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AbstractThe large empirical conflict literature has established that there is a strong negative link between economic variables and the onset of an armed civil conflict. However, it has been difficult to demonstrate a clear causality between poor economic performance and increased risk of conflict because of potential endogeneity issues, especially for large country samples. Most existing studies that analyse the causal links focus on the effects of economic growth on conflict, even though conventional conflict studies find the strongest relationship for income levels. In this article, we use three new exogenous instruments for income per capita, based on historical data for mailing times, telegram charges and urbanization rates. Using instrumental variables methods and global panel data for the period 1946–2014, we show that the negative effect of income per capita on the probability of conflict onset is consistently strong and larger than in conventional estimations using pooled ordinary least square regressions.

Difficulties emerging from the adoption of Western law in Turkey have resulted in two opposing arguments. One is that the country's mores & customs need to be examined with a view to bringing the legal system more into accord with them. The other places the emphasis on the need for modernization of Turkey. Actually, changes in each area are advantageously complementary to changes in the other. It is definite that a recasting of the Turkish Civil Code Is necessary. B. J. Keeley.

Three days before the general elections of 2010 in the UK, the organisation called London Citizens brings together the leaders of the three main parties. Among the 2,200 people in the room, some come on stage and confront the candidates with their demands (on the minimum wage, immigrant rights, affordable housing and access to credit), while urging them to recognize and promote the role of "civil society" in the governance of London. At the forefront of this fight, London Citizens represents a very wide range of organizations - religious congregations, schools, trade unions and other associations - which collectively seek to make their voices heard by politicians, but also economic actors, upsetting the traditional rules of politics. Built on the model of broad-based community organizing initiated by Saul Alinsky in the 1940s in Chicago, London Citizens seeks to mobilize a large number of London communities and residents. Supervised by "organizers", the various members meet on a regular basis and conduct collective actions, big and small, on different issues. "Democratic" in many ways, the work of London Citizens is also ambiguous with regard to its conception of citizen empowerment and targeted social changes. In so doing, it promotes a pragmatic approach to citizenship and democracy. ; Trois jours avant les élections nationales de 2010 au Royaume-Uni, l'association London Citizens réunit les trois principaux prétendants à la fonction de Premier Ministre. Parmi les 2 200 personnes présentes dans la salle, certaines défilent sur scène et confrontent les candidats à des revendications (portant sur le salaire minimum, les droits des immigrés, les logements abordables et l'accès au crédit), tout en les enjoignant à reconnaître et à promouvoir le rôle de la « société civile » dans la gouvernance londonienne. À la pointe de ce combat, London Citizens représente un très large éventail d'organisations - congrégations religieuses, établissements scolaires, syndicats et autres associations - qui cherchent collectivement ...

Rape and sexual violence loom large in the study of civil war in Africa. Sierra Leone has been one of the most prominent cases for establishing rape as a 'weapon of war', yet little is known about how sexual violence was understood by commanders or combatants within the Revolutionary United Front (RUF). Mainstream analyses of armed groups and civil war rarely engage with gender dynamics, despite their centrality to war making, power, and violence; and research that does focus on sexual violence tends to overlook the complex internal dynamics of the groups responsible. This article examines the internal gender dynamics of the RUF from the perspective of male and female members in seeking to understand the perpetration of sexual violence. It shows that both formal and informal laws and power structures existed to regulate gender relations and control sexual behaviour within the group. It identifies four categories of women - non-wives, unprotected wives, protected wives, and senior women - and shows that women's interests and experiences of sexual violence were not homogeneous, but were instead shaped by their status within the group. In this way, sexual violence, examined in social context, provides an entry point for understanding how power, protection, and access to resources are brokered in rebellion. Adapted from the source document.

Comunicación presentada a las Jornadas sobre Movimientos migratorios provocados por la guerra civil española, Universidad de Salamanca, 15-17 de diciembre de 1988, organizadas por el Ministerio de Cultura, Archivo Histórico Nacional, Sección «Guerra Civil». ; La guerra civil provocó importantes cambios en la población: una mortalidad elevada, un descenso de la natalidad y de la nupcialidad, el exilio y una movilidad espacial extraordinaria. Este último aspecto, referido a Alicante, es el objetivo de este artículo. Esta ciudad, por su condición de retaguardia, fue un centro receptor de numerosos refugiados, sobre todo mujeres y niños. Después de la guerra, muchos refugiados permanecieron en la ciudad y, además, llegaron los militares victoriosos y el personal de servicios que, con los prisioneros y los reclutas, cambiaron la estructura demográfica considerablemente. ; La guerre civile provoque importants changes dans la population: une mortalité élevée, un penchant de la natalité et de la nuptialité, l´exil et une mobilité spatiale extraordinaire. Ce dernier aspect, rapporté à Alicante, est l´objectif de cet article. Cette cité, par sa condition d´arrière-garde, a été une centre récepteur de nombreux refugés, surtout femmes et enfants. Après la guerre, plusieurs refugés se sont restés à la ville et, en plus, sont arrivés les militaires victorieux et le personnel deu troisième secteur que, avec les prisionniers et les soldats de recrue, ont changé l´structure démographique considérablement.

p. 1499-1511 ; This paper presents in detail Jiuzhou stadium's great functions from temporary settling, relief supplies collecting and medical care to psychological assistance for about 50,000 victims and temporary school for about 2000 primary and secondary students whose classroom buildings just seriously damaged and even collapsed in Wenchuan great earthquake. The reasons of the stadium safely playing such a tremendous role in the battle against the disaster after strong earthquake are discussed. From the case of Jiuzhou stadium, this paper proposes an idea that some future large-span civil buildings should be added a new function as safe-working indoor earthquake victim shelters even under strong earthquake, and their construction are proposed to be legislatively added to official urban and town planning. The functions of this kind of large span buildings and their anti-seismic design standard are also discussed in this paper. The preliminary analysis shows that the cost increase of large-span building with the functions of earthquake shelter may not be much. Their cost could be reduced a lot by careful design and introduction of many hightechniques including vibration reduction and isolation, structural optimization, damping element application and so on. ; Zhi, F.; Li, H.; Shu, X. (2010). A new function for large-span civil buildings. Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València. http://hdl.handle.net/10251/7150

Major disasters challenge or exceed the capacity of the official emergency management sector to provide needed rescue services, support and relief. Emergency services in most jurisdictions do not have the surge capacity for unusual or extreme events without drawing on other jurisdictions or local people from outside the formal emergency management organisations. In such circumstances, those in the affected area need to organise themselves and make maximum use of local resources to cope with the immediate aftermath of impact. To find the required surge capacity, this suggests a whole of society response with the official system working with the capacities of people, commerce and organisations outside the emergency sector. An example is provided by the destruction of the northern Australian capital city of Darwin by Cyclone Tracy in December 1974. Informal volunteering and emergent leadership in Darwin and across Australia were critical to the immediate response and relief. Volunteering was widespread and worked well alongside official emergency management. With today's information and communication technologies and a strong national resilience narrative, we would expect to do at least as well. However, governments now exercise much more control over civil society. We examine the implications for surge capacity and adaptability.

Major disasters challenge or exceed the capacity of the official emergency management sector to provide needed rescue services, support and relief. Emergency services in most jurisdictions do not have the surge capacity for unusual or extreme events without drawing on other jurisdictions or local people from outside the formal emergency management organisations. In such circumstances, those in the affected area need to organise themselves and make maximum use of local resources to cope with the immediate aftermath of impact. To find the required surge capacity, this suggests a whole of society response with the official system working with the capacities of people, commerce and organisations outside the emergency sector. An example is provided by the destruction of the northern Australian capital city of Darwin by Cyclone Tracy in December 1974. Informal volunteering and emergent leadership in Darwin and across Australia were critical to the immediate response and relief. Volunteering was widespread and worked well alongside official emergency management. With today's information and communication technologies and a strong national resilience narrative, we would expect to do at least as well. However, governments now exercise much more control over civil society. We examine the implications for surge capacity and adaptability.

In the modern era, the role of civil society cannot be ignored in the development of a country. In the democratic arena, it compels the undemocratic elements to follow democratic norms in a given society and keeps a vigilant watch on the activities of the government. This article, apart from the conceptual clarification of civil society and democracy, throws light on how civil society played its role in the promotion of democratisation in Pakistan and Turkey. In Pakistan, civil society is considered as an umbrella phrase for a range of non-state and non-market citizen organisations and initiatives, network, and unions operating in an expansive gamut. The civil society in Pakistan has been flawed by the structural dynamics of state consolidation from the beginning. Incurrent years, nevertheless,civil society organisations have provento be strongerand dedicated but is still at a developing stage. Looking at the Turkish politics after the World War II, it has been under the influence of rapid democratisation as well as social mobilisation. It also precipitated the delivery of services to the neglected periphery of society.

In recent years, transitional justice has become increasingly international in its scope. Due to ongoing animosities, lack of political will, and the absence of credible governing or judicial institutions, international organizations, donors, and NGOs advocate for transitional justice initiatives like truth commissions or special tribunals - alongside national actors, like civil society and victims groups. This book examines how international assistance affects transitional justice, and where power truly lies in making decisions about justice for victims of massive human rights abuse. The book finds that government donors typically lack strategies for transitional justice, they struggle with information deficits, and they are constrained by short-term approaches that do not give enough attention to what is often a weak and divided civil society sector. All the authors have both practical and scholarly perspectives on transitional justice. Country case studies are provided, including descriptions of the challenges in developing data on transitional justice financing