Suchergebnisse

Trilateral Monetary Task Force. Towards a renovated international system.--Trilateral Political Task Force. The crisis of international cooperation.--Trilateral Task Force on Relations with Developing Countries. A turning point in north-south economic relations.--Trilateral Task Force on Trade. Directions for world trade in the nineteen-seventies.--Trilateral Task Force on the Political and International Implications of the Energy Crisis. Energy, the imperative for a trilateral approach.--Trilateral Task Force on the Political and International Implications of the Energy Crisis. Energy, a strategy for international action.--Trilateral Task Force on Relations with Developing Countries. OPEC, the trilateral world, and the developing countries

In this volume Dr Seal analyses the social roots of the rather confused stirrings towards political organisations of the 1870s and 1880s which brought about the foundation of the Indian National Congress. He is concerned not only with the politicians, viceroys and civil servants but with the social structure of those parts of India where political movements were most prominent at the time. The emphasis of this work is more upon Indian politics than upon British policy: the associations in Bengal and Bombay, the genesis of the Congress and the Muslim breakaway which accentuated the political divisions in India

One of the principal tasks of the September 1985 National Conference of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) involved the rejuvenation of personnel in the central leading bodies of the party. One such beneficiary of this reshuffling was Ch'en Tso-lin, who was promoted to the position of secretary of the Central Discipline Inspection Commission (CDIC) of the CCP. The article outlines Ch'en's political career against the backdrop of economic and political development in the PRC since 1974. (DÜI-Sen)

The Congress, the grand old party of India, plunged into a political abyss after consecutive defeats in the national elections of 2014 and 2019. It called for a deep remedial overhaul, but it resorted to 'Band-Aid political strategies' for pro-tem gains. It recirculated rootless leaders in various party positions, added digital footprints rather than foot soldiers and launched the ambiguous 'Bharat Jodo Yatras' (walkathons) – shepherded by Rahul Gandhi to reclaim its lost political dominance. It becomes contextual to revisit the deinstitutionalization thesis of Congress party and probe criticalities of personalism-dynasticism in top echelons and generational factionalism-leadership conundrums in states in hastening its endemic decline.

This article examines attitudes of the Croatian final grade high school students towards the burdensome legacy of the Second World War and Croatian war for independence (1991–1995). Following the theoretical framework of memory studies, and implementing the concept of postmemory, we have developed a structural model connecting ideology and legacy of the wars. In addition, we have further modelled postmemory and its reliance on democratic values, namely political attitudes, trust in state institutions and political knowledge. Individualised predictors offered more nuanced analysis away from the binary understanding of pro-collaborationist and anti-fascist divide, in line with wider European trends and political culture(s).

The article explores communication relations on Twitter during the 2015–2016 migrant "crisis" in Slovenia. By integrating social network analysis with critical discourse studies, the author finds that the "left-wing" political network had the most members. In contrast, the "right-wing" political network was notably more influential and active. The political elite, mass media, journalists, and public figures are among the most influential users. A vast majority of posts feature discriminatory discourse focused on security understandings of migration. The research is important because it provides one of the few and relatively comprehensive insights into the online digital discussion on migration in Slovenia.

Abstract
Alongside economic factors, regional variation in trust reflects the structure of social ties available to different regions. We support this claim by linking cross-national survey data from 22 countries in the European Social Survey with data on Facebook friendships. Regions with more local (within-region) connections exhibit lower political trust, but higher levels of (particular) social trust. Those regions with more social ties to national capitals and urban centres exhibit higher levels of political trust but lower (particular) social trust. Social ties to power centres support the creation of political trust and their absence limits it.

This article is retrospective in nature. trough an appeal to early Christian thought, the ideas about power, both state and church, are explicated. In this research the influence of Christianity on the socio-political evolution of European civilization is analyzed, attention is focused on the gradual integration of the church as it is oligarchized into the existing political system, the main political ideas of Augustine Aurelius are analyzed. It is emphasized that the ideal of the coexistence of spiritual and secular power in a Christian state is symbiosis, i.e. the separation of objects of power, on the one hand, and subjective dominance in each division.

When political commentators talk about polarization, they often mean a partisan ideological divide: the left vs the right, republicans vs democrats, progressives vs conservatives. But what if there is a different dichotomy driving our political disagreements that is orthogonal to ideological differences?

That's what University of Miami political scientist Joseph Uscinski argues in a recent paper, "American Politics in Two Dimensions: Partisan and Ideological Identities versus Anti-Establishment Orientations. Using two national surveys from 2019 and 2020, he shows that anti-establishment and anti-elite sentiments may be more of a driving force in our politics than partisan ideology.

In April 2023, the Polish National Broadcasting Council, the so-called KRRiT, imposed a high fine on an indipendent media outlet. It was not the first fine of this kind to independent media organisations. The growing number of KRRiT decisions targeting independent media in Poland is the result of the political nature of the procedure for appointing members of the KRRiT and the broad, unclear legal basis for imposing fines. Since 2005, the decisive voice in the composition of the KRRiT was that of the ruling political majority. This blogpost analyzes and criticizes the vague legal framework for KRRiT and the institution's apparent political capture in recent years.

Abstract: This article considers Konstantin Leont́ev's political ideas and the place they occupy within the Russian conservative tradition. After first considering the similarities and differences between Russian and Western conservatism, the article surveys the origin of Konstantin Leont́ev's political thought in his diplomatic career and his response to the Graeco-Bulgarian church controversy. It is argued that Leont́ev differed from most contemporary Russian conservatives in rejecting nationalism as a liberal phenomenon and by valuing Pan-Orthodox rather than Pan-Slavic unity. This suggests that his political thought can be seen as an echo of the 'official nationalism' associated with Nicholas I.

Abstract
The author thematizes the operation of the political market of attention that is propelled by the willingness of citizens to credit populist leaders with their digital political labour. Mutual, nevertheless unequal, exchange of attention leads to the formation of a spiral of attention. Its expansive character is sustained by the strategically subsidized recognition of populist leaders. Accumulated attention, i. e. attention capital, is the resource that is used to maintain populist networked public spheres, while citizens are proletarianized: they are invited to apply their labour power to distributing political ideas but are pevented from evaluating the influence of competing public actors.

Abstract
Using yearly data on 153 prominent German authors (1700–1932), we show how changes in the political and economic environment facilitated the formation of literary clusters. Early authors follow general population patterns, leading to geographic dispersion in a patronage system characterized by spatial competition. At the end of the nineteenth century, authors concentrate in large economic and political capitals. These changes in location patterns mirror trends in political and territorial consolidation and the professionalization of authorship. The last cohort shows large-scale migration into literary centers around the age of 20 years. Therefore, these literary clusters are not due to changing birth locations.

By comparing the colonial era under the British colonization and Chinese presence in Nigeria, this study challenges the so-called "neo-colonialism" regarding Chinese activities in Nigeria and argues that China and Nigeria have a strategic cooperation which pursues each political and economic benefits through analyzing China's state-business relationship with Nigeria. Regarding studying China–Africa relationship, this study emphasizes to focus on specific African countries' domestic history, social development, and political and economic institutions. The paper contributes to the existing literature by involving the study on Nigeria's domestic political situations and social institutions and how these link with Chinese engagement in Nigeria.

In his seminal book Exit, Voice, and Loyalty, Hirschman suggests that loyal members are less likely to exit when dissatisfied with the performance of the organization. In the context of a political regime, however, we argue that loyalty may actually encourage exit because loyal members are more sensitive to the performance decline of the regime. Using an original survey conducted in Hong Kong, we show that survey respondents with a stronger local identity have greater migration intentions. We also find that the heterogeneity of perceived political changes plays a significant role as a mediator. We discuss the political implications for Hong Kong.