanks to the efforts of Yu. Shevelov, the Ukrainian Art Movement activity in a relatively short time launched a large-scale literary, publishing and scientific activity and became an important milestone in the history of Ukrainian culture. Y. Shevelov had no doubt, that Ukraine have been always recognized as a part of Europe. But primitive mechanical imitation of foreign samples leads only to provinciality, because the main point of the province is, that it doesn't create, but follows the capital. It is important, that, in searching internal unity of Ukrainian art and Ukrainian nation, Y. Shevelov suggested his own conception of national-organic style and tried to convince others of his truth.
All activity of Y. Shevelov during the period of existence of Ukrainian Art Movement have been directed on uniting of different literary currents, trends and writers to create modern Ukrainian literature, which could satisfy with the modern requirements.

En Rodolfo Llopis es difícil separar al hombre político, del docente, del sindical, del social o del masón porque en su personalidad no hay desdoblamiento ni separación. Su comportamiento responde a un ideal que sobrepasa crecidamente al político, al sindicalista o al docente para situarse en la idea de lograr un mundo mejor a través de la regeneración social que se puede conseguir con la democracia y la educación. Y en esta línea gira su pensamiento y actuación. Todo lo demás son instrumentos propios de la época en que vive que utiliza para hacer realidad un proyecto de vida maravilloso. ; In Rodolfo Llopis is difficult to separate the political man, the teacher, the syndicalist, the social man or the mason man because his personality hasn´t splitting or separation. His behavior responds to an ideal that exceeds even the politician, the trade union member or the teacher to be placed on the idea of reach a better world through social regeneration that can be achieved with democracy and education. And in this way his thought and action turns. Everything else are proper instruments of the time that he used to live in order to realize wonderful life project.

En 1992 se firmaron los acuerdos de paz y, de cara a la transición en la que se embarcaba, El Salvador tuvo ante sí una invaluable ocasión para intentar elaborar y asimilar la experiencia de guerra, vivida durante más de una década. Sin embargo, esta oportunidad fue ignorada o distorsionada, en el mejor de los casos. Diversos obstáculos impidieron que un proceso de reparación social se desarrollara, con lo que de nuevo las demandas sociales de justicia y verdad se vieron frustradas. Entre estos obstáculos destaca el discurso oficial como un mecanismo de control social ideológico que, con sus contenidos y difusión particular, ha contribuido a deslegitimar e impedir todo esfuerzo reparatorio. El que la reparación social no se haya desarrollado en el país conlleva serias implicaciones psicosociales y la relación existente entre ésta y el discurso oficial apunta a la existencia de un conflicto del mismo orden, el cual mantiene vigente el dilema de enfrentarse al pasado de la guerra o conformarse con un presente, que invita a proyectarse de forma amnésica hacia el futuro.
ECA Estudios Centroamericanos, Vol. 57, No. 649-650, 2002: 1067-1091.

This article examines the cultural identifications of doctors of French origin working for the colonial medical service in Algeria at the end of the nineteenth century. As representatives of the state, doctors were expected to uphold the gendered values of civilisation which underpinned the French Third Republic and its empire. Yet they also formed part of a mixed European settler community which insisted upon its own racial and cultural specificity. Faced with a series of centralising reforms to the service from 1878, doctors tied their pursuit of professional freedom to a wider settler movement for autonomy. In so doing, they came to embody a self-proclaimed 'new white race' which sought to physically regenerate the empire. In tracing these doctors' mediation between their governmental employers and their settler patients, this article exposes tensions within French medical culture in Algeria and reflects on the consequences for the operation of colonial power.

AbstractThis paper reports on a multistakeholder engagement process conducted in an Australian policy setting that led to a new community engagement framework: Science and Technology Engagement Pathways (STEP). I describe the process in the context of a lack of awareness, experience, and culture of deliberative public engagement in Australia, particularly in relation to decision making concerning science, technology, and innovation. Increasing cautiousness in government and industry approaches to nanotechnology development, in Australia and elsewhere, creates an imperative and an opening for improved stakeholder and community engagement to improve the legitimacy and sustainability of decisions. In this context, STEP may stimulate movement toward deliberative engagement by raising awareness and commitment from diverse stakeholders and providing a structure for developments in engagement and public dialog. STEP potentially provides "rules of engagement" and "intervention pathways" for ongoing public engagement with science and technology developments and for critical "science in society" perspectives to inform policy.

This work aims to confer elements for government action, from the information recorded in online media centers that allows social participation in its information processes and promote its dissemination in social networks. To fulfill this purpose the news that people share on social networks massively are identified and comments expressed analyzed. For this work a case study approach is applied to the online newspaper media of Medellin, Colombia, which integrate aspects of the netnographic method. The results outlined provide useful guidelines to complement intervention policy at local level. ; Este trabajo tiene como objetivo el de conferir elementos para la acción gubernamental, a partir de la información registrada en aquellos centros de noticias online que permiten la participación social en sus procesos informativos y promueven su difusión en redes sociales. Para cumplir este propósito se identifican aquellas noticias que las personas comparten en redes sociales de forma masiva y se analizan los comentarios que estas expresan. Para su abordaje se emplea un estudio de caso aplicado a la prensa online de la ciudad de Medellín, Colombia, al que se le integran aspectos del método netnográfico. Los resultados esbozan algunos lineamientos útiles para complementar medidas de intervención política a escala local. ; Este artigo tem como propósito de conferir elementos para a ação do governo, a partir da informação registrada nesses centros de noticias on-line que permitem a participação social nos processos de informação que promovam a sua divulgação nas redes sociais. Para cumprir este objetivo se identificam aquelas noticias que a sociedade compartilha nas redes sociais de forma massiva e se analisam os comentários que as pessoas expressam. Para sua abordagem se usa um estudo de caso aplicado à imprensa on-line da cidade de Medellín, na Colômbia, que irá a integrar os aspectos do método netnográfico. Os resultados delineiam algumas orientações úteis para complementar as medidas políticas de intervenção ao nível ...

This article presents an analysis of the process of changing the approach of the European social democratic parties to the social policy and employment policy of the European Union in the post-crisis period. In particular, the role of the Party of European Socialists (PES) and its group Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament (EP) in the development and implementation of a new strategy for strengthening the social sphere, presented by the European Commission headed by J.-C. Juncker at the initiative of the representatives of the PES in it, including the initiative for the creation of the European Pillar of Social Rights (EPSR). Various options for coping with the consequences of the COVID‐19 pandemic proposed by the PES, as well as the new strategy for the transition to a social Europe put forward by it, are considered.

Feminist theorists have long critiqued the conceptual binaries that underpin western thought as mapping to gender. In the late 20th century, digital technologies seemed poised to rework the boundaries of divides such as public and private, self and Other, masculine and feminine, or virtual and real. Drawing on posthumanist, transfeminist, and new materialist approaches in feminist thought, I analyze digital media interfaces as material sites of enacting and producing gender. In my fieldwork with young, mobile, urban cosmopolitans in early 2000s Berlin, many contested conventional gender, in ways tied to class status, even as they navigated implicit understandings of gender in interface design. I argue that these technologies must be analyzed as material interfaces or surfaces through which gender is constructed discursively and materially. Feminist technology and design scholars ask how new technologies and interfaces can support alternative, non-hegemonic enactments of gendered selfhood, as a means to challenge and rework how gender is constructed in and through sociotechnical systems. But such interventions require asking what exactly gender is online, as a virtual practice that combines the material with the informational in new ways.

Around fifty years ago, much of the world experienced a new cycle of mass social unrest. In their wake, the movements of that time have left a mass of records and other documents such as leaflets, journals, newspapers, posters and bulletins. Today, many of these materials are curated by community-based archives that continue to identify in some manner both with those movements and their successors. But what might these materials be able to tell us about the 'document work' (to use Ciaran Trace's useful concept) that originally led to their creation and use – and, in a broader sense, the experiences of the movement participants who utilised them as integral components of their political engagement? This paper will explore the meaning of document work within the practices of members of Potere Operaio [Potop], one of the most influential of the revolutionary groups formed in Italy during the late 1960s. The paper concludes with brief reflections as to the implications of this for the present day work of radical community archives.

El artículo tiene como propósito, construir los elementos teóricos necesarios, que sustente lo constitutivo de la Gerencia Social Universitaria en Venezuela, desde la configuración de la UNEFA, la UNESR y la UBV. Con respecto a la metodología está enmarcada en el paradigma cualitativo, su enfoque es el interaccionismo simbólico. Los actores sociales son los docentes, empleados y estudiantes de las tres universidades tomadas como unidades de estudios y los cuales fungieron como informantes claves. La técnica de recolección de información fue la observación participante y la entrevista a profundidad. Para el análisis e interpretación de la información se utilizó la matriz GLATER, la cual sus autoras González y Hernández (2000) lo definen "como una matriz y un instrumento para evaluar las categorías provenientes de su investigación o de otros autores" (p.20). Para establecer la confiabilidad y valides se aplicó la triangulación. En la investigación sobresale la siguiente reflexión; el individuo que se desempeñe como gerente universitario le corresponderá tomar como marco de referencia los postulados de la gerencia social, toda vez que la misma es una gerencia compartida, solidaria, transparente, ajena a intereses sectoriales o corporativos; es una gerencia sensible e inteligente orientada al bien común, que desarrolla habilidades para la concertación, los consensos y los acuerdos.

In the social-scientific literature on the welfare state, scholars have long argued that the quality and extent of support available to workers outside the market—thecitizen's wage—has a direct impact on their standard of living and an indirect effect on the bargaining position of labor within market relationships. In a parallel way, recent feminist scholarship on social policy has pointed out that how—if at all—the state steps in to assist women in their role as mothers when marital relationships break up or never form has a direct impact on the standard of living within motheronly families, and an indirect effect on women's bargaining position within two-parent families by (at least partially) setting the terms on which they will live should they want to exit relationships. Thus, just as analysts have argued that the level of the citizen's wage is revealing about the effect of policy on class inequality, a focus on what the state does for single mothers and their children is analytically strategic for assessing the relationship between policy and gender inequality. The situation of mother-only families reveals the inherent social and economic vulnerability of all women that exists due to their childrearing and domestic responsibilities and their low earnings, which is usually masked when women are in households with wage-earning men.