Suchergebnisse

Practical problems of international politics are often described in terms of building a bigger and better state—a European Union or an Atlantic Community or an Arab Union, without seeing that such an achievement would leave the problems of inter-state politics precisely where they were.

Der Aufsatz behandelt die Diskussionen des zweiten Kongresses der Kommunistischen Internationale 1920 zu den nationalen Befreiungsbewegungen. Grundlage der Beratungen war ein vor Beginn des Kongresses von Lenin erarbeiteter "Ursprünglicher Entwurf der Thesen zur nationalen und kolonialen Frage". Lenin leitete auch den Sitz der Kolonialkommission auf dem Kongreß. Dargelegt wird die strittige Diskussion auf dem Kongreß zum Problem der nationalen Befreiungsbewegung. Die Delegierten nahmen einstimmig die Thesen Lenins als "Leitsätze über die Nationalitäten- und Kolonialfrage" an. (WJ)

This book provides an examination of the principles of equality and equity in international environmental law. It focuses on analyzing what has been done on the international plane to promote the participation of developing countries in international environmental agreements.

The article deals with contemporary tendencies and research in the field of
critical theory of international relations. Focusing on the analysis of
global power relations, this specific approach within the framework of the
science of international relations, draws attention to the different
capacities of international actors to influence their own political and
economic circumstances. Its contribution to the science of international
relations is reflected in the opening (and politicization) of issues that the
representatives of traditional theories take as a given fact, or for various
reasons do not pay needed attention. The article will present the evolution
of the critical theory of international relations, ranging from the radically
critical point of view of its founder Robert Cox to the strictly normative
orientation of Jurgen Habermas. Contrary to the question of the
?inevitability? of the existing world order (on which the realists insist in
particular), as well as the acceptability of dominant patterns and practice
of demonstration of power in world politics, it offers alternative visions of
the architecture of global relations. It is concluded that the critical
theory of international relations, despite numerous criticisms, is relevant,
because it approaches the phenomenon of power in a diametrically opposite
way, in comparison to the traditional schools of thought in international
relations. It provides researchers with analytical tools, so that they can
identify the role and significance of both ideas (theory) and practices
(political actions) in creating and maintaining the structures of the world
order.

Mozambique is committed to having completed implementation of its mine clearance obligations under Article 5 of the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention (APMBC) by 1 January 2015. This will, for the most part, marks the end of proactive demining efforts in Mozambique. It is understood that it is always possible that previously unknown mined areas may be discovered after completion has been declared. With a view to being able to manage residual contamination once completion of international treaty obligations has been declared and pro-active humanitarian demining efforts have ended, Mozambique's National Demining Institute (IND) requested the GICHD to conduct an assessment looking at Mozambique's national capacity to manage residual contamination. The purpose of the assessment was to conduct a capacity assessment and mapping of the IND and other relevant government institutions, and to present recommendations concerning the transition of the IND and the establishment of a sustainable national capacity to manage and respond to residual contamination.

chapter Introduction -- chapter 1 The politics of international law -- chapter 2 Narratives of justification from 1883 -- chapter 3 Conventional readings -- chapter 4 Competing for hegemony -- chapter 5 Returning to the status quo? -- chapter Conclusion.

The European Union is poised to establish a genuine European Energy Union with the new powers conferred on it by the Lisbon Treaty. Since 2014, it has been developing and implementing an energy strategy that responds to the three overarching priorities of climate change, political security, and economic competitiveness by 2030. The European Energy Union aims to provide secure, sustainable and affordable energy throughout the cycle of production, transport and consumption. This book outlines the legal regime underpinning this regulatory strategy, which integrates EU law with international law and with the law of the member states and affiliated states. It analyses and explains the increasing interaction between these legal orders in achieving the shared objective of transforming the European and global energy systems. This book will appeal to scholars and students of energy law and Policy at both European and international levels.

Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Preface -- Table of Contents -- The Fifty Independent States of Africa -- Table of Cases -- Part I -- Chapter 1: The Contribution of Africa to International Law -- A. Ancient and Pre-Medieval Africa -- B. Indigenous African States (300-1500 A.D.) -- C. Beginnings of European Trade and Colonization -- D. The Period of Colonial Rule -- Chapter 2: Government under Law in Africa -- Introduction -- Nature of the Problem -- Government under Law in Africa -- Democracy and the Rule of Law -- Africa and an International Rule of Law -- Chapter 3: The New States and the United Nations -- 1. The Emergence of the New States -- 2. The Impact of the New States -- 3. Conclusion -- Chapter 4: Modern International Law -- Introduction -- The International Law Commission -- Other UN Law-Making Bodies -- The Role of Diplomatic Conferences in Internal Law-Making -- General Assembly and Security Council Resolutions as Sources of Law -- Judgments, Opinions, etc. of the International Court of Justice -- International Custom as Evidence of Law -- The Contribution of Text-Writers and Publicists -- Chapter 5: The World Court and Africa -- Chapter 6: The Legality of Illegal Regimes in Africa -- Part II -- Chapter 7: The Charter of the Organization of African Unity -- I. Introduction -- II. The Aims and Purposes of the Organization -- III. Membership Rights and Obligations -- IV. Principal Institutions of the Organization -- V. The Assembly of Heads of State and Government -- VI. The Council of Ministers -- VII. The General Secretariat -- VIII. Commission of Mediation, Conciliation and Arbitration -- IX. The Specialized Commissions -- X. Signature, Ratification, Entry into Force, Registration of the Charter -- XI. Interpretation of the Charter -- XII. Amendment of the Charter.

AbstractOver the last few years, European NGOs were very successful in raising awareness about international trade in minerals funding armed conflicts around the world. In May 2017, after more than three years of negotiation, the European Union signed the new Conflict Minerals Regulation. At first glance, this Regulation demonstrates 'ethical' or 'normative' power: The EU uses its commercial power to promote norms of international peace and security, accepting prospectively higher prices for imports of minerals. The Regulation also supports a re‐centring of the state after two and a half decades of economic liberalization. However, the EU only follows and lags behind the 2010 US Dodd‐Frank Act section 1502. The article shows that the EU does not reject collective norms, but is incapable or unwilling to put a tight rein on domestic businesses. The new EU Conflict Minerals Regulation stands only for symbolic normative power.

ABSTRACTThis article examines the contributions of nongovernmental international human rights organizations (NGIHRO) in promoting a broad sense of human rights in hybrid regimes using the cases of Amnesty International Hong Kong (AIHK), Green Peace Hong Kong (GPHK), and Oxfam Hong Kong (OHK). It contends that NGIHROs have made significant contributions to public education and fund-raising in Hong Kong. However, with regard to the human rights conditions, it is erroneous to consider Hong Kong as part of the developed world. Together with other probable political considerations, doing so may have led to gaps in the organizations' roles and functions as advocates for human rights in Hong Kong. In the final analysis, this article uses the political protests in Hong Kong to illustrate the importance of addressing the implications of demands for preserving the local identity and alternative lifestyles in the broader understanding of human rights.

How to write (international) legal histories that would be true to their protagonists while simultaneously relevant to present audiences? Most of us would also want to write "critically" – that is to say, at least by aiming to avoid Eurocentrism, hagiography and commitment to an altogether old-fashioned view of international law as an instrument of progress. Hence we write today our histories "in context". But this cannot be all. Framing the relevant "context" is only possible by drawing upon more or less conscious jurisprudential and political preferences. Should attention be focused on academic debates, military power, class structures or assumptions about the longue durée? Such choices determine for us what we think of as relevant "contexts", and engage us as participants in large conversations about law and power that are not only about what once "was" but also what there will be in the future.

Auf der UN-Konferenz für nachhaltige Entwicklung 2012 sollen die Institutionen der internationalen Umweltgovernance auf den Prüfstand gestellt werden. Eine Reform des bestehenden Systems ist längst überfällig. Weder garantiert es derzeit einen angemessenen Schutz globaler Umweltgüter, noch ermöglicht es eine nachhaltige Nutzung bedrohter Ökosysteme. Ursächlich hierfür sind eine fragmentierte Governance-Architektur mit beinahe 500 multilateralen Umweltabkommen, mangelhafte Koordination zwischen den UN-Organisationen, unzureichende Finanzierung umweltpolitischer Maßnahmen und die ungenügende Ausstattung des UN-Umweltprogramms UNEP. Vor diesem Hintergrund befürwortet die EU umfassende Reformen. Mit der Gründung einer UN-Umweltorganisation soll der institutionelle Kern des Systems gestärkt werden. Brasilien hat mit dem Vorschlag einer "Dachstruktur" für Umwelt und nachhaltige Entwicklung ein eigenes Modell ins Spiel gebracht. Die USA wiederum lehnen die Gründung einer neuen internationalen Organisation ab, solange ihr Mehrwert nicht deutlicher erkennbar wird. Um auf einen gemeinsamen Nenner zu kommen, wurden seit 2006 drei zwischenstaatliche Konsultationsprozesse abgehalten. Dabei einigten sich die Staatenvertreter auf die zentralen Funktionen, welche das System erfüllen soll. Umstritten blieb jedoch die Form, die eine erneuerte Umweltgovernance-Architektur einnehmen könnte. Damit in dieser Frage ein Konsens erreichbar ist, muss Europa politische Führungsstärke zeigen und die eigenen Reformmodelle substantiell weiterentwickeln. Gleichzeitig müssen die Delegierten Fingerspitzengefühl zeigen und die noch zögerlichen Staaten effektiv mitnehmen. Auf diese Weise könnte bis 2012 die Struktur eines grundlegend erneuerten Umweltgovernance-Systems festgelegt werden