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In this paper, I will show that Lloyd's reading of Hobbes's account of political obedience is substantially similar to the mainstream philosophical interpretation. In particular, both include an "orthodox" interpretation of Hobbes's political and legal philosophy. On the orthodox interpretation, the reasonableness of a choice is determined by the "weight" or "balance" of reasons. Subjects have reason to obey the law because so acting best satisfies their different desires and interests. I will argue that the practical reasoning that takes into consideration transcendent interests, and the reasoning that takes into account mundane interests, are structurally similar. The difference between them lies in the fact that transcendent interests always outweigh other first-order considerations, whilst the relative weight of mundane interests always enters into a calculation of the "balance" of reasons to be assessed each time.

Should liberal democratic societies accept Teun Dekker's Analytical Discourse Evaluation as a gift from analytical philosophy? In this essay, the premises on which Analytical Discourse Evaluation is based are the topic under investigation. By performing Analytical Discourse Evaluation on Analytical Discourse Evaluation, some of the hidden structures behind Teun Dekker's argument in favor of the use of Analytical Discourse Evaluation are lifted out of the fog. In this contribution, both the Data side and one of the possible Warrant sides of Teun Dekker's argument are reconstructed according to Toulmin's model. Subsequently, each side of the argument is evaluated rigorously. In this manner, it is shown which premises lie at the core of Teun Dekker's argument. Ultimately, three basic Claims will sketch the position one has to agree to before one can accept this precious gift to politics.

The paper represents a review of philosophical magazines and other social
science magazines. It also gives a review of other cultural magazines in
which philosophical texts have been published. The review covers magazines
published in Serbia and other former Yugoslav republics starting from 1898 -
when the first philosophical magazine, Archive of Philosophy, Pedagogy and
Social Sciences made its appearance - until today. Currently, old editions of
these magazines have been converted into electronic form and, along with the
new editions, are available on the Internet. The magazines that are analyzed
in this paper were published in Serbo-Croatian, Croatian, Serbian, and
Albanian, and some are even multilingual. The magazines were distributed in
the libraries throughout the historically changing country (with its various
names) of Kingdom of Yugoslavia, Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and
Republic of Serbia.

This paper deals with the description of current and future vehicle technology related to yaw moment control, anti-lock braking and traction control through the employment of effective torque vectoring strategies for electric vehicles. In particular, the adoption of individually controlled electric powertrains with the aim of tuning the vehicle dynamic characteristics in steady-state and transient conditions is discussed. This subject is currently investigated within the European Union (EU) funded Seventh Framework Programme (FP7) consortium E-VECTOORC, focused on the development and experimental testing of novel control strategies. Through a comprehensive literature review, the article outlines the stateof- the-art of torque vectoring control for fully electric vehicles and presents the philosophy and the potential impact of the E-VECTOORC control structure from the viewpoint of torque vectoring for vehicle dynamics enhancement.

This paper deals with the description of current and future vehicle technology related to yaw moment control, anti-lock braking and traction control through the employment of effective torque vectoring strategies for electric vehicles. In particular, the adoption of individually controlled electric powertrains with the aim of tuning the vehicle dynamic characteristics in steady-state and transient conditions is discussed. This subject is currently investigated within the European Union (EU) funded Seventh Framework Programme (FP7) consortium E-VECTOORC, focused on the development and experimental testing of novel control strategies. Through a comprehensive literature review, the article outlines the stateof- the-art of torque vectoring control for fully electric vehicles and presents the philosophy and the potential impact of the E-VECTOORC control structure from the viewpoint of torque vectoring for vehicle dynamics enhancement.

State-sponsored science and technology projects are increasingly prominent in Bolivia. Evo Morales has implemented a series of new legal and infrastructure programs to foster the growth of these fields because of the promise they hold for fostering Bolivian development using local materials and methods. The content of and justification for these projects differ from those of earlier positivist or desarrollista models. Morales's emphasis on scientific research is congruent with the preexisting ideological and practical commitments of the Bolivian bioscientific and biomedical community. Because of the localism integral to scientific practice in Bolivia, these research projects are "Bolivian science," not "science in Bolivia." Bolivian science challenges common assumptions in the science-studies and philosophy-of-science literature regarding who does science, what the appropriate venues for it are, and how its practice is justified.

The conviction that particularly political sphere abounds in permanent paradoxes, that they constitute its inherent attributes, was already familiar to political philosophy classics, although they expressed them in different ways. "The paradoxical mix of order and chaos compelled the Greeks to seek out more creative, inclusive and reflexive modes of thought and action". One of them, Socrates, talked about "the true political craft", that is a rejection of politics, and at the same time, its admission. The paradoxical features of politics that arise from human nature were examined by Thomas Hobbes. Jean-Jacques Rousseau observed the paradoxes that underlie the act of free will declaration. Carl Schmitt paid attention to the internal paradox of democracy, pointing out that despite the conditions of declared citizens equality, the policy is dominated by inequalities deriving from other spheres, particularly economy.

This article illustrates ways in which the concepts of the norm and normativity are implicated in relations of power. Specifically, I argue that these concepts have come to function in a normalizing manner. I outline Michel Foucault's thinking on the norm and normalization and then provide an overview of Jürgen Habermas's thinking on the norm and normativity in order to show that Habermas's conceptualizations of the norm and normativity are not, as he posits, necessary foundations for ethics and politics, but in fact simply one philosophical approach among many. Uncritically accepting a Habermasian framework therefore produces normalizing effects and inhibits alternative and potentially emancipatory thinking about ethics and politics. Having problematized the requirement of normative foundations as it is currently articulated, I conclude by examining the emancipatory potential of a particular aspect of Foucault's work for the practice of philosophy.

The strong program in cultural sociology faces — and creates for sociology generally — an epistemic dilemma: does an interpretation of culture constitute an explanation of social action? The work of Clifford Geertz suggests the two are not mutually exclusive. In his empirical studies he artfully produced `maximal interpretations' that went beyond both extant theories and the immediate data given by participant observation. Maximal interpretations, I argue, claim the epistemic status of sociological explanations. Indeed, the core problems of the philosophy of social science and social theory can be reframed in terms of the difference between relatively uncontroversial `minimal interpretation' and relatively tendentious (but powerful)`maximal interpretation'.The implications of this distinction for research can be made clear by considering, as an example, what is required to explain witch hunts in Early Modern Europe and Colonial America, and the Salem witch trials in particular.

La filosofía política de Hobbes nos coloca muy cerca de los orígenes del iusnaturalismo así como del absolutismo como modelos de configuración estatal. De igual forma nos muestra cómo llegó la ley escrita de origen humano a convertirse en el instrumento de trabajo más idóneo en la configuración de tales modelos políticos cuyo fin último consistió en la búsqueda de la paz social. ; The political philosophy of Hobbes places us very near the origins of the iusnaturalism as well as that of the absolutism as models of state configuration. Likewise, it shows how the written law of human origin ended up being transformed into the more suitable instrument of work in the configuration of political models whose last end consisted on the search of the social peace. ; 125-154 ; mireyabo@ula.ve ; Semestral ; Nivel analítico

Abstract.  Although heterogeneity and time are central aspects of economic activity, it was predominantly the Austrian School of economics that emphasized these two aspects. In this paper we argue that the explicit consideration of heterogeneity and time is of increasing importance due to the increasing environmental and resource problems faced by humankind today. It is shown that neo‐Austrian capital theory, which revived Austrian ideas employing a formal approach in the 1970s, is not only well suited to address issues of structural change and of accompanying unemployment induced by technical progress but also can be employed for an encompassing ecological‐economic analysis demanded by ecological economics. However, complexity, uncertainty, and real ignorance limit the applicability of formal economic analysis. Therefore, we conclude that economic analysis has to be supplemented by considerations of political philosophy.

PurposeThe object of this paper is to examine the debate in business ethics over extending insights from political philosophy (e.g. theories of distributive justice) to address questions about the management and governance of economic enterprises.Design/methodology/approachThe paper engages in a philosophical argument.FindingsEven if justice does not matter in a direct manner for questions about economic enterprises, current debate overlooks the possibility that justice matters in an indirect manner for questions about the management and governance of economic enterprises. The paper illustrates two ways in which justice matters for such questions. The first concerns the promotion of stakeholder interests by multinational corporations. The second concerns the claims of workers to participate in the governance of economic enterprises.Originality/valueThe paper is offered as a contribution to the literature on normative theories of managerial responsibility and corporate governance.

The Biblical Politics of John Locke, Kim Ian Parker, Editions SR,
Volume 29; Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2004, pp.
ix, 211.Parker's study is on the foundational role played by the creation
story of Genesis in Locke's moral and political philosophy.
Locke's First Treatise against patriarchalism was not only a
refutation of Filmer's reading of Adam and original sin, it was a
positive rereading of that story suggesting "an emancipation of
humanity almost unprecedented in theological writings" (38).
Locke's distinction between paternal and political power, then, is
not merely a way of "scoring polemical points against Filmer"
but becomes a way "to form the basis of his political theory"
(120). What can too easily be read as "merely" exegetical
polemic in the First Treatise is translated into philosophical
argument in the Second Treatise.