Suchergebnisse

Con prácticamente la misma superficie territorial que Europa, con más del doble de población que el Viejo Continente y una historia caracterizada por ser tan profunda como rica (con más de 3500 años de antigüedad, si no más), la civilización china se consagra como un universo cultural, económico, político, social y hasta filosófico completamente distinto al que estamos acostumbrados en Occidente. Ese "micro-cosmos" civilizatorio que constituye la sociedad china, está confeccionado por numerosísimos retazos culturales, étnicos, lingüísticos, religiosos, etc. que desafían la homogeneidad necesaria para erigir un Estado- Nación; uniformidad que, como veremos, fue pretendida largamente por varios gobiernos chinos a lo largo de su historia. Si bien es cierto que la mayoría de la población (un 92% aproximadamente) pertenece a la etnia Han, es de destacar que el restante 8% (nada más ni nada menos que unas 120 millones de personas) tiene una importancia considerable, dada tanto por su plural composición (hay 56 grupos étnicos) como por su dispersión en el territorio chino (se encuentra en un 60% de éste).La voluntad por acaparar esa pluralidad bajo una gran nación china es otro de los propósitos manifiestos de la presente dictadura; como dijimos, dicha pretensión, sin embargo, no es nueva. Más bien, toda la literatura con respecto al tema coincide en señalar que los sueños por concretar una única nacionalidad comienzan a vislumbrarse insípidamente luego de la Guerras del Opio (iniciadas en 1840) que terminaron con dos derrotas chinas a manos de las escuadras inglesas y francesas. A estas guerras se le sumó la adquisición (en 1847), por parte de Gran Bretaña, de Hong Kong, enclave británico en la China continental que perduraría hasta nuestros días. Al imperialismo occidental se le agregarían, tiempo después (para 1894), los arrestos expansionistas japoneses. Éstos se plasmarían en la guerra sino-japonesa, en donde el Japón le demostraría al mundo su poderío tras la revolución Mejí derrotando a una débil China que, luego de firmar el Tratado de Shimonoseki, le cedería al primero la isla de Formosa (Taiwán), lasislas Pescadores y la península de Liaodong.La merma del poder chino, la seria limitación de su soberanía -que últimamente parecía pendular entre intereses de potencias extranjeras- y la humillación que significase dichos enfrentamientos ante la comunidad internacional, confluyeron, como suele suceder en la mayoría de los casos, en la creación de un sentimiento anti-occidental y anti-japonés. Éstos devendrían luego, y como producto de la expansión de las ideas occidentales sobre la "nación", en un sentimiento nacionalista; nacionalismo que, podemos decir, nació en principio como producto de las continuas amenazas y vejaciones exteriores. Uno de los primeros hechos nacionalistas que podemos constatar se produjo en 1900 con la revolución Boxer, un levantamiento nacionalista que buscó expulsar a todos los extranjeros y a los chinos cristianos de China. Su punto más álgido ocurrió en Pekín, en donde los Yihetuan (los revolucionarios) arremetieron contra los extranjeros instalados en la actual capital china. Rápidamente los franceses, británicos, rusos, alemanes y estadounidenses, italianos, austro-húngaros y japoneses, configurando la "Alianza de las ocho naciones", enviaron tropas para contrarrestar el ataque; China otra vez perdería ante la explotación extranjera. Previamente, el nacionalismo chino comenzaba a mirar, para finales del siglo XVIII, para dentro de fronteras. Es así que se gestaría el malestar para con la dinastía Qing (gobierno chino, hasta ese momento); dinastía implementada por los manchúes, hoy minoría étnica en China, en el siglo XVII. Por oposición a los manchúes, tildados de "bárbaros" y de corruptos, la definición de lo propiamente "chino" sufriría una transformación: se restringiría solamente a lo Han, nuevo sinónimo de lo civilizado. Esta misma actitud llevaría a considerar a los manchúes como un elemento foráneo a la nación china. Inflamado por estas ideas, animado por la instalación, al estilo Occidental, de una República (demandada por los sectores más populares del país) y tras el fracaso del movimiento Reformista, Sun Yat-sen comandó la "Revolución Xinhai", la cual derrocaría a la dinastía Qing y la sustituiría por una efímera República China. Inmediatamente luego de instalada la República, el concepto de lo que puede ser identificable como "chino" mutó nuevamente. Inversamente a lo que ocurrió antes de la revolución, lo "chino" se ensancharía para albergar en él a los diversos grupos minoritarios (incluyendo los manchúes). Esa ampliación tuvo lugar seguramente porque la acotación del término chino a lo Han hubiera devenido en un nuevo conflicto generalizado que hubiese puesto en peligro la reunificación nacional, la unidad y cohesión interna del país. Durante el período en que duró la República de China, el poder del Estado iría consolidándose, aunque muy lentamente. Asimismo es durante este período que se labraría el concepto de "Zhonghua minzu" (noción que hasta hoy en día es invocada por el gobierno chino) y que recoge la idea de una nacionalidad sumamente inclusiva, y que perseguía la unión de las "Cinco nacionalidades" (han, manchúes, mongoles, hui, y tibetanos).La Gran Guerra cambiaría el curso de las cosas. Pese a que China formó parte del bando ganador, el Tratado de Versalles supuso condiciones desfavorables. Entre ellas la transferencia de territorios al Japón en Manchuria. Con lo cual, otra vez, el pueblo chino sentiría que se le impusieron, desde el exterior, condiciones humillantes. Así detonarían las protestas estudiantiles reclamando la no ratificación del Tratado. Es por ese entonces cuando se produce la germinación del Partido Comunista Chino (PCC), de corte claramente nacionalista. Y es que muchos de los estudiantes que participaron en los disturbios contra el Tratado de Versalles confluyeron en sentar las bases, en 1921, del Partido Comunista. De esta manera, el nacionalismo se fusiona con el planteo comunista, siendo el primero la propulsión primigenia y un componente distintivo del PCC. Como señala Lui Kang (profesor de Cultura China en Duke University) "The current Chinese communist government is more a product of nationalism than a product of ideology like Marxism and Communism". El corolario del nacionalismo chino se consolidaría definitivamente con la Segunda Guerra Mundial y con las catastróficas arremetidas japonesas en territorio chino, y su ocupación desde el 1931 al 1945.Canalizando los resentimientos históricos, recogiendo los malestares del gran campesinado y haciéndose eco, en general, de todos los descontentos acumulados durante siglos, el Partido Comunista se haría con el gobierno para 1949, luego de la hazañosa y memorable "Larga Marcha". Siendo consecuente con su matriz nacionalista, el Partido Comunista replantearía, desde la práctica gubernamental, el nacionalismo chino, poniendo el acento, sobre todo, en la centralización del poder de la nueva nación China. Para ello, dicho Estado-Partido, prensaría la multiculturalidad existente en el territorio chino y adoptaría una postura de negación de la multinacionalidad de la civilización china, trabajando, por el contrario, el ya señalado concepto de "Zhonghua minzu". Esa ambición por generar una nacionalidad ampliada sería plasmada durante la famosa Revolución Cultural cuando, en nombre del "progreso" y de la homogeneización cultural, los diversos grupos minoritarios se vieron atacados por el gobierno en sus costumbres tradicionales, en la utilización de su lenguaje, en sus creencias religiosas, etc. siendo sometidos, posteriormente, a una "reeducación" más acorde con el ideal maoísta. La modernización estaba teniendo lugar, y en su paso debía eliminar todo lo "antiguo," sean ideas, costumbres, hábitos o culturas enteras.Durante esa etapa reciente de la historia de la China moderna, es cuando se comenzó a forjar el Estado-Nación propiamente dicho. Es un proceso que hasta el día de hoy continúa en marcha, y no es posible comprender cabalmente el comportamiento del actual PCC si no logramos atender la dimensión histórica que la construcción de tal anhelado Estado-Nación chino le significa al gobierno comunista. Hoy en día, el PCC se encuentra correspondiendo aquel profundo legado histórico; herencia que claramente marca el compás de cada uno de sus movimientos. Si observamos los hechos que se suceden en el interior de China a través de esta lupa nos percataremos de que cada golpe que da el gobierno se potencia por ese peso histórico. De ahí la desproporcionalidad de las respuestas para con los movimientos autonomistas; de ahí la mano dura con Taiwán. Y es que ceder en Taiwán, concederle la autonomía a los tibetanos, ser flexibles con los disturbios en la provincia musulmanas de Xinjiang en el norte o dar el brazo a torcer a cualquier tipo de afán secesionista, no representaría solamente una pérdida de territorio, de recursos económicos y de capital humano. Sería muchísimo más que eso: significaría la renuncia expresa a la construcción de la "gran China"; simbolizaría la frustración de albergar a todos los grupos bajo una misma bandera y representaría el fin de un sueño largamente alimentado, de una quimera motivadora pero, tal vez, y desde siempre, irrealizable. * Estudiante de la Licenciatura en Estudios Internacionales, FACS, Universidad ORT.

AbstractPurposeDiabetic children experience many psychological disorders as well as behavioral problems as suggested by previous research. This study has a three‐fold goal: 1) to determine the prevalence of emotional and behavioral problems among diabetic children; 2) to examine the relationship between emotional‐behavioral problems and demographic variables; and 3) to determine the best predictors of emotional‐behavioral problems among diabetic children. Methods: To carry out this study a convenient sample consisting of 302 subjects was drawn from different pediatric clinics in Kuwait. In order to accomplish the goals of the study, the Arabic version of the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) was utilized. Results: The results suggest that although diabetic children experience some emotional‐behavioral problem, they have fine pro‐social behaviors and positive characteristics.Literature review:Diabetic children are at great risk of being inflicted with psychological dysfunction. There is a body of research revealing that diabetic children show high levels of psychiatric disorders and behavioral problems. For example, Dantzer, Swendsen, Maurice‐Tison, & Salamon (2003) report that depression is the most common psychiatric disturbance among diabetic children, following anxiety. A large body of research revealed that children with diabetes, like children with chronic illnesses, show considerable depressive symptomatology and some behavior problems, as well (Close, Davies, Price, & Goodyer, 1986; Worchel, Rae, Olson, & Crowley, 1992; Yousef, 1993). These psychological problems have a major effect on BG control—that is diabetic children with emotional problems have more difficulties in disease management than children with better psychological adjustment (Close et al, 1986; Chisholm, 2003). As for adolescents, Dantzer (2003) states that youths with a chronic illness such as diabetes are generally at high risk of depression, anxiety, and low self‐esteem. These psychosocial problems have significant impact on the process of physical, psychological, and social maturation of adolescents and their transition into adulthood (Dantzer et al, 2003). Also, Kovacs, Goldston, Obrosky, & Bonar (1997) state that their longitudinal study on 92 youths shows that after 10 years, 47.6% of the sample experience some kind of psychiatric disorder, such as major depression and generalized anxiety, with the highest rate for major depression. Concomitantly, Schiffrin (2001) notes that most psychiatric problems, such as depression and anxiety, and somatic complaints are temporary and usually resolve within six to nine months after diagnosis, however, depressive symptoms increase with duration of illness in some patients. With respect to gender, Lavigne, Traisman, Marr, & Chasnoff, (1982) note that in terms of psychological adjustment, boys had higher obsessive compulsive symptoms, hyperactivity, and aggression than non‐diabetics and that behavioral symptoms tended to increase for male diabetic patients with length of illness.In terms of intelligence, a review of the literature shows that children with diabetes often score lower than their counterparts in IQ tests (Rovet, Ehrlich, Czuchta, & Akler, 1993). In fact, children who develop diabetes early in their lives are more likely to score significantly below children with later onset and other non‐diabetic children. Moreover, the review shows that diabetic children with a duration of at least seven years usually have low IQs.In their study on 91 adolescents, Goldstone et al (1997) found that the rate of suicidal thoughts was higher than expected among them. However, the rate of suicidal attempts was equivalent to general population. They also found that suicidal thoughts were strongly associated with serious noncompliance with medical regimen.As for school performance, a study by McCarthy, Lindgren, Mengeling, Tsalikian, and Engvall (2002) shows that children with low diabetic control have lower school performance than others. They also note that diabetic children have more school absences and more behavioral problems than their siblings. Also, children with diabetes usually have poorer performance than other students especially in reading and spelling and in arithmetic (Rovet, Ehrlich, Czuchta, & Akler, 1993). Moreover, diabetic children with early‐onset are more likely to be in special education classes than other diabetic and non‐diabetic children (Rovet et al., 1993).In her study, Chisholm (2003) states that children with diabetes usually have great concerns about their illness and its effect on peer relations. Children with diabetes "find management of the regimen and disease‐related problems in the presence of non‐diabetic peers embarrassing" (Chisholm, 2003, p.347). Also, they are more likely to feel different because of their condition (Chisholm, 2003) and have the feeling of inadequacy which leads to withdrawal (Yousef, 1993).The purpose of this study is to determine the prevalence of emotional and behavioral problems among diabetic children and the relationship between those problems and the demographic variables. Therefore, it was hypothesized that 1) children with diabetes would experience a number of psychiatric disorders; 2) children with diabetes would show a number of behavioral problems; and 3) there is relationship between emotional‐behavioral problems and demographic variables.Method:A total of 302 children, age 7‐ 13, with diabetes and their parents were recruited from different diabetes centers in Kuwait. Parents were asked to participate in this study by responding to a questionnaire concerning any emotional and/or behavioral problems their children might have. Descriptive statistics were conducted to describe the sample and find the means, standard deviations, and range of scores. Also, univariate, bivariate and multivariate analysis were employed to find relationships among variables.Instrument:The Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) is a brief behavioral screening questionnaire that can be completed in 5 minutes by the parents or teachers of children aged 4 to 16; there is a self‐report version for 11–16 year olds.SDQ is a three‐point scale; Not True, Somewhat True, and Certainly True. It asks about 25 attributes, some positive and others negative. These 25 items comprise 5 subscales:

Emotional symptoms (5 items such as: worried, unhappy child, easily scared)
Conduct problems (5 items such as: fights with others, lies and cheats, steals from home or school)
Hyperactivity/inattention (5 items such as: moves his body, easily distracted, cannot stay still for long)
Peer relationship problems (5 items such as: loneliness, liked by other children, has at least one good friend)
Pro‐social behavior (5 items such as: considerate of other people's feelings, helpful, kind to younger children).

A total difficulty score is calculated by summing the first four subscales and exclude the pro‐social behavior subscale. Usually, the scores range from 0–40. Scores are classified in three categories: normal (0–13), borderline (14–16), and abnormal (17–40). For the prosocial behavior subscale, the scores can be interpreted according to: normal (6–10), borderline (5), and abnormal (0–4).Validity and reliability of the scale:In one study, the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ), was administered, along with Rutter questionnaires, to parents and teachers of 403 children drawn from dental and psychiatric clinics (Goodman, 1997). It was found that scores derived from the SDQ and Rutter questionnaires were highly correlated; parent‐teacher correlations for the two sets of measures were comparable or favored the SDQ. Also, the two sets of measures did not differ in their ability to discriminate between psychiatric and dental clinic attendees. In another study by Goodman & Scott (1999), scores from the SDQ and CBCL were highly correlated and equally able to discriminate psychiatric from dental cases. As judged against a semi‐structured interview, the SDQ was significantly better than the CBCL at detecting inattention and hyperactivity, and at least as good at detecting internalising and externalising problems.As for reliability, Goodman (2001) conducted a study on a nationwide epidemiological sample of 10,438 British 5–15 year olds. It was found that reliability was generally satisfactory, whether judged by internal consistency (mean Cronbach's alpha: 0.73), cross‐informant correlation (mean: 0.34), or retest stability after 4–6 months (mean: 0.62).In another study, Muris, Meesters, & Berg (2003) conducted a study on a large sample of normal Dutch children and adolescents (N = 562) and their parents who completed the SDQ along with a number of other psychopathology measures. Factor analysis of the SDQ yielded five factors that were in keeping with the hypothesized subscales of hyperactivity‐inattention, emotional symptoms, peer problems, conduct problems, and pro‐social behavior. Moreover, internal consistency, test‐retest stability, and parent‐youth agreement of the various SDQ scales were acceptable.Using a large community sample (n=1359) of young Australian children (4–9 years), Hawes & Dadds (2004) assessed the internal consistency, stability and external validity of the parent‐report SDQ. Their study showed moderate to strong internal reliability across all SDQ subscales. Support was also found for the original five‐factor structure of the measure.In this study, the Arabic version of the SDQ was utilized. A validation study by Almaqrami and Shuwail (2004) suggest that the Arabic version of the SRQ of SDQ is valid in Yemen; and it can be a useful tool for investigating childhood behavioral and emotional disorders at clinical settings. Also, a reliability test of the Arabic version of the SDQ was conducted for this study and showed a Chronbach's alpha of 0.72.In conclusion, the reliability and validity of the SDQ make it a useful brief measure of the adjustment and psychopathology of children and youth.Demographic information included: Nationality, Respondent gender, Child gender, Respondent age, Child age, Respondent education, Child education, family income, years of having diabetes, Does any of parents have diabetes?, Number of siblings who have diabetes, Number of times the child entered the hospital, Hemoglobin, and type of diabetes.

HIER SPRICHT DER FEIND Hier spricht der Feind ( - ) Einband ( - ) [Abb.]: Englischer Posten beim Beobachten der deutschen Linien durch einen auf das Bajonett gesetzten Grabenspiegel. ([2]) Titelseite ([3]) Impressum ([4]) Inhaltsverzeichnis ([5]) Einleitung (9) Vorwort (12) An die Deutschen. Aus dem Werk: "Anthologie de la nouvelle Poésie Française." (13) Kriegsausbruch in Paris. Aus dem Werk: "Histoire anecdotique de la guerre de 1914 - 1915." (16) [Abb.]: Französischer Mobilmachungsbefehl. (19) [2 Abb.]: (1)Zuaven auf der Durchfahrt durch Paris. (2)Englische Reserven in den Straßen von Paris. (20) [Abb.]: Nach der Kriegserklärung in New York. (21) [4 Abb.]: (1)Amerikanische Truppen in Paris. (2)Französischer Vormarsch zwischen Nesle und Ham. (3)General Franchet d'Esperey beobachtet den Vormarsch der Franzosen. (4)Die Übermacht des Materials. Eine Autokolonne von vielen hundert Wagen schafft auf einer Anmarschstraße Ersatz an die Front. (22 - 23) [Abb.]: Italienische Schneeschuh-Kompagnie beim Aufstieg. (24) [Abb.]: Palästina. Englische Infanterie auf dem Wüstenmarsch. (25) [Abb.]: Canadier auf dem Marsche zur Front. Eine Ballonaufnahme. (26) Der Besuch der "Tauben" (27) Das Pariser Volk führt Krieg (29) Der Durchmarsch der deutschen Truppen durch Belgien (32) Nationalismus des katholischen Klerus Belgiens. (34) [Abb.]: Englische Truppen in Erwartung des Angriffbefehls. (35) [2 Abb.]: (1)Englischer Angriff in der Morgendämmerung. (2)Italienischer Infanterie-Angriff bei Canale. (36) [Abb.]: Thaure, 26. November 1918. Französische Infanterie beim Durchqueren eines Sumpfgeländes, das durch schwere Einschläge zerrissen ist. (37) [Abb.]: Ausgeschwärmte russische Infanterie. (38) [Abb.]: Französische Sturmabteilung mit Fahne beim Vorgehen auf deutsche Linien. (39) [Abb.]: Im Bewegungskrieg. Französische Infanterie beim Ausbauen von Schützenlöchern. (40) [Abb.]: Vergrößerung der Photographie eines Angriffs auf der Höhe von Vimy. Dieses Bild wurde auf einer kanadischen Ausstellung von Kriegsphotographien gezeigt. (41) [3 Abb.]: (1)En avant! (2)Französische Sturmtruppen im Vorgehen. (3)Atempause vor dem feindlichen Graben. (42) Zerstörung von Fort Loncin durch Zweiundvierziger. Bericht von Augenzeugen. Aus dem Werk: "La Belgique héroique et vaillante." (43) Der Todeskampf des Forts von Lierre. Von einem Offizier der Fortbesetzung. Aus dem Werk: "La Belgique héroique et vaillante." (46) Die ersten Deutschen. Aus dem Werk: "Carnet de guerre." (52) Gefangenschaft (54) Ein deutscher gefangen. Aus dem Werk: "L'âme Française et l'âme Allemande-Lettres de Soldats." (58) [2 Abb.]: (1)Französische Aufnahme während einer Unterhandlung mit deutschen Soldaten. (2)Im Fortgange der Verhandlungen gruppieren sich die deutschen Soldaten hinter einer Sandsackstellung. (59) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oktober 1914 / Französische Truppen dringen in Ville en Woevre ein. (2)Englische Kampfpatrouille verläßt den Graben, um zum Angriff vorzugehen. (60) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Deutschen greifen eine englische Stellung an der Yser an. (2)Champagne. Englische Truppen beim Vorgehen durch einen Wald. (61) [Abb.]: Ausheben von Verbindungsgräben unter Granatfeuer in der Flandern-Schlacht. (62) [Abb.]: Deutsche Soldaten verlassen ihre Verteidigungsstellung nach französischem Flammenwerfer-Angriff. (63) [Abb.]: Französische Feldbefestigung in der Champagne. (64) [3 Abb.]: (1)Eine gesprengte Straße in Roye. (2)Engländer in Peronne. (3)Verlassene russische Stellung. (65) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Rathaus von Arras im Jahre 1914. (2)Das Rathaus von Arras nach den deutschen Angriffen im März 1918. (66) Brief eines Kavallerieoffiziers (67) Bei La Bassée. 1914. Von einem englischen Abteilungsführer. Aus dem Werk: "Plateau zéro tambour cent." (69) Durchbruch? Eine Episode aus der französischen Herbst-Offensive 1915. Aus dem Werk: "Plateau zéro tambour cent." (72) [Abb.]: Einschlag einer schweren Granate in einen französischen Gutshof. (75) [4 Abb.]: Zwei Momente aus der Sprengung einer Kanalbrücke durch die Franzosen. (1)Der Moment der Explosion. (2)Zwei Sekunden später. Merckem in Flandern. (1)Fliegeraufnahme vor der Beschießung 1915. (2)Fleigeraufnahme 1917. (76 - 77) [2 Abb.]: (1)Truppensammelstelle in der vordersten französischen Linie. (2)Torpedogranaten werden mit Feldbahnen in eine vordere Stellung gebracht. (78 - 79) [Abb.]: Englischer Artillerie-Beobachtungsstand an der Arras-Front. (80) [Abb.]: Erforschung der deutschen Stellungen in den Vogesen. (81) [Abb.]: Englischer Vorposten bei Gallipoli. (82) [Abb.]: Französischer Beobachter in einem hohlen Baumstamm. (91) [2 Abb.]: (1)Italienische Hochgebirgsposten. (2)Schwere Batterie in Stellung. (92) [Abb.]: Abschuß eines 32-Zentimeter-Eisenbahngeschützes. (93) [Abb.]: Mündungsfeuer einer französischen 75-Milimeter-Kanone. (94) [Abb.]: Engländer und Serben beim Zusammensetzen eines schweren Geschützes. (95) [2 Abb.]: (1)Italienisches Riesengeschütz. (2)Englische Artilleriestellung während eines Großkampfes 1917. (96) [2 Abb.]: (1)Durch Fichtenzweige getarntes Geschütz in Feuerstellung. (2)Schweres englisches Geschütz in Feuerstellung. (97) [Abb.]: Englische Truppen beim Transport einer Kanone auf dem Schlachtfeld. (98) Der Angriff aus dem Wald von Anderlu auf den Hospitalgraben während der Sommeschlacht, am 12. September 1916. Aus dem Werk: "Mont régiment." (100) Die höllische Woche im Fort Vaux. Aus dem Tagebuch des Kommandanten von Fort Vaux. Aus dem Werk: "Le Fort de Vaux." (106) [Abb.]: Schwere englische Mörser bei einem englischen Gegenstoß 1918. (115) [2 Abb.]: (1)Handgranatenwerfer. (2)Torpedo-Granate mit Flügeln. (116) [Abb.]: Russische Panzerwagen in Galizien. (117) [2 Abb.]: (1)Russische Granate. Französische Stinkbombe. Leichte Wurfmine. (2)Schwerer Mörser, 220 Milimeter. (118) [2 Abb.]: (1)Französischer Handgranatenwerfer Links: Ein Abriegelungsposten. (2)Ein Munitionstank. Neben den eigentlichen Tanks und Kampfwagen besaßen die Engländer auch Panzerwagen zu dem Transport von Munition und Lebensmitteln in die Gefahrenzone. (119) [Abb.]: Tarnung selbst bei Pferden. (120) [2 Abb.]: Franzosen mit Gasschutzmasken. (2)Nettoyeur. (121) [Abb.]: Gebirgsgeschütz in Feuerstellung. (122) Audienz beim Kronprinzen (124) Aus den Kämpfen um Bukarest. Aus dem Werk: "Avec l'armée Roumaine." (126) [Abb.]: Englische Infanterie mit Tank bei einer Angriffspause. (131) [Abb.]: Auf einer Anmarschstraße: Englische Tanks im Vorgehen. Deutsche Gefangene beim Zurückbringen von Verwundeten. (132) [6 Abb.]: Verschiedenartige Geschoßwirkungen auf französische Stahlhelme. (1)Schrapnell. (2)Infanterie-Steckschuß. (3)Maschinengewehr-Streifschuß. (4)Granatsplitter. (5)Infanteriegewehr-Durchschuß. Durch Luftdruck und Mine verunstaltet. (133) [2 Abb.]: (1)Französische Flammenwerfer-Batterie. (2)Flammenwurf. (134) [2 Abb.]: (1)Französische Flammenwerfer beim Angriff. (2)Eine französische Tankkolonne auf dem Marsch. (135) [Abb.]: An der Somme: Leuchtraketen und Granaten erhellen das nächtliche Schlachtfeld. (136) [Abb.]: Einschiffung algerischer Schützen in Algier. (137) [Abb.]: 46. Englische Division auf der Rast. (138) Tommy. Aus dem Werk: "Histoire anecdotique de la guerre de 1914 - 1915." (142) Inder (145) [Abb.]: Anamiten kurz nach der Ausschiffung. (147) [Abb.]: Einer der letzten deutschen Verteidiger von Cantiny. (148) [Abb.]: Trophäen. Angehörige einer englischen Motorradabteilung mit erbeuteten deutschen Maschinengewehren, Helmen und Gasmasken. (149) [Abb.]: Somme-Schlacht. Französische, von der Front zurückkehrende Truppen, reichen deutschen Gefangenen ihre Feldbecher. (150) [Abb.]: Aus den Kämpfen um Verdun. Französischer Soldat beim Zurücktragen eines erbeuteten deutschen Maschinengewehrs. (151) [Abb.]: Eins der vielen Zeltlager der Amerikaner in Frankreich. (152) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Feldpostbrief. Marschpause in einer zerstörten Ortschaft dicht hinter den Linien. (2)Französische Parade hinter der Front. (153) [2 Abb.]: (1)Angehörige des Eingeborenen Arbeitskontigents veranstalten einem englischen General zu Ehren einen Kriegstanz. (2)Der englische General spricht dem Häuptling seinen Dank aus. (154) Gefangener im Lager von Soltau. Von Sergeant Amand Hasevoets. Aus dem Werk: "La Belgique héroique et vaillante." (155) Das aufständische Irland. Aus dem Werk: "Histoire anecdotique de la guerre de 1914 - 1915. (161) Guynemer, der französische Fliegerheld. Aus seinen Briefen. Aus dem Werk: " Vie héroique de Guynemer." (165) Ein Zweikampf in der Luft. Aus dem Werk: "Hunting the Hun." (169) Erzählung von Baron Manfred von Richthofen (170) [Abb.]: Der Zar und Großfürst Nikolai auf dem Kriegsschauplatz. (171) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Zar bei einer Parade. (2)Der Zar und seine Familie. (172) [2 Abb.]: (1)General Roques und Präsident Poincaré mit dem Stahlhelm an der Westfront. (2)A. Thomas, der französische Munitions-Minister, begrüßt russische Truppen in den Waldkarpaten. (173) [Abb.]: Herr Rappaport-Rapaguette, genannt Gabriele d'Annunzio, hält eine aufhetzende Festrede. (174) [Abb.]: Peter I. von Serbien auf der Flucht. (175) [Abb.]: Die Generäle Pellé, Castelnau und Joffre. (176) [Abb.]: Die Reste des in den Sümpfen von Vardar abgeschossenen Zeppelin. (177) [Abb.]: Fallschirmabsprung eines französischen Beobachters, dessen Ballon durch deutschen Flieger in Brand geschossen wurde. (178) Luftangriffe auf London. Aus dem Werk: "The Defence of London." (179) Paris im Feuer. Aus dem Werk: "Les Bombardements de Paris." (185) [Tabelle]: Die Geschosse verteilen sich nach Kampfmittel und Einschlagstellen wie folgt: (185) [Abb.]: Zeppelin über London. Vergrößerung einer in der Nacht vom 8. November 1915 gemachten Aufnahme. (187) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rückkehr eines englischen Bombengeschwaders nach einem Luftangriff. (2)Englisches Kampfgeschwader über den Alpen. (188) [Abb.]: Englisches Luftabwehrgeschütz im Feuer. (189) [2 Abb.]: (1)Vorbeimarsch der französischen Kolonialtruppen vor dem König Georg und Präsidenten Poincaré in der Champagne. (2)Anfang September 1915 wurde Pégoud in der Nähe von Belfort mit seinem Flugzeug abgeschossen. (190 - 191) [Abb.]: Guynemer, der größte französische Kampfflieger. (192) [2 Abb.]: (1)Beisetzung des Freiherren von Richthofen. (2)Die Ehrensalve. (193) [Abb.]: Paris in der Erwartung neuer Luftangriffe. Alle Lichter sind abgeblendet. Ein Wachtflugzeug gibt Scheinwerfersignale. (194) [Tabelle]: Wir wollen damit die Zahlen der Verluste vergeleichen, die die Einwohner von London durch Flieger und Zeppelin erlitten: (195) Beschießung von Paris durch Ferngeschütze. Aus dem Werk: "Les Bombardements de Paris." (198) [Abb.]: Bombenwirkung in einer Londoner Straße. (203) [2 Abb.]: Paris 1916. (1)Einschlag einer Zeppelinbombe in das Straßenpflaster. (2)Stillegung einer Untergrundbahnlinie durch eine Zeppelinbombe. Treffer vom Tunnel aus gesehen. Die zerstörten Gleise sind bereits wieder hergestellt. (204) [Abb.]: Paris 1918. Sicherungsmaßnahmen gegen Beschießung durch Ferngeschütze. (1)Durch Ueberkleben mit Papierstreifen gesicherte Hausfenster. (2)Ein gesichertes Ladenfenster. (205) [Abb.]: Nach Torpedierung aufbrechender Dampfer. (206) Das Ende der "Emden". Brief eines Bordoffiziers des australischen Kriegsschiffes "Sidney" an seinen Vater. Aus dem Werk: "Tommy à la guerre." (209) Die Schlacht beim Skagerrak. S. M. S. "Indomitable" im Kampf. Aus dem Werk: "The Fighting at Jutland." (213) Der Untergang der "Ardent". Bericht eines der beiden einzigen Überlebenden des Schiffes. Aus dem Werk: "The Fighting at Jutland." (217) Der Fall "Lusitania". Aus dem Werk: "The Lustitania case." (221) [Abb.]: 500 Tonnen großer Segler wird in Brand geschossen. (223) [Abb.]: Rettung deutscher Matrosen durch die Besatzung eines englischen Unterseeboots. Im Vordergrund verständigt sich ein bereits Geretteter mit einem im Wasser befindlichen Kameraden. (224) [2 Abb.]: Torpedierung eines Handelsdampfers durh ein U-Boot. (1)Einschlagender Torpedo. (2)Ein großes Leck im Maschinenraum läßt den Dampfer über den "Achtersteven" sinken. (225) [Abb.]: Nach zwei Treffern beginnt der Segler zu brennen. (226) Die Torpedierung der "Alcedo". Aus dem Werk: "Hunting the German shark." (229) Versenkung der "Vindictive" vor dem Hafen von Ostende. Aus dem Werk: "L'Epopée de Zeebrügge." (231) [2 Abb.]: (1)Blasenbahn eines Torpedos. (2)Torpedierter Dampfer. (235) [2 Abb.]: (1)Gefallener Italiener. (2)Eine Verwundeten-Sammelstelle. (236) [Abb.]: Der erste Verband. - Haudromont, 28. 2. 1916. (237) [Abb.]: Abtransport englischer Verwundeter durch eine Feldeisenbahn. (238) Erzählung von S. M. S. "Warrior". Aus dem Werk: "The Fighting at Jutland." (241) Vergast. Aus dem Werk: "Plateau Zéro tambour cent" (246) [Abb.]: Sanitäter bei der Arbeit. Schützengräben in den Argonnen mit Toten und Verwundeten. (247) [2 Abb.]: (1)Petersburg. Auto mit Bewaffneten und roter Fahne auf einer Fahrt. (2)Bewaffnete Soldaten im Lesesaal der Dumas. (248) [Abb.]: Petersburg, März 1917. Soldaten und Studenten im Gefecht mit russischer Polizei. (249) [Abb.]: Das gefangene "Väterchen" unter Aufsicht. (250) Der Sief oder der künstliche Vesuf. Aus dem Werk: " Savoia." (252) Der Krieg in den Bergen. Aus dem Werk: "Le scarpe al sole." (254) [Abb.]: Ein Straßenkampf auf dem Newsky-Prospekt. (267) [Abb.]: Die Fahne des Frauenkorps. (268) [Abb.]: Russen an der Westfront. (269) [Abb.]: Kerensky hält an der Front eine Ansprache. (270) [Abb.]: Französisches Diplom für die Angehörigen des ameriaknischen Sanitätsdienstes in Frankreich. (279) [Abb.]: Kriegsauszeichnungen der Entente: (280 - 281) [2 Abb.]: (1)Präsident Wilson trifft zur Siegesfeier in Paris am 14. 12. 18 ein. In der Rue Royal mit Blick auf die Madeleine. (2)König Georg V. trifft am 28. 11. 18 zur Siegesfeier in Paris ein. Am Arc de Triomphe. (282) Die deutsche Frühjahrsoffensive 1918. Erinnerungen eines Poilu vom 57. Infanterieregiment. Aus dem Werk: "L'agonie du Mont-Renaud." (285) Ein französischer Spion in deutschen Diensten. Aus dem Werk: "Les dessous des archives secrètes." (294) Der Einzug. Aus dem Werk: "Plateau zéro tambour cent." (301) [Noten]: Da durchschnitten die Clairons in der Morgenluft den dumpfen, hohlgehenden Lärm der Menge und schmetterten die heroische Weise, die ersten Noten des sieghaften Refrains: (305) Unterirdische Kämpfe mit den Deutschen. Aus dem Werk: " The Fighting the Boche Underground." (306) Wie der Landsknecht "Mack Bombensicher" zu seinem Spitznamen kam. Aus dem Werk: "Shellproof Mack." (309) Mit aufgepflanzten Bajonetten. Angriff bei Soissons, Somme 1918. Aus dem Werk: "Fix Bayonets." (312) [Abbildungsverzeichnis]: ( - ) Werbung ( - ) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )

1910 - 1912 Aus meiner Dienstzeit (-) 1910 - 1912 (Zweiter Band / 1922) ( - ) Einband ( - ) Titelseite ([2]) Impressum ([4]) Inhalt. ([5]) 1910 ([7]) Inhalt. ([8]) Allgemeine Lage. (9) [Brief]: "Wien, 2. Jänner 1910. (10) [Brief]: [Wien, 20. September 1910] (18) [Brief]: "Konstantinopel, am 16. Oktober 1910. (28) Militärische Verhältnisse. (44) [Brief]: "Wien, 30. März. (48) [Brief]: "Wien, 6. April 1910. (49) [Brief]: Ich an General der Infanterie von Moltke, Chef des Generalstabes Berlin. "(Streng geheim.) Wien, am 8. Jänner 1910. (54) [Brief]: General von Moltke an mich. "Chef des Generalstabes der Armee. (Streng geheim.) Berlin, den 30. Jänner 1910. (57) [Brief]: Ich an General von Moltke. "Wien, am 23. Feber 1910. (60) [Brief]: General von Moltke an mich. "Chef des Generalstabes der Armee. Berlin, am 30. März 1910. Nr. 872. Vertraulich. (61) [Brief]: Ich an General von Moltke. "Vertraulich. Wien, am 9. April 1910. (Antwort auf Nr. 872 vom 30. März 1910 des preußischen Chefs des Generalstabes der Armee.) (62) [Karte]: (63) [Brief]: "General v. Conrad. An Operations-Bureau. Wien, 21. Oktober 1910. Direktiven für die Aufmarscharbeiten gegen Italien. (64) [Brief]: "General d. Inf. Br. Conrad. Denkschrift über die militärisch-politische Lage und deren Konsequenzen hinsichtlich Ausgestaltung der bewaffneten Macht. Wien, am 31. Oktober 1910. (74) Spezielle persönliche Verwendung 1910. (92) [Brief]: "Militär-Kanzlei Seiner K. u. K. Hoheit etc. Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand. [Pragser Wildsee, 7. August 1910."] (93) 1911 ([99]) Inhalt. (100) Vorwort (101) Normale Arbeiten. (102) [Brief]: Ich an General von Moltke. "Wien, am 26. Mai 1911. (102) [Brief]: General von Moltke an mich. "Chef des Generalstabes der Armee. (Geheim.) Berlin, den 3. Juni 1911. (105) [Brief]: Ich an General von Moltke. "Wien, am 10. Juni 1911. (107) Der Ausbau der Wehrmacht. - Konflikt in der Budgetfrage. (111) [Brief]: "Wien, 15. Feber 1911. (116) [Brief]: [Telegramm] (117) [Brief]: "Wien, 15. Feber 1911. (117) [Brief]: "Budapest, 16. Feber 1911. (118) [Brief]: "Allerhöchste Resolution auf den a. u. Vortrag Gstb. Res. Nr. 510 vom 13. Februar 1911. [Budapest, am 15. Feber 1911.] (119) [Brief]: "Wien, 18. Feber 1911. (120) [Brief]: "Budapest, 21. Feber 1911. (121) [Brief]: Wien, am 27. Feber 1911. (122) [Brief]: "Budapest, 1. März 1911. (122) [2 Tabellen]: (1)für Variante a) (zweijährige Dienstzeit): (2)für Variante b) (dreijährige Dienstzeit): (126) [Tabelle]: (128) [Tabelle]: I. Übersicht der Forderungen von 260 Millionen Kronen als Minimum. (129) [Tabelle]: II. Tatsächlich für die nächsten fünf Jahre angefordert: (130) [Tabelle]: Tempo einzelner wichtiger Maßnahmen nach dem Budget von 1911. (131) [Protokoll]: Abschrift des Protokolls der Ministerratssitzung in Budapest am 5. März 1911. (134) [Brief]: "Wien, 30. März 1911. (140) [Brief]: "Wien, 31. März 1911. (141) [Brief]: "Wien, 7. Mai 1911. (142) [Brief]: "Gödöllö, 8. Mai 1911. (143) [Brief]: "Malborgeth (Generalsreise), 25. Juni 1911. (144) [Brief]: [Blankenberghe, 9. Juli 1911] (146) [Brief]: "Budapest, 16. November 1911. (150) [2 Briefe]: (1)"18. November 1911. (2)"Budapest, 22. November 1911. (154) Außenpolitische Vorgänge. (157) [Brief]: "Wien, am 11. Mai 1911. (160) [2 Briefe]: (1)"Wien, am 29. Mai 1911. [Hoetzendorf] (2)"Wien, am 31. Mai 1911. [Ährenthal] (161) [Brief]: [Cetinje, 22. Juni 1911] (163) Ausbruch des libyschen Krieges (Tripolis). (171) [Brief]: "Wien, am 24. September 1911. (172) [Brief]: "Steyr, am 14. Oktober 1911. (176) [Brief]: "Rom, 23. Oktober 1911. (177) [Brief]: "Präs. 31./10. 1911. Geh. Nr. 55/1911. Konstantinopel, am 24. Oktober 1911. (178) [Brief]: "Präs. 31./10. 1911. Geh. Nr. 56/1911. Konstantinopel, am 26. Oktober 1911. (182) [Brief]: "Konstantinopel, am 17. November 1911. (184) [Brief]: [St. Petersburg, am 21. November 1911] (189) [Brief]: "Rom, 22. November 1911. (192) [Brief]: [Bukarest, 17. Mai 1911] (198) [Brief]: [Bukarest, am 22. Juni 1911] (201) [Brief]: "Präs. 27. November 1911. Geh. Nr. 64/1911. London, am 22. November 1911. (203) [Brief]: [Wien, am 20. Jänner 1911] (207) [Brief]: [Berlin, am 12. Oktober 1911] (209) [Brief]: "Steyr, 12. Oktober 1911 abends*). (211) [Brief]: [St. Petersburg, am 5. März 1911] (212) [Brief]: [St. Petersburg, am 17. November 1911] (214) Der Konflikt mit Graf Ährenthal. (218) [Brief]: "Wien, den 6. Jänner 1911. (219) [Brief]: "Wien, am 29. Jänner 1911. (220) [Brief]: [30. Jänner 1911] (221) [Brief]: Herr v. Merey an Graf Ährenthal. "Nr. 4 D. Streng vertraulich! (222) [Brief]: "Wien, 24. Feber 1911. (226) [Abb.]: ( - ) [Brief]: Denkschrift vom 9. September 1911. "Chef des Generalstabes. Res. Glst. Nr. 3490. (234) [Protokoll]: "Beilage 1. Auszug aus dem Protokoll der Ministerratssitzung in Budapest am 5. März 1911*). (245) [Brief]: "Beilage 2 a. An Seine Exzellenz General der Infanterie Franz Freiherrn von Schönaich in Wien. Malborgeth, am 25. Juni 1911. (247) [Brief]: "Beilage 2 b. [Wien, am 22. Juli 1911] (248) [Brief]: "Beilage 2 c. An den Reichskriegsminister von Schönaich, Wien. Innichen, am 30. Juli 1911. (251) [Brief]: "Beilage 3. Tätigkeit der Irredenta seit dem Jahre 1908. [Wien, am 2. September 1911] (254) [Brief]: "Beilage 4. Drina-Regulierung. Bemerkung zum Geschäftsstück Präs. Nr. 8194 von 1911. [Wien, 8. Juli 1911] (259) [Brief]: "Beilage 5 a. [Wien, am 22. Juli 1911] (262) [Brief]: "Beilage 5 b. Chef des Generalstabes. Res. Glst. Nr. 3091. Bemerkung zum Geschäftsstück Präs. Nr. 9328 von 1911. [Wien, am 2. August 1911] (263) [Brief]: "Beilage 6. Chef des Generalstabes. K. Nr. 2913. Zu Reichskriegsministerialerlaß Präs. Nr. 10.013 von 1911. [Wien, am 24. August 1911] (264) [Tabelle]: Wegen Spionage wurde abgeurteilt, bezw. sind noch in Untersuchungshaft seit 1909: Beilage 7. (266) [Brief]: "Beilage 8 a. Chef des Generalstabes. K. Nr. 1585. Bemerkung zum Einsichtsakt des R. K. M. Präs. Nr. 5254 von 1911. [Wien, am 3. Mai 1911] (267) [Brief]: "Beilage 8 b. [Mendel, am 7. August 1911] (267) [Brief]: "Beilage 8 c. Chef des Generalstabes. Res. Glst. Nr. 3282. An das k. u. k. Reichskriegsministerium in Wien. Payerbach, am 14. August 1911. (269) [Brief]: "Wien, 2. Oktober 1911. (274) [Brief]: "A. u. Vortrag des Chefs des Generalstabes Res. Glst. Nr. 3802 vom 8. Oktober 1911. (275) [Brief]: "Minister des Äußern. Wien, am 22. Oktober 1911. (277) Meine Entlassung von der Stelle des Chefs des Generalstabes. (283) [Brief]: [2. Dezember 1911] (284) [Brief]: "Gstb. Nr. 4697. [2. Dezember 1911] (285) [Brief]: "Wien, 7. Dezember 1911. (286) [Brief]: [Wien, am 20. Dezember 1911] (287) 1912 ([291]) Inhalt. (292) Vorwort (293) Rein militärische Tätigkeit als Armee-Inspektor. (293) [Brief]: "Armee-Inspektor G. d. I. Franz Freiherr Conrad von Hötzendorf. Zu Res. Nr. 132. Operative und organisatorische Anträge auf Grund der Generalsbesprechung 1912. (294) [Abb.]: (298) [Brief]: "Wien, 26. Oktober 1912. (306) Politisch-militärische Tätigkeit als Armee-Inspektor. (308) [Brief]: "Wien, am 17. November 1912. (309) Der Ausbruch des Balkankrieges. (311) [Essay]: "Über die momentane Lage der Monarchie und deren nächste politische Richtung. Wien, am 28. Oktober 1912. (314) Rußland, (319) Italien . Frankreich. . Deutschland (320) England. (320) Rumänien. . Albanien. (321) Gründe für diese Festsetzung in Albanien. . Aussichten für die Realisierung dieses Anschlusses. (322) Ausführbarkeit dieses Projekts. (322) [Brief]: An Exzellenz Baron Bolfras. "Wien, 1. November 1912. (324) [Brief]: An Oberst Dr. von Bardolff. "Wien, 2. November 1912. (325) [Essay]: "Zusatz zu meinem Essay vom 28. Oktober 1912. Wien, am 8. November 1912. (326) [Essay]: "Zweiter Nachtrag zu meinem Essay. Wien, am 16. November 1912. (332) I. Die kriegsmaritimen Interessen. (332) II. Die kontinental-militärischen Interessen. . III. Die kommerziellen Interessen. (333) IV. Die allgemein-politischen Interessen. (333) Resumé. (338) [Essay]: "Essay vom 19. November 1912. (340) [Brief]: [Wien, am 19. November 1912] (342) [Zeitungsartikel]: Erster Artikel. "Die gegenwärtige Lage bedingt keinen Krieg! [1. Dezember 1912] (343) [Zeitungsartikel]: Zweiter Artikel. "Der Krieg ist unvermeidlich! [1. Dezember 1912] (346) [Zeitungsartikel]: "Der osteuropäische Januskopf. [26. November 1912] (348) Meine Mission in Rumänien. (351) [Brief]: Bericht über meine Mission in Bukarest am 29. und 30. November 1912. [Wien, am 2. Dezember 1912] (354) Von der Mission in Bukarest bis zur Wiederernennung zum Chef des Generalstabes. (370) [Brief]: "Wien, 6. Dezember 1912. (371) Meine Wiederernennung zum Chef des Generalstabes. (373) [Brief]: [Wien, am 12. Dezember 1912] (375) Wiederaufnahme meiner Tätigkeit als Chef des Generalstabes. (376) [Brief]: "Wien, am 14. Dezember 1912. (380) [Tabelle]: (383) [Brief]: [Wien, 15. Dezember 1912] (388) [Brief]: [Wien, 15. Dezember 1912] (389) [Brief]: (390) [Brief]: "Vienne, le 18 Decembre 1912. (393) [Brief]: "Res. Gstb. Nr. 5602/I. Wien, am 20. Dezember 1912. (394) [Brief]: "Wien, am 23. Dezember 1912. (395) [Brief]: [Sarajevo, am 21. Dezember 1912] (397) [Brief]: "London, am 20. Dezember 1912, 5 Uhr nachm. (399) [Brief]: "Wien, am 24. Dezember 1912. (403) [Brief]: "Wien, am 25. Dezember 1912. (404) [Brief]: "Wien, 26. Dezember 1912. (406) [Brief]: "Wien, am 28. Dezember 1912. (407) [Brief]: "K. u. k. Militärattaché in Bukarest Res. Nr. 175 geheim. Bukarest, am 25. Dezember 1912. (408) [Brief]: "Wien, 30. Dezember 1912. (410) [Brief]: "Wien, 30. Dezember 1912. (413) [Brief]: "Wien, 31. Dezember 1912. (413) Appendix ([425]) Inhalt. ([426]) Anlage 1. Auszug aus dem Vortrag des Chefs des Generalstabes. (427) Anlage 2. Denkschrift vom 23. April 1911. (429) Anlage 3. Denkschrift vom 15. November 1911. (436) Beilagen zur Denkschrift des Chefs des Generalstabes vom 15. November 1911. (453) Anmerkung: (453) Beilage 1. Die notwendigen militärischen Maßnahmen und die Bereitstellung der Mittel für die Wehrmacht. (453) Beilage 2. Die Wehrreform und ihre Kosten. (457) Kosten der zweijährigen Dienstzeit (458) [Tabelle]: Standessanierungen: (458) [Tabelle]: Neuaufstellungen: (459) [3 Tabellen]: (1)Sonstige Erfordernisse: (2)Verbesserung der materiellen Lage der Unteroffiziere: (3)Materielle Ausbildungsmittel: (460) [Tabelle]: Behebung von Rückständigkeiten: (460) Beilage 3. Reichsbefestigung. (462) [Karte]: Beilage 4. (463) Beilage 5. Organisation und Grenzschutz. (464) A. Organisatorische Maßnahmen. (464) B. Grenzschutz. (464) Beilage 5a. Festungsartillerie. (465) A. Besatzungen. (465) [Tabelle]: Somit ergibt sich gegenüber dem Wehrgesetze ein Mehrbedarf von 50 Mann bei den 12 Kompagnien des 4. Regiments in Pola und den daselbst neu aufzustellenden 3 Kompagnien (bei diesen durch die neu hinzugekommene Madonna-Gruppe bedingt), somit bei (465) B. Angriffsartillerie. (466) [Tabelle]: Diesem Erfordernis von 95 Festungsartilleriekompanien stehen nach Wehrgesetz für Angriffszwecke verfügbar gegenüber: (466) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Wenn aus den Standeserhöhungen in Krakau und Przemysl je sechs Kompanien gebildet werden, verblieben bei der unvermeidlichen Belassung je eines Bataillons in Krakau und Przemysl, sowie an der San-Dnjestr-Linie (um daselbst auch eine Vorsorge für einen I-, R-Fall getroffen zu haben): (2)Ferner würden durch Teilung entstehen: (467) Beilage 5b. Pionier-Reorganisation. (467) a) Pioniere. (467) b) Pontoniere. (468) [Tabelle]: Die Abwägung aller Umstände, führt zu dem Antrag, bei Neuaufstellung von 7 technischen Kompagnien folgende Friedensorganisation festzusetzen: (468) Dislokation. (469) Beilage 6. Materielle Vorsorgen. (469) [Tabelle]: (469) Beilage 7. Gesamtübersicht des beiläufigen Mehrbedarfes (470) [Tabelle]: (470) Beilage 8. Militärisch wichtige Maßnahmen (471) A. Eisenbahnen. . B. Straßen, Kommunikationen. (471) C. Telegraph, Telephon. . D. Wasserversorgung. . E. Gesetze, Geld. ([472]) Werbung ( - ) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )

OÖ. LANDWIRTSCHAFTLICHER KALENDER 1911 Oö. landwirtschaftlicher Kalender (-) Oö. landwirtschaftlicher Kalender 1911 (1911) ( - ) Einband ( - ) [Abb.]: ( - ) [Werbung]: ( - ) [Kalender]: 1911 (4) Das Jahr 1911. Bewegliche Feste. Die vier Quatember. Mondesviertel. Die 12 Zeichen des Tierkreises. Von den Finsternissen. Vom Jahresregenten. (16) Genealogie des Allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses. (17) Stempel und Gebühren (18) [3 Tabellen]: (1)I. (2)III. (3)III. (18) IV. Für Schriften und Urkunden. (19) Post- und Telegrapehnwesen. (20) Briefsendungen. (20) Paketsendungen. Postsparkasse. (22) Staatstelegraph. (22) Verzeichnis der wichtigsten Viehmärkte. A b k ü r z u n g e n : Pf.=Pferde, Schw.=Schweine. Fk.=Ferkel, P.=Pinzgauer, Mh.=Mariahofer, Mb.=Murbodener, Mzt.=Mürztaler, Bgsch.=Bergschecken. (23) Oberösterreich. (23) Angrenzendes Niederösterreich. (24) Salzburg. (24) Obersteiermark. (25) Südliches Böhmen. (25) Angrenzendes Bayern. (26) Kleiner Wegweiser in Linz und Urfahr. (26) Politische Behörden. (30) K. K. Statthalterei. (30) Statthalter: Hofräte: Statthaltereiräte: Zugeteilte Bezirkshauptmänner: Statthaltereisekretär: Zugeteilte Bezirkskommissäre: Statthaltereikonzipisten: Landessanitätsreferent. (30) Landesschulinspektoren: Landesforstinspektor: Gewerbeinspektoren: Landesveterinärreferent: Eichoberinspektor I. Kl.: Polizeiabteilung d. Präsidialbureaus: (31) Baudepartement: Rechnungsdepartement: (31) Oberbauräte: Bauräte: Ingenieure: Bauadjunkten: Rechnungsdirektor: Oberrechnungsrat: Rechnungsräte: Rechnungsrevidenten: Rechnungsoffiziale: Rechnungsassistenten: (31) Departementseinteilung der k. k. Statthalterei. (31) K. K. Bezirkshauptmannschaften. (32) K. K. Strombauleitungen. Delegierte für Landespferdezucht=Angelegenheiten OÖ. des k. k. Ackerbauministeriums. (33) Lokalbauleitungen. (33) Wählerliste des oberösterreichischen grossen Grundbesitzes. (33) Reichsvertretung. (35) Abgeordnete des Reichsrates aus den Wahlkreisen: (35) Landesvertretung und Landesvewaltung. (36) Landeshauptmann: Landeshauptmannstellvertreter: Virilstimme: Grossgrundbesitz: Städte u. Industrialorte: Handels= u. Gewerbekammer: Landgemeinden: (36) Allgemeine Wählerklasse. (37) Landesausschuss. (37) Oberösterreichische Landes=Hypothekenanstalt. Die oö. wechselseitige Landes-Brandschaden-Versicherungsanstalt. (38) Landesausschusskommissär: Kuratoriumsmitglieder: Direktion: (38) Landesanstalt für Rindviehversicherung und Pferdeversicherung. (38) Oö. Genossenschafts-Zentralkasse. (39) Landes-Ackerbau- und Obstbauschule Ritzlhof. (39) Lehrkörper und Unterrichtsfächer. (39) Landeskulturrat im Erzherzogtume Österreich o/d. Enns. (40) Oö. Landes-Fischereirat. (41) K. K. Landwirtschafts-Gesellschaft in Österreich o/d. Enns. (41) Präsident: Vizepräsident: Mitglieder des Zentralausschusses: Gesellschaftskanzlei: (41) Koch= und Haushaltungs= Wanderlehrerinnen: Obstbausektion der k. k. oö. Landwirtschafts_Gesellschaft in Linz. (42) Landw. Bezirksvereine (42) I. Landw. Frauenschule in Verbindung mit einer landw. Haushaltungsschule für Bauerntöchter in otterbach bei Schärding. OÖ. (44) Ziele und Bedeutung der Gesellschaft. (44) Verleihung der Ehrenmedaille der k. k. Landwirtschafts=Gesellschaft. (46) Sachvereine, Genossenschaften usw. (47) Landwirtschaftliches ([49]) [Gedicht]: Dem deutschen Bauern. ([49]) Sichere Erfolge in der Milchwirtschaft. (50) [Tabelle]: Melkergebnisse: (52) [Gedicht]: (52) Torfstreuerzeugung in den Alpenländern und deren staatliche Förderung. (52) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Nach entsprechenden Vorerhebungen über die geeignete Qualität der Torflager wurde die Errichtung von 10 ärarischen Torfstreuwerken in Aussicht genommen, von welchen nachstehende bereits errichtet sind: (2)Projektiert für die nächsten Jahre: (53) [Abb.]: Torfstechen in Obersteiermark. (53) [Tabelle]:.in den letzten 10 Jahren nachstehende Produktionsverhältnisse aufweist: (54) [Abb.]: Torftrocknung in Südwestböhmen. (54) [Abb.]: Bereitung von Modeltorf. (55) Was tue ich mit meinem Bargeld? (56) Zeitgemässe Scheunen im landwirtschaftlichen Betrieb. (56) [Abb.]: Musterscheune. Spezial=Scheunenbauten v. Architekt Ed. Kayser, Erfurt. (57) [Abb.]: Neueste Hochfahrtscheune. Spezial=Scheunenbauten v. Architekt Ed. Kayser, Erfurt (58) [Abb.]: Wellblech=Geräte= und Erntehalle. Wellblech=Walzwerke Grohmann u. Frosch, Leipzig=Plagwitz. (59) [Gedicht]: (60) Die Erdnuss und ihre Kultur. (60) [Abb.]: Trocknen der Erdnüsse in Schobern. (60) [Abb.]: Ernte der getrockneten Erdnüsse. (61) [Abb.]: Pflücken und Einsacken der getrockneten Erdnüsse. (62) [Gedicht]: (63) Imkersprüche auf Bienenstöcken. (63) [Gedicht]: (63) [Abb.]: (64) Gewichtsbestimmung unserer landwirtschaftlichen Nutztiere. (64) [2 Abb.]: (1)Nehmen des Längenmasses. (2)Messen des Bruftumfanges. (65) [Abb.]: Anlegen des Messbandes für Längenmass und Brustumfang. (66) [Gedicht]: (66) Die Vorläufer unseres Dampfpfluges. (66) [Abb.]: Ein Dampfpflug aus dem Jahre 1837. (67) [Gedicht]: Wie eine gute Kuh aussehen soll! (67) Zeitgemäss eingerichtete Stallungen. (67) [Abb.]: Kuhstall mit langem Stand, hohe Krippe und gemeinsamem Mistgang. Verschiedene Ventilationsvorrichtungen. (68) [Abb.]: Kurzer erhöhter Stand mit Düngerstufe, gemeinsamer Futtertisch mit niederer Krippe. Ventilationsvorrichtungen. (69) [Abb.]: Prämierter Musterstall am Junkerhof zu Wolmirstedt. Blick auf den Futtergang. (70) [Abb.]: Prämierter Musterstall am Junkerhof zu Wolmirstedt. Blick auf den Mistgang. (71) Ein praktischer Türverschluss. (72) [Abb.]: Praktischer Torverschluss. (72) Landwirtschaft in Argentinien. (72) [Abb.]: Argentinische Estanzia. (72) [2 Abb.]: (1)Durham=Rinder. (2)Markieren und Kastrieren der Herde. (73) [Tabelle]: (73) [3 Abb.]: (1)Zeichnen der Rinder (2)Argentinische Pferdezucht. (3)Produkte argentinischer Pferdezucht. (74) [3 Abb.]:(1) Lincoln=Schafherden in der Pampa. (2)Merinoschafherde. (3)Argentinische Molkerei. (75) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hafen von Buenos Aires. (2)Maschinentransport. (76) [2 Abb.]: (1)Landwirtschaftliches Maschinengeschäft. (2)Landwirtschaftliches Maschinengeschäft. (77) [3 Abb.]:(1) Landwirtschaftliches Maschinengechäft. (2)Wolltransport in der Pampa. (3)Getreideeinspeicherung an argentinischen Eisenbahnen. (78) Ein beachtenswerter Waldkulturverderber. (78) Bekämpfung des Hederich. (80) [Abb.]: Hand-Hederich-Jäter (80) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hederich=Jätemaschine für Pferdebetrieb. (2)Hederich=Jätemaschine "Ideal". (81) Einzäunungen mit haltbaren Pfosten. (81) [Abb.]: Herstellung der Betonpfosten. (81) [2 Abb.]: (1)Gekrümmte Betonpfosten für Bretterzaun. (2)Betonpfosten in einem alten Drahtzaun eingesetzt. (82) [3 Abb.]: (1)Betonpfosten für Geflügelhofeinzäunung. (2)Betonpfosten als Wäschepfähle. (3)Viehauslauf mit Betonpfosten. (83) [Abb.]: Verschiedenartigste Verwendung der Betonpfosten. (84) Zur Vertilgung der Ratten und Mäuse. (84) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rattenfalle aus Draht. (2)Rattenfalle aus Metall. (85) [Gedicht]: (85) Melken mit Melkmaschine. (85) [Abb.]: Jens Rielseusche Melkmaschine. (86) [Gedicht]: (87) Bekämpfung der Raupenplage unserer Obstbäume. (87) [2 Abb.]: (1)Goldaster. Schmetterling (1) und fressende Raupe (2). (2)Baumweissling. Schmetterling (1); Eier (2); fressende Raupe (3); Puppe (4). (87) [3 Abb.]: (1)Apfelgespinstmotte. Schmetterling (1); Raupe (2) und Raupennest (3), mit Puppen(4). Raupenfackel. (2)Ringelspinner. Schmetterling, Weibchen (1); Eierring (2); Raupe (3); Kokon (4); Puppe ohne Gespinst (5). (3)Raupenschere. (88) [Abb.]: Apfelbaum (Gr. Kasseler Renette) mit Raupennestern (A). Entfernung der Raupennester mittels der Raupenschere (B); Sammlung derselben behufs Verbrennung (C); Nistkästchen für nützl. Vögel (D). (89) [Gedicht]: (89) Moderne Einrichtungen im Viehstalle. (89) [Abb.]: Fressgitter, Hängebahn und Drahtglasfenster. "Arato=Werk", Breslau. (89) [Abb.]: Fressgitter und "Arato"=Hängebahn beim Einfüttern. (90) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bogenweiche der Hängebahn. (2)Gewöhnliche Anbindevorrichtung bei Feuerausbruch. (91) [3 Abb.]: (1)Loskuppelung mit der Sicherheitsanbindevorrichtung "Simplex". (2)Sicherheitsanbindevorrichtung "Simplex". (3)Kuhhalsband "Herkules". (92) [Abb.]: Automatischer Futtermesser im Pferdestall. (93) [2 Abb.]: Förster Bohms Fliegenmassenfänger. (1)Im Gebrauch. (2)Durchschnitt. (94) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kuhschweisshalter "Senn". Einst. Jetzt. (2)Viehkratzbogen. (95) [Abb.]: (96) [Gedicht]: (96) Simmentaler und Montafoner in Oberösterreich. (96) [Abb.]: Prämierter Simmentaler Zuchtstier. Besitzer: Ferdinand Schöfl, Bernhartgut, Lungitz. (97) [Abb.]: Montafoner Subventionsstier. Besitzer: Franz Seiringer in Fischlham. Alter 3 Jahre, Gewicht 950 kg. (98) [Gedicht]: (98) Unterhaltung und Belehrung ([99]) Die erste Eisenbahn - mit Pferdebetrieb - in Österreich. ([99]) [Abb.]: Eröffnung der Linz-Budweiser Pferde=Eisenbahn. (100) Dem Gedächtnis Johann Orths. (101) [Abb.]: Johann Orth (Erzherzog Johann Salvator) als Kapitän seines eigenen Schiffes. Erzherzog Johann Salvator als Divisionär in Linz 1888. (102) Die Salzgewinnung im Süden. (102) [2 Abb]: (1)Einpumpen von Meerwasser mittels Windmotoren in die Meersalinen auf Sizilien. (2)Trocknen des ausgeschiedenen Rohmeersalzes auf Sizilien. (103) Luftschiffahrt. (104) [Abb.]: Luftschiff " III. System" im Hafen von Triest. (Blick auf Miramar.) (105) [Gedicht]: Bitte der Vögel im Winter (106) Der Kafee, seine Kultur und Verfälschungen. (107) [2 Abb.]: (1)Waldrodung zur Anlage von Kaffeeplantagen. (2)Heranzucht der jungen Kaffeepflanzen. (107) [2 Abb.]: (1)Pflücken des Kaffees. (2)Umschaufeln des zu trocknenden Kaffees. (108) [Abb.]: Trocknung des Kaffees. (109) Die Singvögel. (109) Was ist leicht verdaulich? (110) Eine seltene Amme. (111) [Abb.]: Fohlen von einer Ziege gesäugt. (111) Der gute Mäher. (112) [Abb.]: (112) Was es kostet! (112) [Abb.]: (112) Für den Feierabend Lustige Ecke ([113]) Professorenaussprüche. ([113]) Agrarische Verse (rechte und schlechte). (115) In Serbien. Zum Brotwucher. Teuerung. Eisen. Landwirtschaftsrat. Die grüne Fahne. Organisation. (115) Stossseufzer. Reiseerlebnisse. Bekräftigung. Die poetische Parkverwaltung. Ein Schildbürgerstückchen. A´trumpft. Aus Schüleraufsätzen. Vor Gericht. Schmeichelhaft. (116) Der Amtsschimmel Falsche Beziehung. Was anders. Das gute Gewissen. Aus der Schule. Angenehm. Der Geburtstag. Kupieren des Pferdeschweifes. Au! (117) Schwer glaublich. Zur volkswirtschaftlichen Bedeutung der Jagd. Eingegangen. Tischgast. Was ist paradox? Unsichtbare Dinge. Zoologisches. Ein Phänomen. (118) Strenge Obrigkeit. Scherzfrage. Aus einer landw. Frauenschule. Eins und Null. Aus der "Unsterblichen Kiste". (119) Verschnappt. Splitter. Das verbotene Büachl! Der unanständige Onkel. (120) Unangenehmer Preisnachlass. Logik. Im Heiratsbureau. Grosse Pfiffigkeit. Unangenehm. Zärtlich. Falsch vastand´n. Die fürsorgliche Gattin. Werbung. (121) Schlau. Nachdrückliche Bitte. Wenn ich ein junges Mädchen wär ! Früh übt sich . Richtig. Was ist da zu bewundern? Hoffnungsfreude. Fatale Zustimmung. Missverständnis. (122) Aus dem Gerichtssaal. Die Zwillinge. Das Glück. Billige Arbeitskräfte. Kleines Missverständnis. Übertrumpft. Ochsenzunge in Madeira. Militärisches Lachen. (123) Die Brille vergessen ! Vorstandswahl. Seelenkunde. Kleine Philosophin. Des Sängers Fluch. (Parodie.) Vielversprechend. Vor Gericht. Ein Reinfall. Auf der Gebirgsfahrt. Der Gipfel der Reklame. (124) Abwechslung. Drei Spareinlagen. Neid. Duellgegner. Der verhexte Hans. Nicht zu verblüffen. Indiskret. Die erfahrene Mama. Die "aufgehängten Verlobten". Das böse Gewissen. (125) Lustige Winke für die Reisezeit, um sich beliebt zu machen. Im Laboratorium für Physik (126) Humor auf Grabschriften. Zeitgemässe Stanzeln. Scherzfrage. Rücksichtslos. Praktisch. Gelungene Erklärung. Forderung: Halbe Bestätigung. Erblich belastet. (127) Sätze mit Vorwörtern eines A B C = Schützen. Der letzte Dienst. Der kranke Trinker. Falsch aufgefasst. Der Apfeldieb. Weiser Richter. Aus einem Bericht. Auch eine Erklärung. Der böse Regen ! (128) Wirtschaftstabellen und Wirtschaftsnotizen. (129) 1. Des Landmanns monatliche Verrichtungen. (129) Januar. Februar. März. April Mai. (129) Juni. (129) Juli. August. September. Oktober. November. Dezember. (130) [2 Tabellen]: (1)2. Aussaat und Ernteverhältnisse unserer Kulturpflanzen. (2)3. Paarungs=, Trächtigkeits= und Brüteverhältnisse unserer Haustiere. (131) [2 Tabellen]: (1)4. Trächtigkeitsanfang und =ende. (2)5. Brünftigkeit. (132) [3 Tabellen]: (1)6. Alterbeurteilung des Pferdes. (2)7. Zähneausbruch und =wechsel bei Pferd, Rind, Schaf. (3)8. Pulsschläge, Atemzüge, Körperwärme gesunder Tiere. (133) [6 Tabellen]: 9. Verhältniszahlen für die Bienenwirtschaft. (1)Stärke und Gewicht der Schwärme. (2)Eierlegen der Königin. (3)Entwicklungszeit, Lebensdauer, Grösse und Gewicht der Biene. (4)Jahrestracht und Honigbedarf zur Winterfütterung. (5)Stärke der Stöcke zur Schwarmzeit. Blüten= und Honigbedarf zum Wachsbau. (6)Zellenmenge. Temperatureinfluss auf Wachs und Bienen. (134) [3 Tabellen]. (1)10. Gewährsmängel und Gewährszeiten der Haustiere. (2)11. Milchwirtschaftliche Verhältniszahlen. (3)12. Geschwindigkeiten, m pro Sekunde. (135) 13. Für bauende Landwirte. (135) [Tabelle]: Das Volumen vom 1m3 nachstehender Materialien wiegt: (135) [Tabelle]: 14. Verzehrungssteuertarif in Linz. (136) 15. Welche Düngemittel dürfen nicht gleichzeitig ausgestreut werden? (136) [Abb.]: Superphosphat Thomasmehl Stalldünger und Guano Kainit Chilisalpeter Kalisalze Schwefelsaures Ammoniak Kalk (136) 16. Düngerproduktion. - Streu. (137) [Tabelle]: Die jährliche Düngermenge beträgt pro Stück in Meterzentnern: (137) 17. Hilfeleistung bei Unglücks= und Erkrankungsfällen bis zur Ankunft des Arztes. (137) [3 Tabellen]: (1)18. Schonzeiten des Wildes. (2)19. Schonzeiten der Fische. (3)20. Schwendung landw. Produkte b. 3/4 - 1 jähr. Aufbewahrung. (139) 21. Taschenuhr als Kompass. (139) [Tabelle]: 22. Kubiktafel für runde Hölzer. (140) 23. Neue und alte Masse und Gewichte. 24. Ausländisches Geld in österr. Kronenwährung. (141) 25. Lohnverechnung. (142) [4 Tabellen]: (1)Es ist demnach an Lohn auszubezahlen für: (2)Nach der Tabelle würde sich die Lohnauszahlung berechnen: (3)Anders verhält es sich, wenn der Dienstbote vor Ablauf der bedungenen Zeit den Dienst verläßt, zum Beispiel Ende Juli, wonach der Lohn. (4).wieviel hat der Dienstbote an Lohn zu fordern? (142) [Tabelle]: 26. Lohnverechnungstabelle (143) [Tabellen]: Bare Einnahmen und Ausgaben (I) [Tabelle]: Zusammenstellung der Bar-Einnahmen und -Ausgaben des Jahres. (XIII) [Tabelle]: Belege- und Geburtsliste. (XV) [Tabelle]: Probemelk-Tabelle. (XVI) [Tabelle]: Anbau- und Ernteregister. (XVIII) [Tabelle]: Ausdruschregister. (XX) Aus dem Geschäftsleben. (XXI) Inhalt. (XXII) [Werbung]: ([145]) Einband ( - )

OÖ. LANDWIRTSCHAFTLICHER KALENDER 1910 Oö. landwirtschaftlicher Kalender (-) Oö. landwirtschaftlicher Kalender 1910 (1910) ( - ) Einband ( - ) [Abb.]: ( - ) Werbung ( - ) Titelseite ([3]) [Kalender]: 1910. (4) Das Jahr 1910. Bewegliche Feste. Die vier Quatember. Mondesviertel. Die 12 Zeichen des Tierkreises. Von den Finsternissen. Vom Jahresregenten. (16) Genealogie des Allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses. (17) Stempel und Gebühren. (18) [3 Tabellen]: (1)I. (2)II. (3)III. (18) IV. Für Schriften und Urkunden, welche einer festen, skalamäßigen oder Perzentualgebühr unterliegen. (19) Post- und Telegraphenwesen. (20) Briefsendungen. (20) Paketsendungen. Postsparkasse. (22) Staatstelegraph. (22) Verzeichnis der wichtigsten Viehmärkte. (23) Oberösterreich. (23) Angrenzendes Niederösterreich. (24) Salzburg. (24) Obersteiermark. (25) Südliches Böhmen. Angrenzendes Bayern. (26) Kleiner Wegweiser in Linz und Urfahr. (26) Politische Behörden. (30) K.K. Statthalterei. (30) Baudepartement. Rechnungsdepartement. (31) Departementseinteilung der k.k. Statthalterei. (31) K.K. Bezirkshauptmannschaften. (32) 1. Braunau. 2. Eferding. 3. Freistadt. 4. Gmunden. 5. Kirchdorf. 6. Linz. 7. Perg. (32) 8. Ried. (32) 9. Rohrbach. 10. Schärding. 11. Steyr. 12. Urfahr. 13. Vöcklabruck. 14. Wels. (33) K.k. Strombauleitungen. Delegierte für Landespferdezucht-Angelegenheiten OÖ. des k.k. Ackerbauministeriums. (33) Wählerliste des oberösterreichischen großen Grundbesitzes. (34) Reichsvertretung. (35) Abgeordnete des Reichsrates aus den Wahlkreisen. (35) Landesvertretung und Landesverwaltung. (36) Landeshauptmann. Landeshauptmannstellvertreter. Virilstimme. Großgrundbesitz. Städte und Industrialorte. Handels- u. Gewerbekammer. (36) Landgemeinden. Allgemeine Wählerklasse. (37) Landesausschuß. (37) Oberösterreichische Landes-Hypothekenanstalt. Die oö. wechselseitige Landes-Brandschaden-Versicherungsanstalt. (38) Zweigniederlassung der nö. Landes-Lebens- und Renten-, sowie Unfall- und Haftpflicht-Versicherungsanstalt für Oberösterreich. Landesanstalt für Rindviehversicherung und Pferdeversicherung. Oö. Genossenschafts-Zentralkasse. (39) Landes-Ackerbau- und Obstbauschule Ritzlhof. (40) Schüleraufnahme. Lehrkörper und Unterrichtsfächer. (40) Landeskulturrat im Erzherzogtume Österreich o.d. Enns. (40) K.k. Landwirtschafts-Gesellschaft in Österreich o.d. Enns. (41) Präsident. Vizepräsident. Mitglieder des Zentralausschusses. (41) Gesellschaftskanzlei. Sekretär. Offizial. Kanzleibeamte. Koch- und Haushaltungs-Wanderlehrerinnen. Obstbausektion der k.k. oö. Landwirtschafts-Gesellschaft in Linz. (42) Landw. Bezirksvereine. (42) 1. Altheim. 2. Bad Ischl. 3. Braunau. 4. Ebensee. 5. Eferding. 6. Enns. 7. Feldkirchen, Bez. Braunau. 8. St. Florian. 9. Frankenburg. 10. Frankenmarkt. 11. Freistadt. 12. Gmunden. 13. Grein-Pabneukirchen. (42) 14. Grieskirchen. 15. Großraming. 16. Haag. 17. Hochburg am Weilhardt. 18. Kirchdorf. 19. St. Konrad-Gschwandt. 20. Kremsmünster. 21. Lambach. 22. Lembach. 23. Linz-Ottensheim-Urfahr. 24. Mattighofen. 25. Mauerkirchen. 26. Mauthausen. 27. Mondsee. 28. Neufelden. 29. Neuhofen. (43) 30. Obernberg. 31. Perg. 32. Pettenbach. 33. Pregarten. 34. Ried. 35. Schärding-Raab-Peuerbach-Engelhartszell. 36. Steyr. 37. Vöcklabruck. 38. Waizenkirchen. 39. Wels. 40. Weyer. 41. Windischgarsten. 42. St. Wolfgang. 43. Keinem landw. Bezirksverein angehörige, sondern direkt mit der Zentrale verkehrende Mitglieder. (44) Ziele und Bedeutung der Gesellschaft. (44) Fachvereine, Genossenschaften usw. (46) Ständiges Geflügelzuchtkomitee. Verein zur Hebung der Landespferdezucht in Oberösterreich. 1. Oö. Geflügelzuchtverein. Oö. Landesbienenzüchterverein. Oö. Landesfischereiverein. Vöcklabrucker Bezirksfischereiverein. 1. oö. Kaninchenzüchterverein in Linz. Verband der Simmentaler Rindviehzüchter d. Bez. Schärding. Pinzgauer Rinderzucht-Genossenschaft Haag a.H. u. Umg. Rinderzuchtgenossenschaft d. Mariahofer, Vorderstoder u. Umg. Verein zur Förderung der Obstkultur in Kimpling u. Umgebung. Landw. Kasino in Freiling. Forstverein für Oberösterreich u. Salzburg. Oö. Schutzverein für Jagd u. Fischerei in Linz. Oö. Landes-Tierschutzverein in Linz. Trabrennverein in Linz. (46) Hopfenbauverein. Verein d. Gärtner u. Gartenfreunde, Linz. Verein der Gärtner u. Gartenfreunde "Flora", Wels. 1. oö. Teebutterverkaufsgenossenschaft, Schärding. Genossenschaft d. Kardenbauer, Katsdorf. Lagerhausgenossenschaft in Wels. Verein zur Unterstützung oö. Landwirte bei Errichtung von Blitzableitern, Linz. (47) Verleihung der Ehrenmedaille der k.k. Landwirtschafts-Gesellschaft. (47) Landwirtschaftliches. ([49]) Erfordernisse für die Gewinnung gesunder Milch. ([49]) Ratschläge bei Anlegen von Waldungen durch Pflanzung. (52) A. Bei der Wahl der Holzart. (52) B. Beschaffung und Behandlung der Pflanzen. (53) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rationelle Pflanzung. (2)Pflanzung in trockenem Boden. (54) [Abb.]: Hügelpflanzung in feuchtem Boden. (55) Behandlung frischer Wunden. (55) Zur Pferdezucht in Oberösterreich. (56) [Abb.]: Anglo-Normännerhengst "Voleur". (57) [Abb.]: Norischer Hengst "Konstanz". (58) Erleichtertes Kartoffelpflanzen. (59) [Abb.]: Neue Kartoffelpflanzmaschine. (59) [Gedicht]: (60) Stachelbeerenpyramiden. (60) [Gedicht]: (61) Die rationelle Aufbewahrung der Eier. (61) [Abb.]: Reform-Eierständer. (61) Erprobte Mittel gegen tierische Schädlinge. (62) A. Gegen Pflanzenschädlinge. (63) B. Gegen Wirtschaftsschädlinge. (63) [Gedicht]: (64) Die Verwendung der Knochen zu Futterzwecken. (64) [Abb.]: Knochenmühle. (65) Erhöhte Bedeutung der Laubhölzer. (65) [Gedicht]: Spruch für ein Bienenhaus. (67) Der Pfahl unserer Obstbäume. (67) [Abb.]: Pfahltreiber. (67) [2 Abb.]: Baum-Geraderichter. (1)Vor der Anwendung. (2)Apparat in Wirksamkeit. (68) Eine Muster-Obstanlage. (69) [Abb.]: Gesamtblick über die Obstanlage mit der Bewässerung c, dem Formobstgarten a und Topfobstgarten d. (69) [Abb.]: Topfobstbäume im Hofe. (70) [Abb.]: Buschobstanlage: Weißer Winter-Kalvill. (71) [Abb.]: "Mulchen" zwischen den Spalierreihen. (72) [Gedicht]: (73) Der Hornbruch beim Rindvieh. (73) [Gedicht]: (73) Die Hühnerstadt. (73) Landwirtschaft und Industrie in idealer Interessengemeinschaft. (74) [Abb.]: Jungvieh auf der Alp Balmberg (1300 m Seehöhe). (75) [Tabelle]: Hauptsächlich sind es die stark wasserhaltigen und sonst empfindlichen Gemüse, die in der eigenen Gutswirtschaft erzeugt werden und deren nachstehend verzeichnete Erträge die Höhe der Kultur kennzeichnen: (75) [2 Abb.]: (1)Schwyzerkuh "Maggi 2728"; mehrfach prämiiert. (2)Schwyzerstier "Zar". (76) [Abb.]: Ein kostbares Gespann von 3 erstprämiierten Zuchtstieren. (77) [Abb.]: Innere Einrichtung des Kuhstalles im Kempttal (für 68 Tiere). (78) Die Spinnmilbe. (79) [2 Abb.]: Weibchen der Spinnmilbe (1)a) von oben; (2)b) von der Seite. (80) [Gedicht]: (80) Die letzte Wanderausstellung der deutschen Landwirtschafts-Gesellschaft, Leipzig 1909. (80) [Abb.]: Gesamtbild der Ausstellung der Deutschen Landwirtschafts-Gesellschaft in Leipzig 1909. (81) [Tabelle]: Die bestbesuchtesten Ausstellungen der letzten Jahre waren: (82) [Abb.]: Vorführung der Pferde im großen Ring. (82) [Abb.]: Hinter dem Haupteingang. (83) [Abb.]: Melkmaschine in Tätigkeit. (84) [Abb.]: Verschiedene Kosthallen. (85) [Abb.]: Ausstellung des Kalisyndikates. (86) [Abb.]: Karakulschafe (Persianer). (87) [Gedicht]: (87) Kainit zur Vertilgung der Engerlinge auf Wiesen. (88) Rationelle Haltung der Ziegen. (88) [Abb.]: Prakt. Raufe für Ziegen mit bewegl. Rückwand. (88) [2 Abb.]: (1)Anbringung der Raufe im Stalle. (2)Vorrichtung zum erleichterten Melken. (89) Was soll der Landwirt bei Futtermangel tun? (90) Die große Bedeutung der insektenfressenden Singvögel für die Vernichtung unserer tierischen Schädlinge. (91) [2 Abb.]: Künstliche Schwalbennester (1)für die Hausschwalbe b)für die Rauchschwalbe. (91) [3 Abb.]: (1)Kolonie künstl. Schwalbennester für die Hausschwalbe. (2)Künstl. Nisthöhle für die Uferschwalbe. (3)Künstl. Sperlingsnest aus Terrakotta. (92) [Abb.]: Ausnehmen des Sperlingsgeleges. (93) [Abb.]: Futterbaum. (94) [Tabelle]: Eine möglichst natürliche Nachahmung dieser Futtervorratskammern in den Baumritzen und sehr sparsame Verwendung des Futters stellen die Futterbäume vor, auf deren Äste die mit Hammel- oder Rindstalg gemischten Sämereien usw. - Talg etwas überwiegend, 14 Teile zu 11 Teilen Futtermischung - aufgegossen werden. (95) [Abb.]: Hessisches Futterhaus. (95) [Gedicht]: (96) Unterstützung und Schutz der Äste bei reichen Obsternten. (96) [Abb.]: Vorrichtung bei reichen Obsternten. (97) [Gedicht]: (97) Die Winterpflege der Zimmerpflanzen. (97) Unterhaltung und Belehrung. ([99]) Eigen Heim und Herd. ([99]) [Abb.]: Ansicht gegen Süden. Skizze eines Wohnhauses für ländl. Heimstättengenossenschaft. Baukosten ca. 6000 Mk. (7200 K). ([99]) [Abb.]: Grundriß. (100) [Abb.]: Ansicht gegen Osten. Skizze eines Wohnhauses für ländl. Heimstättengenossenschaft. (101) [Abb.]: Inneres der Wohnküche; der Familientisch. Familienecke im Küchenzimmer. (102) Das Nationalvermögen der mitteleuropäischen Staaten. (102) [Abb.]: Nationalvermögen der Staaten Mitteleuropas. (103) Der Elefant in der Gefangenschaft. (104) [Abb.]: Dreijähriges Elefantenbaby in Schönbrunn. (104) [Gedicht]: 's Kochá-Lerná. (105) Riesenbauten. (106) [Abb.]: Riesenschornstein im Vergleiche mit dem Stephansturm in Wien. (106) [Abb.]: Der bisher größte Halsbrückener Kamin mit der Fundamentplatte in den Riesenschornstein hineingehängt. (107) Ein Hirsch als Zugtier. (108) [Abb.]: Hirschgespann. (108) Baumriesen. (108) [Abb.]: Der älteste bekannte Baum der Erde: Die sog. Cypresse des Montezuma in Tule (Mexiko). Gesamtansicht. (109) [Abb.]: Der älteste Baum der Erde: Die Cypresse in Tule (Mexiko). Ansicht des Stammes. (111) [Abb.]: 1000 jährige Eiche am Ützberg, Reichraming. (112) Für den Feierabend. Lustige Ecke. ([113]) Eine Lektion am Telephon. ([113]) [Gedicht]: Der Ehe Paradies. (114) Ein schlauer Geizhals. Ein Kind seiner Zeit. (114) Die Wette. Kindermund. Die Hose. Ohne. Zur Fleischteuerung. Aus einem Rekrutenbrief. Letzte Auflage. Auch ein Stolz. Was ich sein möchte. Der Storch. Zum Andenken. Aus der Schule. (115) Das Benzin. (Frei nach Schiller.) (116) Das billige Augenglasfutteral. (116) Ein guter Familienvater. Falsch verstanden. Ein aufrichtiger Spitzbube. Aus der Schule. Maurerfleiß. Das Großstadtkind. Erkannt. Stadtkinder. (117) [Gedicht]: Mücke und Frosch. (117) Schlimme Folgen. Der Gratulant. (117) Telegrammstil. Merkwürdig. Der rechte Mann. Gute Wirkung des Aberglaubens. Undankbare Welt. Alles da! "Woll, woll!" Heiratsfähig. Jugendgericht. (118) [Gedicht]: Modernes Stilleben. (119) Gute Nachbarn. Kindliche Ausrede. Vater und Tochter. Durch die Blume. Sprüche für ein Gartenhaus. Schlagfertig. Ein Aufsitzer. Im "Sommer". Junggesellenmonolog. Alte Gewohnheit. (119) Der Oberrechnungshof und die Landwirtschaft. (120) Bei der Bürgergarde. (120) Professorenzerstreutheit. Der gute Karl. Annonce. Entgleisungen beim Unterricht. (120) Wahrheiten. Im Gasthause. Glosse. Mit dem Zaunpfahl. Anzeige. (121) Die neuen Steuern. (121) Enttäuscht. Gut pariert. Vor dem Schaufenster. Die Hauptsache beim Weltuntergang. (121) Hypermoderne Geflügelzucht. Unnötige Vorsicht. Ein Zufriedener. Ausreden lassen. Anzüglich. Zoologie. Beim technischen Examen. (122) [Gedicht]: Die Buttermaschin. (123) Wie Verdi sich vor Neugierigen schützte. Segen des Automobils. Immder derselbe. Sperrsitz im Theater. Heimgegeben. Auf alle Fälle. Unangenehm. (124) Deplazierte Redensart. Kindermund. Aufruf! Inserat. Rücksichtsvoll. Unterstützung der Kunst. (125) [Gedicht]: Menschliches. (125) Naturgeschichte des Affen. Der Lebenslauf eines Handlungsreisenden. Sonderbare Worte. Im Kupee II. Klasse. (125) Die Regimentskommandobefehle vom Unteroffizier der Mannschaft verdeutscht. Das Unglück des Grafen Zeppelin. Wiener Pflaster. (126) Gelungene Inschriften. Eine Scherzfrage. Logischer Rat. Das Musterei. (127) [Gedicht]: O junge Mädchenherrlichkeit! (127) Gut abgetrumpft. (127) Summarisch. Übertrumpft. Einfacher Ausweg. Aufklärung. (128) [Gedicht]: Vom Küssen. (128) Moderne Heiratsannouce. Nicht aus der Ruhe bringen. Indiskret. Die protzigen Hennen. Betrachtung. Gemütlich. Untrügliche Wahrzeichen. (128) Wirtschaftstabellen und Wirtschaftsnotizen. (129) 1. Des Landmanns monatliche Verrichtungen. (129) Januar. - Mai. (129) Juni. (129) Juli. - Dezember. (130) [2 Tabellen]: (1)2. Aussaat und Ernteverhältnisse unserer Kulturpflanzen. (2)3. Paarungs-, Trächtigkeits- und Brüteverhältnisse unserer Haustiere. (131) [2 Tabellen]: (1)4. Trächtigkeitsanfang und -ende. (2)5. Brünstigkeit. (132) [3 Tabellen]: (1)6. Altersbeurteilung des Pferdes. (2)Zähneausbruch und -wechsel bei Pferd, Rind, Schaf. (3)8. Pulsschläge, Atemzüge, Körperwärme gesunder Tiere. (133) 9. Verhältniszahlen für die Bienenwirtschaft. (134) Stärke und Gewicht der Schwärme. Eierlegen der Königin. (134) [4 Tabellen]: (1)Entwicklungszeit, Lebensdauer, Größe und Gewicht der Biene. (2)Jahrestracht und Honigbedarf zur Winterfütterung. (3)Stärke der Stöcke zur Schwarmzeit. Blüten- und Honigbedarf zum Wachsbau. (4)Zellenmenge. Temperatureinfluß auf Wachs und Bienen. (134) [3 Tabellen]: (1)10. Gewährsmängel und Gewährszeiten der Haustiere. (2)11. Milchwirtschaftliche Verhältniszahlen. (3)12. Geschwindigkeiten, m pro Sekunde. (135) 13. Für bauende Landwirte. (135) [Tabelle]: 14. Verzehrungssteuertarif in Linz. (136) 15. Welche Düngemittel dürfen nicht gleichzeitig ausgestreut werden? (136) [Abb.]: (136) 16. Düngerproduktion. - Streu. (137) 17. Hilfeleistung bei Unglücks- und Erkrankungsfällen bis zur Ankunft des Arztes. (137) [3 Tabellen]: (1)18. Schonzeiten des Wildes. (2)19. Schonzeiten der Fische. (3)20. Schwendung landw. Produkte b. 3/4 - 1jähr. Aufbewahrung. (139) 21. Taschenuhr als Kompaß. (139) [Tabelle]: 22. Kubiktafel für runde Hölzer. (140) 23. Neue und alte Maße und Gewichte. (141) I. Längenmaße. II. Flächenmaße. III. Körpermaße, Hohlmaße. IV. Gewichte. (141) 24. Ausländisches Geld in österr. Kronenwährung. (141) 25. Lohnberechnung. (142) [Tabelle]: 26. Lohnberechnungstabelle bei einer Lohnhöhe von 50 - 200 K (§ 18 des Dienstbotengesetzes). (143) [Tabelle]: Bare Einnahmen und Ausgaben. (I) [Tabelle]: Zusammenstellung der Bar-Einnahmen und -Ausgaben des Jahres. (XIII) [Tabelle]: Beleg- und Geburtsliste. (XV) [Tabelle]: Probemelk-Tabelle. (XVI) [Tabelle]: Anbau- und Ernteregister. (XVIII) [Tabelle]: Ausdruschregister. (XX) Aus dem Geschäftsleben. (XXI) Inhalt. (XXII) Werbung ( - ) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )

OÖ. LANDWIRTSCHAFTLICHER KALENDER 1908 Oö. landwirtschaftlicher Kalender (-) Oö. landwirtschaftlicher Kalender 1908 (1908) ( - ) Einband ( - ) [Abb.]: ( - ) Werbung ( - ) Titelseite ([3]) [Kalender]: 1908. (4) Das Jahr 1908. Bewegliche Feste. Die vier Quatember. Mondesviertel. Die 12 Zeichen des Tierkrieses. Von den Finsternissen. Vom Jahresregenten. (16) Genealogie des Allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses. (17) Stempel und Gebühren. (18) [3 Tabellen]: (1)I. (2)II. (3)III. (18) IV. Für Schriften und Urkunden. (19) Post- und Telegraphenwesen. (20) Briefpost. (20) Fahrpost. Postsparkasse. (22) Staatstelegraph. (22) Verzeichnis der wichtigsten Viehmärkte. (23) Oberösterreich. (23) Angrenzendes Niederösterreich. (24) Salzburg. (24) Obersteiermark. (25) Südliches Böhmen. (25) Angrenzendes Bayern. (26) Kleiner Wegweiser in Linz und Urfahr. (26) Politische Behörden. (30) K.k. Statthalterei. (30) Baudepartement. Rechnungsdepartement. (31) Departementseinteilung der k.k. Statthalterei. (31) K.k. Bezirkshauptmannschaften. (32) Exponierte Bauleitung f.d. Traunregulierung. K.k. Strombauleitungen. Delegierte d. hoh. k.k. Ackerbauministeriums f.d. Landespferdezuchtangelegenheiten Oberösterreichs. (33) Wählerliste des oberösterreichischen großen Grundbesitzes. (34) Reichsvertretung. (36) Abgeordnete des Reichsrates aus den Wahlkreisen. (36) Landesvertretung und Landesverwaltung. (36) Landeshauptmann. Landeshauptmannstellvertreter.Virilstimme. Abgeordnete des großen Grundbesitzes. (36) Abgeordnete der Städte u. Industrialorte. (36) Abgeordnete der Landgemeinden. (37) Landesausschuß. (37) Referatsverteilung. (37) Oberösterreichische Landes-Hypothekenanstalt. (38) Die oö. wechselseitige Landes-Brandschaden-Versicherungsanstalt. Zweigniederlassung der nö. Landes-Lebens- und Renten-, sowie Unfall- und Haftpflicht-Versicherungsanstalt für Oberösterreich. Landesanstalt für Rindviehversicherung und Pferdeversicherung. (39) Oö. Genossenschafts-Zentralkasse. Landes-Ackerbau- und Obstbauschule Ritzlhof. (40) Schüleraufnahme. Lehrkörper und Unterrichtsfächer. (40) Landeskulturrat im Erzherzogtume Österreich o.d. Enns. (41) K.k. Landwirtschafts-Gesellschaft in Österreich o.d. Enns. (41) Präsident. Vizepräsident. (41) Mitglieder des Zentralausschusses. Gesellschaftskanzlei. (42) Landw. Bezirksvereine. (42) Ziele und Bedeutung der Gesellschaft. (44) Obstbausektion der k.k. o.ö. Landwirtschafts-Gesellschaft in Linz. (45) Fachvereine, Genossenschaften. (45) Verein zur Hebung der Landespferdezucht in Oberösterreich. I. Oö. Geflügelzuchtverein. Oö. Landesbienenzüchterverein. Oö. Landesfischereiverein. Vöcklabrucker Bezirksfischereiverein. I. oö. Kaninchenzüchterverein in Linz. Verband der Simmentaler Rindviehzüchter d. Bez. Schärding. Pinzgauer Rinderzucht-Genossenschaft Haag.a.H. u. Umg. Rinderzuchtgenossenschaft d. Mariahofer, Vorderstoder u. Umg. Mantafoner Viehzuchtgenossenschaft. Verein zur Förderung der Obstkultur in Kimpling u. Umgebung. (45) Landw. Kasino in Freiling. Forstverein für Oberösterreich u. Salzburg. Oö. Schutzerein für Jagd und Fischerei in Linz. Oö. Landes-Tierschutzverein in Linz. trabrennverein in Linz. Hopfenbauverein. Verein d. Gärtner u. Gartenfreunde, Linz. Verein der Gärtner u. Gartenfreunde "Flora", Wels. I. oö. Teebutterverkaufsgenossenchaft, Schärding. Genossenschaft d. Kardenbauer, Katsdorf. Verein zur Unterstützung oö. Landwirte bei Errichtung von Blitzableitern, Linz. (46) Verleihung der Ehrenmedaille der k.k. Landwirtschafts-Gesellschaft. (46) [Abb.]: Neue Mitglieds-Diplome der k.k. Landwirtschafts-Gesellschaft. (48) Landwirtschaftliches. ([49]) [Gedicht]: Der schlafende Riese. ([49]) Haltung und Pflege des Hofhundes. (50) [Abb.]: Eine Hundehütte, wie sie sein soll. (50) Eindünsten ohne Luftabschluß. (51) Torfstreu im Schweinestall. (51) [Abb.]: Schweinestalleinrichtung, spez. für Torfstreuverwendung. (52) Pfleget die Karpfenzucht! (53) Das Bauernhaus in Österreich. (53) [2 Abb.]: (1)Nö. Bauernhof (Rossatz a.D.). (2)Bauernhaus in Steiermark (Adriach bei Frohnleiten). (53) [3 Abb.]: (1)Bauernhaus in Kärnten (Maltatal). (2)Wirtshaus in St. Agatha b. Goisern, OÖ. (3)Gehöftinneres in Ketzelsdorf (Mähren). (54) [2 Abb.]: (1)Fränkischer Hausstil, fränkische Bauart. (Spitza.D., NÖ.) (2)Fränkischer Stil, bayrische Art. (Karsten in Mörtelsdorf, Salzb.) (55) [3 Abb.]: (1)Fränkischer Stil, slawische Art. (Schmiede in Prischowitz, Böhmen.) (2)Sennhütte im Wattentale (Tirol). (3)Nö. Weinbauernhof (Weißenkirchen a.D.). (56) [3 Abb.]: (1)Romanisches Haus mit Weinpresse (Unter-Kobdil, Görz). (2),(3)Tirolische und salzb. Zierformen in Holz. (57) Einfluß des regelmäßigen Putzens auf den Ertrag der Milchkühe. (57) [Tabelle]: Die Tiere gaben in je zehn Tagen Milch Liter: geputzt: nicht geputzt: Mehrertrag, wenn geputzt: (58) Zur Neuanlage von Wiesen. (58) [Abb.]: Düngungsversuch bei Wiesenneuanlage. Stand des ungedüngten Hafers. (58) [Abb.]: Düngungsversuch bei Wiesenneuanlage. Stand des gedüngten Hafers. (59) [Abb.]: Düngungsversuch bei Wiesenneuanlage. Heuerträge von je 100 m². Ungedüngt. Kunstdünger. (60) Aufzucht der jungen Hühner. (60) Heget und schützet die nützlichen Vögel! (62) [Abb.]: (62) [Gedicht]: (62) Befestigung der Heu- und Getreidefuhren. (63) [Abb.]: Spannvorrichtung für Erntewägen. Erf.: Georg Allendörfer, Glashüttenhof, Post Mühlingen, Baden. (63) [Abb.]: Spannvorrichtung für Erntewägen im Gebrauch. (64) [Sprichwort]: "Der alte Bauernstand, des Landes Stolz und Kraft, Er kehret nimmer wieder, wenn einmal dahingerafft." (64) Verkaufet das Holz nur nach dem neuen Maße! (64) Enthüllung der Kleesamen. (65) [Abb.]: Kleereiber für Hand- und Kraftbetrieb. Drehmaschinen- und Motorenfabrik Herm. Gierke, Rathenow. (65) Zur Hebung der Zucht des norischen Pferdes. (65) [Abb.]: Pinzgauer Hengst "Blaß", gezüchtet in Niedernsill. (66) [Abb.]: Pinzgauer Stute "Amalie" mit Fohlen, gezüchtet in Embach. (67) [Sprichwort]: Beim Pferdehandel und Rinderverkauf Tu' die Augen oder den Beutel auf. (68) Hafer auf Neubruch. (69) [Abb.]: Haferdüngungsversuch auf Neubruch. Garbenerträge von je 100 m². Ungedüngt. Kunstdünger. (69) [Sprichwort]: Mist ist des Bauern List. (69) Unterscheidung der eßbaren von den giftigen Schwämmen. (70) Ein Hilfsgerät im Stalle, Keller, Molkerei u.s.w. und im Garten. (70) [Abb.]: "Fix"-Tünch-, Desinfektions- und Teermaschine. Generalvertreter: Rudolf Krása, Wien VII., Kircheng. 37. 130-200 K. (70) [6 Abb.]: (1),(2)"Fix" zum Abwaschen von Schweinen und Kreolin-Besprengung eines Ochsen. (3)Weißen eines Pferdestalles. (4)Desinfektion und Tünchen eines Stalles. (5)Desinfektion eines Geflügelstalles. (6)Tünchen im Hausinnern. (71) [6 Abb.]: (1)Anstrich im Gärkeller. (2)Tünchen eines Kellers. (3)Karbolineum-Anstrich eines Zaunes. (4)Teeren eines Daches. (5)Bespritzen eines Obstspaliers mit Kupferkalklösung. (6)Spritzen im Garten. (72) Die Befestigung der Obstbäume. (73) [3 Abb.]: Dietrichs U-Halter. Art der Befestigung. Wilh. Wegescheid, Oerlinghausen (Lippe-Detmold). (1)Seitenansicht. (2)Durchschnitt. (3)Vorderansicht. (73) [Gedicht]: Die junge Aufforstung. (73) Durchforstet eure Wälder! (74) Kennzeichnung der Zuchttiere durch Hautätzung. (74) [4 Abb.]: Ziffern, Buchstaben und "Muto"griff für die neue Ätzkennzeichnung mit "Rodin". (74) Entziehung von mineralischen Nährstoffen aus der Wirtschaft durch den Verkauf von Vieh. (75) [Abb.]: Entziehung mineralischer Nährstoffe aus dem Boden durch den Verkauf von 1 Kalb von 100 kg, 1 Schwein von 150 kg. (75) [Abb.]: Verlust des Bodens an mineral. Nährstoffen durch Verkauf von 1 Stück Großvieh von 500 kg. (76) [Tabelle]: Danach geht der Wirtschaft verloren durch: (76) [Abb.]: Ein verkauftes Stück Großvieh nimmt an mineralischen Nährstoffen aus der Wirtschaft soviel fort, als im Heu enthalten ist, und zwar: Kali auf einem Schubkarren, Phosphorsäure zwei Fuhren, Kalk 1 Fuhre. (77) Feuersichere Schindel- und Strohdachung. (78) Der Wind zur Wasserbeschaffung dienstbar. (79) [Abb.]: Wassertragen durch Menschen. (79) [3 Abb.]: (1)Wasserführen in Fässern. (2)Herkömmliche Wasserbeschaffung f.d. Gemüsegarten. (3)Wassersprenung mittelst Windkraft. (80) [Abb.]: Moderne Wasserbeschaffung mittelst Windmotor. 1. mähr. Wasserleitungs- und Pumpenbau-Anstalt Ant. Kunz, Mähr. Weißkirchen. (81) [Sprichwort]: (81) [Gedicht]: Obstbau. (82) Hauptmängel unserer bäuerlichen Schweinezucht. (82) [Sprichwort]: (83) Gegen die Unsitte des Verstümmelns (Kupieren) des Pferdeschweifes. (84) [4 Abb.]: (1)Pferd vor dem Stutzen. (2)Pferd nach dem Stutzen. (3)Knochenbau des Pferdes. (4)Abgeschlagener Pferdeschwanzknochen. (84) [2 Abb.]: Kupierte Pferde im Gebrauch. (85) Die rationelle Fütterung und Tränkung des Nutzgeflügels. (86) [4 Abb.]: (1)(2)Futtersparer. Schles. Blechwarenfabrik, Neumarkt. Mk. 5,50, 3,25. (3)Autom. Trinkgefäß. Schles. Blechwarenfabrik, Neumarkt. Mk. 4,25 u. 5,50. (4)Sauftränke für Geflügel. Heinr. Groß & Co. Auerbach, Hessen. Mk. 3,-- u. 3,60 (86) [Gedicht]: (87) Siegeslauf der gesunden Milch. (87) [2 Abb.]: Milchautomat "Labsal" für eisgekühlte oder heißte Milch. H.Oldenburg, Eisengießerei, Oldesloe, Holstein, 1000 Mk. (1)Becherautomat allein. (2)Straßenautomat mit Becherautomat vereinigt. (89) Unterkulturen im Obstgarten. (89) [Abb.]: Junger Obstgarten mit Kartoffelunterkultur. (90) Bekämpfung der Gespinstmotten. (91) [4 Abb.]: Apfelgespinstmotte. (1)Gespinste. (2)Gespinste mit Kokon der Puppen. (3)Raupe. (4)Schmetterling. (91) [2 Abb.]: (1)Raupenschere. (2)Raupenfackel. (92) Die beiden größten Feinde des Kleebaues. (93) [Abb.]: Kleeseide, Cuscuta, Pflanze mit Blütenbüschel, Blüte, Samen. Alles stark vergrößert. (93) [Abb.]: Kleeteufel, Orobanche, auf Kleewurzel schmarotzend. (94) Über die Behandlung von Maschinen. (95) Muster-Hühnerstall. (97) [Abb.]: Muster-Hühnerstall, Hermann Sieber, Rüdesheim a. Rh. 40 Hühner. 200 Mk. (98) "Weizen und Spreu." Für Haus, Hof und Familie. ([99]) Ein einfacher Feuchtigkeitsmesser. ([99]) Selbsteinbinden von Zeitungen und Büchern. ([99]) [Abb.]: Comba-Selbstbinder. 1. Ausziehen der Greifer. Comba-Verlag, Leipzig, Seeburgstraße 57/59. ([99]) [3 Abb.]: (1)Comba-Selbstbinder. 2. Einschieben über dem Rücken. (2)Comba-Selbstbinder. 3. Einsetzen und (3)4. Festschlagen der Greifer. (100) [Abb.]: Zeitschriftenbibliothek in Comba-Selbstbindern. (101) Unsere Voreltern. (101) Die Vertilgung der Ratten und Mäuse. (102) [2 Abb.]: (1). (2)Autom. Ratten- u. Mäusefallen "Capito". Genossenschaft "Landwirte" Milotitz, Mähren. K. 2 bezw. 18. (102) Zur besseren Verwertung des Wachses. (102) [2 Abb.]: (1)Wachs-, Fett- und Beerenpresse. Frz.Jos. Fischer, Großdorf-Egg. Vorarlbg. inkl. Preßsack K 28. (2)Wachs-, Beeren- und Fettpresse "Fischer", auseinandergenommen. (103) Verschiedene Mittel zur Vertreibung der Ameisen im Hause. (103) Zur Herstellung von Park- und Gartenwegen. (104) [Abb.]: Wegekanten-Schaufel. C. Grunert, Bergedorf bei Hamburg. Mk. 5.50. (104) Die berühmten Donaustrudel bei Grein und St. Nikola. (104) [Abb.]: Der berühmte Donaustrudel bei Grein. (105) [Abb.]: Der Donauwirbel bei St. Nikola. (106) Lustige Ecke. Für den Feierabend. ([107]) Die Brillenprobe. ([107]) Überlistet. (109) Eine Gerichtsszene. An was er denkt. Ein böser Hereinfall. Durch die Blume. (111) [Gedicht]: Dö Zahnreißmaschin'. (112) Zweideutig. Wahrscheinlich. "Segen" des Obstbaues. Im Heiratsbureau. Ein bissiges Haustier. Je nachdem. Abgeführt. (112) Übertrumpft. Andere Zeiten. Nicht nötig. Ein gemütlicher Reisender. Vorzug. Gelöster Zweifel. Gast. Zurückgegeben. W.W.W. Der Berliner. Eine merkwürdige Kuh. (113) Erklärt. Kindermund. Übertrumpft. Großer Unterschied. Das Handwerk hat keinen goldenen Boden. Mißglückte Ausrede. Abgetrumpft. Universalmittel. Abgeblitzt. Wohlgemeinter Vorschlag. Auch eine Rosenart. (114) Bei den Schießübungen. Der Vorsichtige. Verschnappt. Einem Schweizer Rekruten. Kindliche Auffassung. Welche Zweige der Erziehung. aus der Schule. Pariert. Feiner Unterschied. Ein Seitenhieb. Beim Schneider. Zur Fleischnot. Eine Scherzfrage. Gemütlich. Unsere Kinder. Menschlicher Verstand eines Hundes. (115) Wer Hiob war. Modernste Geflügelzucht. Angenehme Überraschung. Es ist widersinnig. Unangenehm. Raritäten. auch ein Wunsch. Geschäftsstil. Schlagfertig. Vergebliche Mühe. Merkwürdig. (116) Aus einem Ferienaufsatz. Kleines Mißverständnis. Doktor. Zerstreut. Eine Errungenschaft. Das Wetter. Verschiedene Wirkungen. Wenn man Glück hat. Vorstellungen eines Stadtkindes über das "Rind". Der gute Karl. Unterstützung der Kunst. Im Streit. Vorsicht. Belehrung. (117) Geschäftsleben. (118) Wirtschaftstabellen und Wirtschaftsnotizen. (119) 1. Des Landmanns monatliche Verrichtungen. (119) Januar. - Mai. (119) Juni. (119) Juli. - Dezember. (120) [2 Tabellen]: (1)2. Aussaat und Ernteverhältnisse. (2)3. Paarungs-, Trächtigkeits- und Brüteverhältnisse unserer Haustiere. (121) [2 Tabellen]: (1)4. Trächtigkeits-Anfang und -Ende. (2)5. Brünstigkeit. (122) [3 Tabellen]: (1)6. Altersbeurteilung des Pferdes. (2)7. Zähneausbruch und -wechsel bei Pferd, Rind, Schaf. (3)8. Pulsschläge, Atemzüge, Körperwärme gesunder Tiere. (123) 9. Verhältniszahlen für die Bienenwirtschaft. (124) Stärke und Gewicht der Schwärme. Eierlegen der Königin. (124) [4 Tabellen]: (1)Entwicklungszeit, Lebensdauer, Größe und Gewicht der Biene. (2)Jahrestracht und Honigbedarf zur Winterfütterung. (3)Stärke der Stöcke zur Schwarmzeit. Blüten- und Honigbedarf zum Wachsbau. (4)Zellenmenge, Temperatureinfluß auf Wachs und Bienen. (124) [Tabelle]: 10. Gewährsmängel und Gewährszeiten der Haustiere. (125) 11. Milchwirtschaftliche Verhältniszahlen. 12. Geschwindigkeiten, m pro Sekunde. (125) 13. Düngerproduktion. - Streu. (126) 14. Hilfeleistung bei Unglücks- und Erkrankungsfällen bis zur Ankunft des Arztes. (126) [2 Tabellen]: (1)15. Schonzeiten des Wildes und der Fische. (2)16. Schwendung land. Produkte b. 3/4 - 1jähr. Aufbewahrung. (128) 17. Taschenuhr als Kompaß. (128) [Tabelle]: 13. Kubiktafel für runde Hölzer. (129) 19. Neue und alte Maße und Gewichte. 20. Ausländisches Geld in österr. Kronenwährung. (130) 21. Lohnberechnung. (131) [Tabelle]: 22. Lohnberechnungstabelle bei einer Lohnhöhe von 50 - 200 K (§ 18 des Dienstbotengesetzes). (132) Inhalt. (134) [Tabelle]: Bare Einnahmen und Ausgaben. ( - ) [Tabelle]: Zusammenstellung der Bar-Einnahmen und -Ausgaben des Jahres. ( - ) [Tabelle]: Beleg- und Geburtsliste. ( - ) [Tabelle]: Probemelk-Tabelle. ( - ) [Tabelle]: Anbau- und Ernteregister. ( - ) [Tabelle]: Ausdruschregister. ( - ) Werbung ( - ) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )

DER NATURARZT 1863 Der Naturarzt (-) Der Naturarzt 1863 (1863) ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) No. 1. den 15. Januar. 1863. (No. 1. / 1863) ([1]) [Abb.]: ([1]) Unser Programm. ([1]) Der Segen der Naturheilkunde. (2) Drei naturärztliche geheilte Fälle von Chorea St. Viti, (Veitstanz) (4) Aus dem hydro-dätetischen Verein zu Dresden. (7) Briefkasten. (8) No. 2. den 22. Januar. 1863. (No. 2. / 1863) ([9]) [Abb.]: ([9]) Der Segen der Naturheilunde. ([9]) Hydriatische Briefe. (Ueber Klystiere und Einspritzungen überhaupt.) (11) Kranken-Korrespondenz. (13) Antwort der Redaction. (14) No. 3. den 29. Januar. 1863. (No. 3. / 1863) ([17]) [Abb.]: ([17]) Der Segen der Naturheilunde. ([17]) Ueber Gesundheitspflege mit Rücksicht auf die Resultate, die bei Behandlung der verschiedensten Kinderkrankheiten mit Wasser erzielt worden sind. (20) Aus dem Tagebuche eines Hypochonders. (22) Allopathisch-hydriatischer Wettlauf. (23) Kranken-Korrespondenz und Briefkasten. (23) No. 4. den 5. Februar. 1863. (No. 4. / 1863) ([25]) Extracte aus den früheren Protocollen des hydro-dätetischen Vereins zu Dresden. Briefkasten. (-) Druckfehlerverbesserung. (-) [Abb.]: ([25]) Drei naturärztliche geheilte Fälle von Chorea St. Viti, (Veitstanz) ([25]) Eine Cholerageschichte. (28) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (29) Aus dem hydro-dätetischen Verein zu Dresden. (31) No. 5. den 12. Februar. 1863. (No. 5. / 1863) ([33]) [Abb.]: ([33]) Mineralbad oder Naturheilanstalt? ([33]) Krankencorrespondenz. (36) Antwort der Redaction. (37) No. 6. den 19. Februar. 1863. (No. 6. / 1863) ([41]) [Abb.]: ([41]) Hydriatische Briefe ([41]) Aus dem Tagebuche eines Hypochonders. (43) Mittheilungen einiger Krankheitsfälle. (43) Aus dem hydro-diätetischen Verein zu Dresden. (44) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (46) Krankencorrespondenz. (47) Briefkasten. (48) [Abb.]: Wasserheilanstalt zur Schweitzermühle im Bilagrunde in der sächs. Schweitz. ( - ) No. 7. den 26. Februar. 1863. (No. 7. / 1863) ([49]) [Abb.]: ([49]) Der hydro-dätetische Verein zu Stettin und die Eröffnungs-Rede bei seiner Begründung, gehalten von Hrn. Milit.-Int.-Secr. A. Frölich über die Zustände des Lebens in Bezug auf Gesundheit, Krankheit und deren Heilung. ([49]) Einleitung. ([49]) Was ist Leben und Tod? (50) Was ist Gesundheit und Krankheit? (50) Die sächsischen Wasserheilanstalten "Schweizer-Mühle" und "Königsbrunn", nächst Köngistein in der sächsischen Schweiz. (51) 1. Lagenverhältnisse. (51) 2. Oertlichkeit der Wasserheilanstalt Schweizermühle. (52) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (54) Krankencorrespondenz. (55) No. 8. den 5. März. 1863. (No. 8. / 1863) ([57]) [Abb.]: ([57]) Der hydro-dätetische Verein zu Stettin und die Eröffnungs-Rede bei seiner Begründung, gehalten von Hrn. Milit.-Int.-Secr. A. Frölich über die Zustände des Lebens in Bezug auf Gesundheit, Krankheit und deren Heilung. ([57]) Krankencorrespondenz. (61) Eine hydriatische Linderung von Zahnschmerz. Briefkasten. (64) No. 9. den 12. März. 1863. (No. 9. / 1863) ([65]) [Abb.]: ([65]) Drei naturärzlich geheilte Fälle von Chorea St. Viti, (Veitstanz) ([65]) Die sächsischen Wasserheilanstalten "Schweizer-Mühle" und "Königsbrunn", nächst Köngistein in der sächsischen Schweiz. (68) [Abb.]: (69) Krankencorrespondenz. (69) No. 10. den 19. März. 1863. (No. 10. / 1863) ([73]) [Abb.]: ([73]) An die geehrten Leser dieses Blattes! ([73]) Drei naturärzlich geheilte Fälle von Chorea St. Viti, (Veitstanz) ([73]) Zur Frage: Mineralbad oder Naturheilanstalt? (76) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (77) Beilage zu Nr. 10 des Naturarztes. ([81]) Krankencorrespondenz. ([81]) Ankündigung, die Naturheilanstalt Centnerbrunn betreffend. (84) No. 11. den 22. April. 1863. (No. 11. / 1863) ([85]) Ueber Gesundheitspflege mit Rücksicht auf die Resultate, die bei Behandlung der verschiedensten Krankheiten mit Wasser erzielt worden sind. ([85]) Ueber nasse Einhüllungen und Einpackungen. (87) Ueber Naturheilverfahren. (89) Aus dem hydro-dätetischen Verein zu Dresden. (91) Briefkasten. (92) No. 12. den 29. April. 1863. (No. 12. / 1863) ([93]) Die Impf-Frage. ([93]) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (94) Krankencorrespondenz. (96) Aus dem hydro-dätetischen Verein zu Dresden. (99) No. 13. den 7. Mai. 1863. (No. 13. / 1863) ([101]) Ueber partielle Dampfbäder. ([101]) a) Einleitung. ([101]) Beschreibung der auf der Abbildung vorgeführten partiellen Dampfbad-Formen. ([101]) [19 Abb.]: (1)-(19)Fig 1-19 ([103]) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (104) Kranken-Korrespondenz und Briefkasten. (105) No. 14. den 14. Mai. 1863. (No. 14. / 1863) ([109]) Zur Gesundheitspflege. ([109]) Diät im engeren Sinne. - Nahrungsmittel und Ernährung. ([109]) Nahrhaftigkeit. Verdaulichkeit. (110) Nahrungsstoffe. (110) Krankencorrespondenz. (111) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (114) Briefkasten. (116) No. 15. den 21. Mai. 1863. (No. 15. / 1863) ([117]) Zur Gesundheitspflege. ([117]) Bereitung der Speisen. ([117]) Nährwerth. (118) [Tabelle]: Folgende Zusammenstellung wird den Nährwerth det einzelnen Haupt-Lebensmittel in runden Zahlen am deutlichsten darlegen. (118) Einige Krankheitsfälle, mittels der Naturheilkunde, theils nach Schroth'schem, theils nach Prießnitz'schem System, behandelt. (119) Aus dem hydro-dätetischen Verein zu Dresden. (121) Die Mineralwasser-, Bade- und Trinkkuren. (121) Extracte aus den früheren Protocollen des hydro-dätetischen Vereins zu Dresden. (122) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (123) Briefkasten. (124) No. 16. den 3. Juni. 1863. (No. 16. / 1863) ([125]) Zur Gesundheitspflege. ([125]) Nahrungsbedürfniß. Nahrungsmenge. ([125]) Zusammensetzung der Nahrung. ([125]) Nahrungszeit. (126) Verdorbene Speisen. (126) Kochgeschirre. (127) Ueber Klystiere, zum Theil als Replik auf die diesen Gegenstand betreffenden Artikel in Nr. 2 und 6 des "Naturarztes" von Seiten des Herrn Dr. K. in N. (127) [Abb.]: (128) Der Spargel. (130) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (130) Kranken-Korrespondenz und Briefkasten. Einladung. (132) No. 17. den 10. Juni. 1863. (No. 17. / 1863) ([133]) Zur Gesundheitspflege. ([133]) Getränke. ([133]) Künstliche Getränke. (134) Beitrag zur Heilung der Syphilis. (135) Entstehung der Syphilis. (135) Heilung der Syphilis. (136) Schlußbemerkungen. (139) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (140) No. 18. den 17. Juni. 1863. (No. 18. / 1863) ([141]) Zur physiatrischen Behandlung von Fiebern und Entzündungen. Krankencorrespondenz. ([141]) No. 19. den 24. Juni. 1863. (No. 19. / 1863) ([149]) Zur physiatrischen Behandlung von Fiebern und Entzündungen. Krankencorrespondenz. ([149]) No. 20. den 30. Juni. 1863. (No. 20. / 1863) ([157]) Abonnements-Einladung. ([157]) Zur Gesundheitspflege. ([157]) Regeln für das Fußbad. (158) Heilung einer Bauchwassersucht, in Folge vorangegangenen, unbeachtet gebliebenen Leberleidens. (159) Aus dem hydro-dätetischen Verein zu Dresden. (160) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (162) Ankündigungen. (164) No. 21. den 8. Juli. 1863. (No. 21. / 1863) ([165]) Einige Rechtfertigungssätze der Redaction, gegenüber verschiedenen, ihr zugekommenen Anfragen, Wünschen, Beschwerden und Vorwürfen. ([165]) Milch-Kur (168) Zum Fortschritt. (170) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (171) Briefkasten. (172) No. 22. den 15. Juli. 1863. (No. 22. / 1863) ([173]) Bad Wartenberg (Wasserheilanstalt in Böhmen). ([173]) No. 23. den 22. Juli. 1863. (No. 23. / 1863) ([181]) Einige Rechtfertigungssätze der Redaction, gegenüber verschiedenen, ihr zugekommenen Anfragen, Wünschen, Beschwerden und Vorwürfen. ([181]) Aus dem hydro-dätetischen Verein zu Dresden. (183) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (187) Briefkasten. Ankündigungen. (188) No. 24. den 29. Juli. 1863. (No. 24. / 1863) ([189]) Einige Rechtfertigungssätze der Redaction, gegenüber verschiedenen, ihr zugekommenen Anfragen, Wünschen, Beschwerden und Vorwürfen. ([189]) Ueber Neubildungs- und Ansatz-Fieber, zugleich eine Familien-Episode. (191) Nachtrag zu Rikli's partiellen Bettdampfbädern. (193) Die Bade-Einrichtungen in den öffentlichen Krankenhäusern und den Militärspitälern. (193) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (194) Nekrolog. (195) [Gedicht]: Aquarelle (195) Briefkasten. Ankündigungen. (196) No. 25. den 5. August. 1863. (No. 25. / 1863) ([197]) Einige Rechtfertigungssätze der Redaction, gegenüber verschiedenen, ihr zugekommenen Anfragen, Wünschen, Beschwerden und Vorwürfen. ([197]) An die Redaction. (199) Verschiedenes. (200) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (201) Briefkasten. Ankündigungen. (204) No. 26. den 12. August. 1863. (No. 26. / 1863) ([205]) Einige Rechtfertigungssätze der Redaction, gegenüber verschiedenen, ihr zugekommenen Anfragen, Wünschen, Beschwerden und Vorwürfen. ([205]) Das Land-Bad zu Steinerhof bei Bruck (207) Ueber die Behandlung des Typhus mittelst Naturheilverfahrens ohne Arznei und ohne Blut-Entziehung. (208) Zum Fortschritt. (209) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (211) Briefkasten. (211) Ankündigungen. (200 [212]) No. 27. den 19. August. 1863. (No. 27. / 1863) ([213]) Einige Rechtfertigungssätze der Redaction, gegenüber verschiedenen, ihr zugekommenen Anfragen, Wünschen, Beschwerden und Vorwürfen. ([213]) Ueber die Behandlung des Typhus mittelst Naturheilverfahrens ohne Arznei und ohne Blut-Entziehung. (216) Zur Gesundheitspflege. (217) Ueber Ableitungskur und Sonnenbäder. (218) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (219) Ankündigungen. (220) No. 28. den 26. August. 1863. (No. 28. / 1863) ([221]) Einige Rechtfertigungssätze der Redaction, gegenüber verschiedenen, ihr zugekommenen Anfragen, Wünschen, Beschwerden und Vorwürfen. ([221]) Zur Gesundheitspflege. (223) Einiges über kurmäßige Wasseranwendung. (225) Zur Geschichte von der schwierigen Einbürgerung des Naturheilverfahrens in den Familien. (226) Eppes zum Impf-Unsinn. (226) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (227) Briefkasten. (228) No. 29. den 2. September. 1863. (No. 29. / 1863) ([229]) Zur Gesundheitspflege. ([229]) Wohnung. ([229]) Heizung. (230) Beleuchtung. (231) Lüftung. (231) Baunscheidt und der Baunscheidtismus. (232) Die magnetische Kuranstalt und das Laub-Bad Steinerhof (233) In dem Capitel der Schwierigkeit, die Naturheilkunde und ihren Segen in den Familien begreiflich zu machen, nebst Verschiedenen über die Behandlung hitziger Krankheiten mit Wasser. (234) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (235) Vegetarianerin als Gattin gesucht. (236) [Abb.]: Wasserheilanstalt Königsbrunn bei Königstein in der sächs. Schweitz. ( - ) No. 30. den 9. September. 1863. (No. 30. / 1863) ([237]) Die sächsischen Wasserheilanstalten Schweizer-Mühle und Königsbrunn. ([237]) Ueber den Einfluß des Kaltwaschens und Badens auf schwächliche und gegen die äußeren Eindrücke der Luft sehr empfindliche Personen. (241) Nachbemerkung der Redaction. (243) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (243) No. 31. den 15. October. 1863. (No. 31. / 1863) ([245]) Zur gefälligen Beachtung für Alle, welche mit dem "Naturarzt" wegen eines Krankheitszustandes correspondiren wollen. ([245]) Professor Dr. Bock und der Naturheils-Prozeß. (249) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (251) Aphorismen. Briefkasten. (252) No. 32. den 22. October. 1863. (No. 32. / 1863) ([253]) Wie heilt man Scropheln und Tuberculose am richtigsten? ([253]) Aus dem hydro-dätetischen Verein zu Dresden. (255) Baunscheidt und der Baunscheidtismus. (258) Nachbemerkung der Redaction. (260) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. Briefkasten. (260) No. 33. den 29. October. 1863. (No. 33. / 1863) ([261]) Wie heilt man Scropheln und Tuberculose am richtigsten? ([261]) Aus dem hydro-dätetischen Verein zu Dresden. (263) Nachbemerkung der Redaction. (265) Zur Volks-Diätetik. Ein neuer Cornaro. (265) Versprochener Nachtrag, Verstopfungen betreffend. (266) Nachbemerkung der Redaction. (267) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. Briefkasten. (267) No. 34. den 5. November. 1863. (No. 34. / 1863) ([269]) Wie heilt man Scropheln und Tuberculose am richtigsten? ([269]) Versprochener Nachtrag, Verstopfungen betreffend. (272) Die Bock'sche Kur mit Warmwasser, Flanelljäckchen, wollenen Strümpfen und dergleichen Leibbinden ec. (274) Nachbemerkung der Redaction. (276) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (276) No. 35. den 12. November. 1863. (No. 35. / 1863) ([277]) Wie heilt man Scropheln und Tuberculose am richtigsten? ([277]) Die Naturheilkunde im Kampf mit Vorurtheil, Irrthum, Aberglauben und Trägheit. (280) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (282) Aphorismen. Briefkasten. (284) No. 36. den 19. November. 1863. (No. 36. / 1863) ([285]) Wie heilt man Scropheln und Tuberculose am richtigsten? ([285]) Etwas über Thermoelectricität und ihre Wirkung bei der Wasserverwendung in Krankheitsfällen. (288) Erklärung. Nachbemerkung der Redaction. (291) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (291) Briefkasten. (292) No. 37. den 26. November. 1863. (No. 37. / 1863) ([293]) Augenentzündungen. ([293]) Nachbemerkung der Redaction. (295) Wie heilt man Scropheln und Tuberculose am richtigsten? (296) Zu meiner Rechtfertigung gegen Herrn Dr. Schauenburg, den wissenschaftlichen Vertreter des Herrn Baunscheidt und des Baunscheidtismus. (298) Aphoristische Mittheilungen. (299) No. 38. den 3. December. 1863. (No. 38. / 1863) ([301]) Ueber den Aderlaß und dessen Werth in der Lungenentzündung. ([301]) Ueber Gesundheitspflege mit Rücksicht auf die Resultate, die bei Behandlung der verschiedensten Kinder-Krankheiten erzielt worden sind. (303) Croup oder häutige Bräune. (305) Aphoristische Mittheilungen. (307) No. 39. den 22. December. 1863. (No. 39. / 1863) ([309]) Wie heilt man Scropheln und Tuberculose am richtigsten? ([309]) Physiatrische Heilung von englischer Krankheit (Rhachitis). (312) Ueber Milchgenuß und Milcherzeugung. (314) Nachbemerkung der Redaction. (314) Die erregenden nassen Einpackungen. (314) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (315) Aphoristische Mittheilungen. Briefkasten. (316) No. 40. den 30. December. 1863. (No. 40. / 1863) ([317]) Wie heilt man Scropheln und Tuberculose am richtigsten? ([317]) Nachbemerkung der Redaction. (320) Nochmals zur Heilung der Syphilis. (320) Adresse des hydro-diätetischen Vereins zu Dresden (322) Zum Baunscheidtismus. (323) Nachbemerkung der Redaction. (323) Des Naturarztes D. Helfer Leiden und Freuden. (324) Inhalts-Verzeichniß des "Naturarztes". - Zweiter Jahrgang 1863. ( - ) Sach- und Wort-Register zum "Naturarzt". - Zweiter Jahrgang 1863. ( - ) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )

Part one of an interview with Anna Mazzaferro. Topics include: Anna's grandparents lived in Italy. Her father moved to the United States around 1910, settled in Fitchburg, and joined the military in 1917. How her parents met. The work her father did. Her father's death from a brain tumor in 1947. How life changed for her mother after her father died. The importance of family meals. The food Anna's family would prepared and can with produce from the garden. The chickens her father kept. Neighborhood blackouts during World War II. What life was like during World War II. The importance of education to Anna's parents. Anna went to college after her children were grown. Memories of Fitchburg from her childhood. The band she played in. Her father's bocce games on Sunday afternoons. How Anna learned to drive and how she got her first car. The trip she took to Italy in 1998. Her mother's relatives in the United States. What her mother was like. Her father built the Marconi Club Hall in Fitchburg. Social clubs and the community created by parishes. The values Anna grew up with and how she carries on traditions. The family newsletters she writes. ; 1 LINDA: I can never remember the date. ANNA: It's the middle of November already. LINDA: I know. It's amazing. So this is Linda [Rosenwan] with the Center for Italian Culture. It's Wednesday, November 14th, we're with Anna Mazzaferro at 575 West Street in Leominster. This is actually her second interview. The first interview unfortunately didn't come through. There was a corrupted smartcard. So good morning, Anna. ANNA: Good morning, Linda. LINDA: So, we're going to try not to reinvent the second interview and just make believe this is the first one. So if I ask you the same questions, don't wonder, don't wonder why obviously. ANNA: Okay. LINDA: So I believe that you'd like to start with your grandparents. Is that true? ANNA: My grandparents never came to America, they were in Italy. And I have most of the information about my grandparents from my cousin who was living in Rome. She tells me how my grandfather, Alphonso [Guglielmi] was a great mason and bricklayer and a builder of homes. She tells me he built a little palace in Rome. The family, my sisters and I visited this area of um Italy, which is Pina Santovani in Lemarca, the province of Lemarca. And we saw the homes that were built in 1902 and 1913 that the family used out there. The homes were still standing; they're stone homes and they have -- the keystone has the dates on it, so this is how we can remember the dates that the houses were built. Now, my father and his father worked on the 1902 home, but my father had left for America in 1910 or 1911, so he never saw the 1913 home that his father and his brothers built. And from what my cousin tells me, they traveled a great deal between Pina Santovani and Rome to do construction work. Also my, my grandfather did other work like making olive oil. 2 They would go to Rome, make olive oil, and bring it back to Pina Santovani to sell. They did a lot of trading at that time. This was 1900 up to 1910 that my father was involved with. After that it was my grandfather and my uncles. So my father came to America in 1910, 1911, and that date is the date we think he came because going back to my grandfather, he kept a journal. Every day he would say, "Today I went to such a place," "Today my son Dario did this," "Today we bought shoes for Oreste." And he kept this journal. In 1910 there were no more entries pertaining to my father, so they felt that this was when he left for America. LINDA: It's strange that that wasn't an entry. ANNA: I know. I know. I haven't seen that part of the journal, and maybe it's there and maybe pages have torn out; it's a very old one. But in 1918, the journals relating to my father appear again, and they say that they received money from America that my father had sent back to his family. So this was of course during the First World War, and my father… LINDA: Did your father join the service? ANNA: Yes, my father was here in 1910 or 1911. He became a United States citizen, and he entered the war in October of 1917. I have a copy of the newspaper article that it said the second 40 depart from Fort Devens. And the 40 I think refer to a 40 percent. I think each area had to send a certain percentage of the males to Devens, and Fitchburg sent their second 40 percent, and the picture was in the newspaper. My father of course is the most handsome man in that picture. But how we happened to find that newspaper, my husband Aldo was at a meeting at the City Hall in Fitchburg, and at that time in the waiting room the walls were being painted, and all the framed pictures from the wall were on the floor. And waiting for his turn my husband saw this newspaper that was framed on the floor. He picked it up and started reading it, and the date was October 8, 1917. And he's looking down the 3 list of about 40 or 50 names that were in that picture, and he comes across the name Oreste Guglielmi. So he knew that my father's picture was in that newspaper. And I did go up to the City Hall and ask for a copy of it so that I could make copies of that, and I have one now. So it's quite a nice… LINDA: A nice treasure, yeah. ANNA: A treasure, a great remembrance. LINDA: Now, getting back to your grandfather, how many children were there in the family? ANNA: Five children, I believe there were four boys -- there were six, two girls and four boys. Some of them died in infancy. LINDA: Four girls and… ANNA: Four boys and two girls. LINDA: Okay. Now, was your father the only one… ANNA: He was the oldest. He was the oldest boy in the family. LINDA: Now, did he ever have contact with his brothers and sisters again? ANNA: Yes, he would always write to them, but he never got back to see them. In 1917, 1918 when he was sent to France, from what my cousin tells me, he requested permission to go to Italy, and apparently it was not granted. He never went back to Italy. LINDA: And they never followed him? ANNA: Well, one of the journal entries from my grandfather's journal said that he prepared passports for himself, his wife, and the children. The whole family was to come to America. But shortly after that my grandfather became ill, then my grandmother became ill, and they never came. They both died. LINDA: Now, do you remember any stories that your father may have told you about Italy? ANNA: My father died in 1947, and we were quite young. We really didn't get into too many stories about Italy. But he said he had come because the streets of the United States were supposed to be paved in gold and there 4 wasn't much work other than their own construction, and they felt that he could do better if he came to Italy. And he was to come and see how it is and then fly back. I do have some of the letters that my father wrote to his parents when he got back from the war in the 1920s. When he was married, he would send money to them. In fact some of the entries in my grandfather's book show that in 1920 he would send over 10,000 lira to Italy. And at one point in April of 1920, he sent back to ask his parents to get a marriage certificate that he had married in the United States, and I guess they wanted it recorded in the church out there where he was born. So that's in my grandfather's journal. LINDA: Interesting. Now, how did your father meet your mother? ANNA: My father came and boarded on Third Street. The Lily family had a boarding house. Apparently there were other young men that had come from Italy, and they came from the area that the Lily family had come, and they knew that there was a boarding house here in Fitchburg, and they did board with them. Now, when my mother came, which was in 1919 -- I recall her saying that she landed in New York on Labor Day, September 1919. Her brother was here already, was married, and lived on Second Street in Fitchburg. And my mother came from New York to Fitchburg and lived with her brother and his family, and I'm sure there because Second Street and Third Street were only a block away, my father and mother met. And they were married in April of 1920. So my mother was here about six months, six or seven months before she married. LINDA: Seems unusual that your father was here about nine years, eight to nine years, although he spent a few years, I guess… ANNA: In the war, right. LINDA: Yes. So what kind of jobs did your father have?5 ANNA: He had construction work. He was an artist in building fireplaces, chimneys, brick homes, stucco work, plastering, and he was very much in demand. Many contractors would call and ask my father to work for them; and as far as I can remember he worked just about every single day, except Sundays, of course. But it was always beautiful work. And as children, during summer vacation if he worked in any area that was within walking distance we would carry his lunch to him at noontime, and we would sit with him and have a sandwich while he ate his lunch. They would have a half an hour for a break at noontime, and my mother would make sure that we were there by twelve o'clock so he got time to eat his lunch. He was a wonderful man; I have great memories of my father, and my mother, but especially my father. I seemed to be closer to him probably because I was the middle daughter. The oldest one, my sister, who's only a year and a half older than I am, but she helped my mother more. And my other two sisters were twins, and they were probably two or three years younger than I, and they were always considered younger. So I was the middle one, and I was the boy of the family more or less. LINDA: Now, did he ever teach you anything about laying brick? ANNA: No. No, I never did any of that work. LINDA: But do you suppose if you were a boy you would have? ANNA: I would have been, I definitely would have been. I know many young men that were taught under my father. He always had an apprentice with him, somebody who was learning the trade. In fact my brother-in-law, my sister's husband, learned the trade under my father. And there are other men that worked with my father and then they brought their sons in to learn the trade. There are many people that still remember my father and his work, and they speak to me about telling me well, the fireplace is still in my home that your father built, or the chimney is still standing that my father built. He died in 1947, so that's quite a few years ago. 6 In fact he died as a result of an accident on work. He and an apprentice were working on a roof this particular day, and they were carrying pails and bricks and other things up to the roof, up and down the ladder. Well, at this particular time my father was at the bottom of the ladder and the apprentice was climbing and dropped something, which hit my father in the back of the ear on his head. And shortly after that my father started experiencing dizziness, and he thought it was his eyes or his teeth, and everything checked out fine, but apparently it was a start of a tumor. So when this became obvious that he was having this dizziness was the month of July. And my father had one cousin, only one cousin that came from Italy; all the rest of the family stayed out there. So my father and this cousin were very close, it was David [Potheti] who lived in Quincy, which was at that time maybe an hour and a half or two-hour drive from Fitchburg to Quincy, and we would often visit. But this particular day in July, my father wanted to go to visit his cousin, and my sister Helen was preparing for a wedding in October, for her wedding, and my sister Lena was already married. So my father asked me to go with him to Quincy and he asked me to drive, which is very unusual, especially going out of town. He would never have asked me to drive, so I sort of thought he wasn't feeling well. But he and I went to Quincy, and on the way back he was telling his cousin that when he looks up into chimneys and all he gets dizzy, so he was going to have his eyes checked, thinking there was something wrong with his eyes that was causing the dizziness. And on the way back from Quincy he told me, he says, "Well, I'm going to go to the doctor and have my eyes checked because this dizziness is bothering me." 7 So that was the month of July, but he never complained. He did end up getting reading glasses, but everything seemed to check out okay. And apparently the test was not as thorough as they are today, because there was a tumor growing in the back of his head on the side behind his ear, and they didn't discover that until October. It was at my sister's wedding reception that my father collapsed. He had gone through the wedding ceremony, the dinner, the receiving line, and during the reception he just collapsed on the floor. And the next day when he saw the doctor, after a few days they admitted him to the hospital for tests, and they found that he had a tumor in his brain. And from October to the time he died in March, he never got out of bed. I recall him saying, I drove him to the hospital and he said, "You know," he says, "I never packed a suitcase for a vacation." He says, "But here I am packing it to go to the hospital." He said that when he got out of the hospital he and my mother were going to take a nice vacation. Then he went to the Burbank Hospital in Fitchburg, and from there to Mass General in Boston, back to Burbank, back home and from October to March he never got on his feet again. So he died the end of March, March 29, 1947. LINDA: So 1947 or '48? ANNA: '47, 1947. LINDA: Okay. How was life different for your mother, let's say, after that? ANNA: Well, she relied a lot more on me, because I was driving and my other sisters were not. My sister Lena was married, and my other two sisters were at home, the three of us were at home. Well, Helen had just got married in October, so she wasn't there. But my sister Mary and I were at home with my mother. So it was different, it certainly took a lot out of my mother because she aged, I think, 10 years in just a few months. LINDA: Now, how was she able to get money to live?8 ANNA: Well, we were working, and there was Social Security that my father had left for her. And we owned our home. This was the home that my father built when I was two years old, and we'd been living in that house all that time. He built the house in 1924, and it was a stucco house with shingles on top and a two-family house. LINDA: Now, why did he build a two-family house? ANNA: For economy, I think, you know, collect the rent, and it paid for your own. LINDA: He rented to other Italians? ANNA: We rented to one family that lived with us until their family got too big and left. That was the [Mendosi] family. They remained close friends all the time. Then we rented to a family, the Levanti family, and they stayed there for 60 years. LINDA: Sixty? ANNA: Fifty years, yeah they liked it so much that they stayed. They have a small family, so they were able to -- they had two boys, and there's four rooms upstairs, and they loved the house so they just stayed there. Downstairs we had four girls, so it started out to be a four-room house, but he added on a two-car garage and made two rooms above that garage, so he had an extension to the first floor where we lived. So, the six of us were very comfortable there. We felt very comfortable. You know, we weren't rich, but my father had a car and worked every day. We never felt any want for things that we could not have. There was always food on the table. It was different than it is nowadays I think, my mother would be at home, she'd have supper ready at five o'clock, you know, for my father when he came home. And the family always ate together. We would all be home from work at that time. So it was a nice family. LINDA: Do you think it's important to eat together? ANNA: I think so, I think it is. Although I could not do it when my children were growing up and my husband had very bad hours as far as getting home, he 9 never got home at five o'clock, you know. And my children, when they were in school, they were involved in sports, and one would have a four o'clock game, the other one would have five o'clock, the other one at six, you know, pick one up, drop the other one off and always had something to eat, but it was never sitting together. It was a rare occasion rather than the common thing to have supper all together. LINDA: So how did you keep your family together? ANNA: Well, it was a challenge, but we managed to do that. We stayed together, certainly. Just took care of all their sports, all their school activities, all their sports activities. There was always a time where we would come together Saturdays, Sundays we'd be together, holidays. LINDA: Did you keep those days sacred? One day? ANNA: Sundays. Sundays was always a church day; we'd go to church as a family all together. LINDA: And then share a meal after? ANNA: Yes, yes. LINDA: Was it a traditional Italian meal? ANNA: Usually, yes. It was always pasta and chicken on Sundays. Then as they got older, Aldo was at home at that time and after mass we would go for breakfast in some restaurant, and that would be a family affair. We did this quite often with my own family, of course not when I was a child because we didn't get into restaurants in those days, you know. But my family, I recall almost every Sunday going to breakfast at Howard Johnson's or someplace, you know, that they would pick. LINDA: So getting back to growing up in Fitchburg, you had told me what street that you had lived on and there were gardens, perhaps? ANNA: Yes, our house was the last house on the street. And beyond that, there were gardens and woods. And the neighbors would lease a lot of land from whoever owned the property, and they would grow their tomatoes and beans and potatoes, carrots, all the vegetables they could fit there, lettuce and all kinds of produce. And this would be their activity during 10 the summer. They would go up there and take care of their garden and collect whatever fruits there were. And the children early in the morning, all the children of the neighborhood would meet say at 6:30 in the morning and go pick blueberries up in the woods. We'd come back and we'd be making blueberry pancakes or muffins or something like that, you know, with our blueberries. And even freeze, not freeze them in those days, you had to can them, so we would do that. And many of the vegetables that were grown in the garden, tomatoes and all, would be canned. They would be bottled for the winter. It was not unusual to find a cellar that had all the provisions for the winter, the homemade tomato sauce and all that all packed. LINDA: Did you ever sell any of the produce? ANNA: Yes, if you had too many tomatoes you would call one of the markets and see if they could use some of the fresh fruit, some of the tomatoes, green peppers, green beans. If you had too much you would sell it to the stores; they would give you something for it, and they would sell it to other people. LINDA: So who was in charge of the garden? For example, who was responsible to weed it and plan for its harvest? ANNA: My mother and father did most of it. I would say they did all of it, yeah. We would probably help a little but not that much. I don't recall doing too much. We also had chickens, and I do recall that as my job to go get the eggs and to feed the chickens every day, and I did that until the rooster sniffed me one day and then I wouldn't go in there anymore. LINDA: Now, where were these chickens kept? ANNA: We had another garage that my father built, and we had that as a chicken coop. We made a chicken coop out of that garage, yeah. LINDA: Someone had told me that sometimes at these gardens someone would build a shack. ANNA: Yes.11 LINDA: And I forgot, there's an Italian term of course, and I can't remember what it was called, but evidently sometimes there was a woodstove in there so that people could cook their sauce. Did you have anything like that on your property? ANNA: No, we didn't. No, we had that garage that my father had built. That was not the two-car garage that he built for our cars with the bedrooms over; this was another garage separated from the property. There was also another two-car garage, and one of them we used as the chicken coop. LINDA: So it must have been abutting your land? ANNA: No, it was on our land but it was separated from the house. LINDA: Is it still there? ANNA: It's still there, yeah. And now it's used for a garage, you know. My sister lives in the house now, my sister and her husband, and they rent the garage. They have a car, one car, and the other three stalls are rented. So the stalls were very well built; they're still being used today. LINDA: Now, did your family have another kitchen, maybe in the basement, a stove? ANNA: Yes, yes, we had -- not a stove, we had a sink down in the cellar so that when vegetables or whatever was brought in, we'd be -- in fact this is funny, but we had this sink with a mirror on it, and many times there were four daughters, we had four girls in the house. And he would go downstairs to shave so that we could use the bathroom; he was very accommodating. He would go down into the cellar where the sink and this mirror were set up, and he would shave down there. LINDA: Did your family ever use the cellar in the basement to eat? ANNA: No, no. No, it was just for storage. It was cold; a cold cellar, so you could keep vegetables down there, you could have a barrel full of apples that would last you all winter. We'd have a wine barrel, but it was cool enough to store apples. And I recall many times we'd go down, fill up our fruit bowl with apples from the cellar. We didn't have to go to the store or to the farm to buy apples. We'd do it once, and it would last for the winter.12 LINDA: I'm noticing that different regions where Italians are from, that Southern Italians rarely utilize their basement. They actually have a kitchen in the basement, but I think it's probably because it's so much warmer in Southern Italy, so they just grab that tradition here. ANNA: Yes, probably. Ours was just storage. In fact my father built cabinets down there that -- one of them he made like a cedar cabinet that we would put our woolens in there and keep our clothes there that were out of season. And with four daughters, he provided all this for us. But we had the furnace down there, you know, then -- and for a while it was coal, and then it was converted to oil, you know. So it wasn't a place to have a meal, but it was a place for washing your vegetables and anything that wasn't clean enough to come upstairs, you have to wash it first downstairs. LINDA: Now, do you feel as though because there were four daughters that perhaps come of you did what would be called a boy's jobs? ANNA: Yes. Yes. And I was the one to do that. Yeah. Yeah. LINDA: Well, tell me about that. ANNA: Well, I recall during the Second World War when we had blackouts in the area, you know, they would put all the lights out in homes and in streets, then they would assign people to join the civil defense, and they would have various jobs to do. Well, my father and a few of the men from that neighborhood had to go out and patrol the streets to make sure that everything was all right during these blackouts, and I would go with my father. I would accompany him on these blackouts. Then also women were asked to do things. We had Rosie the Riveter at that time, and we also had a motor corps, which is what I joined. They would teach us how to change tires, how to look under the hood to see if anything was wrong with the car, and things that, you know, might go wrong with cars and they weren't -- the men were all in the war, so the women were supposed to know how to do these 13 things. But today I wouldn't change a tire. [Unintelligible - 00:31:42] I wouldn't know what to do today, but in 1941, '42, we did that. LINDA: So let's get back to the blackouts. Was that typically what a son would do? ANNA: Yes. Yes. LINDA: Accompany his father? ANNA: Yeah. Mm-hmm. Yeah. It's the men that did that. Yeah. LINDA: Mm-hmm. So what would happen if you noticed the neighbor wasn't turning off the lights? ANNA: You'd have to go tell them turn off your lights, you know, you got to knock on the door and tell them. It's blackout. And most of them, I think, most of the people really cooperated. If there was a blackout, you'd find the street black, you know, and all the lights were out. LINDA: Mm-hmm. So do you feel that your generation was defined by World War II and the Depression? ANNA: I think so. World War II was -- started right after I got out of high school, and the boys from my class went to war, and the women were doing the work around that the men should have been doing if they were there, but there weren't any men around. I worked for an attorney at that time, Thomas [Duling], in the Park building in Fitchburg, and I started working -- well, the day after I got out of school I started working at Fitchburg State College in the registrar's office. They were taking summer registration, and I was asked if I could go up there and help with the registrations, and I did for about two weeks but then Attorney Duling's secretary was going on vacation, so he called to see if I would help him out for two weeks, and that sounded interesting, you know, to work in the law office. And I did, but those two weeks extended to nine years. I stayed there with him for nine years and really helped him with the legal work. I would go to court with him, take down a lot of the 14 testimony in [unintelligible - 00:33:49] like quote stenography and worked on many cases. The hours were long. There was no 9 to 5 job. It was like get there at maybe eight o'clock in the morning. You might still be working at eight o'clock at night if there were a case that were coming up the next day, a new trial, or you'd have to be there interviewing witnesses and getting ready for the next day. I did a lot of traveling with him between Worcester and Boston to go to the various courts. LINDA: Was there ever a time that you wished that you had gone to Washington? ANNA: Yes. Yes. There was. [Unintelligible - 00:34:32] get there. LINDA: But you had mentioned before that your parents thought that education was very important. ANNA: He did. Yes. But they also felt that they could not send me to college. The money was not around for a college education, and I think at that time too it was felt that a girl was going to marry, raise a family, and stay at home. It wasn't as necessary for a girl to have the college education as it was for a son. And that was the situation when I got out of high school. There wasn't any money for college. But when my sisters, my two youngest sisters got out, he was -- he wanted to send them to college. They were -- I think they got out three years after I did, but they didn't want to go. So I always felt that I wanted go further into education, and I went back to school after I married, and I had six children. One of them died in infancy. But after the five children were grown up, the youngest was then in junior high school, I did got back to Fitchburg State College, and that was in 1973, I believe it was. LINDA: So you were about 51 or so? ANNA: Yes. Yes. Yep. I would call -- the math teacher in one class was showing averages. And he says, "Now, the average student, the average age of this class is," and he's going up and down the aisle, you know, and this one 15 was 18, that was 19, and I was 20 now, and he got to me and I said 50. And I brought that average way up there. So they laughed at that. LINDA: Well, good for you though. And I bet you were an inspiration to all of them. ANNA: I enjoyed going. I found -- you know, there was a lot of young people that, you know, sometimes they have the reputation that they're just going to college for the fun of it, but there were some there that were really into getting an education, and it was nice to see that. LINDA: So during the time that you were going to college, did you have children in college? ANNA: Yes, I did. Yeah. My oldest son had already started. He was, I think, in his sophomore year, and my second son was in his last year of high school. He was ready to start the following September. And my other two children were in high school, and my last daughter was just going to start high school. She was in her last year at junior high. She was in the 8th grade. She was going to go in the 9th grade. So I had a 9th grade, 10th grade, 11th grade, 12th grade, and one in college. LINDA: Well, did you take a full course load? ANNA: Yes. I did. In fact, I took an accelerated course because I wanted to get through as quickly as possible knowing that I had family responsibility. So I did finish in three and a half years. I got through in December of '76. LINDA: That must have been a big family graduation party? ANNA: No. LINDA: No. ANNA: I didn't want any party. I was just glad that I had finished, and I did graduate magna cum laude, so I felt good about that. That was good. LINDA: So did you feel as though you growing up in a household of girls and your parents really didn't have enough money, and they thought you're a woman, maybe didn't need an education, how did you feel that you had two daughters and three sons? ANNA: Three sons. Yes. 16 LINDA: Did you treat them differently? ANNA: No, we wanted education for them. They knew from day one they were going to go to college, and knowing that they were so close in age that I knew that I had to prepare for this, you know, and I did. My husband, of course, knew how to save money, too. He knows how to spend it, but he knows how when it's necessary to save it and start investing, and we were able to do it. There were four in college and one in graduate school all at the same time. So that was quite a hefty bill to pay, you know. But we managed it. LINDA: So getting -- I want to still talk about your childhood in Fitchburg. I remember you talking about a sled and a tricycle. ANNA: Yes. We had one sled and one tricycle, and it was passed down to all four of us. Yep. Yeah, there were no bikes. No, nothing. Nothing else, you know. We had this one tricycle, and that was it. Lena had it first, I would have it second, and then the two twins had to share it. Yeah. And the sled the same. SPEAKER 1: Hello. Good to see you. LINDA: So actually, more about the sled and tricycle. I was just wondering if you could tell me a little bit about your leisure time. We know that your generation had to work so hard, you know, just to make ends meet. But what did you do [unintelligible - 00:40:03]? ANNA: Just in our last years of high school when I formed an all-girls band. I think I -- I don't know if I mentioned that before, but we called ourselves the Melody Maids. And we played for our church events, the dances that they would have, the Catholic youth dances, at that time. We played for that. The girl scouts held a prom, and they hired us to play at their prom. I think we got paid a dollar for the evening. One dollar. LINDA: A dollar apiece. ANNA: A dollar apiece. Right. And there were six of us. We had a piano, violin, a saxophone, a trumpet, an electric guitar, and the drums. So we had a nice band. We would practice at my house, open all the windows. The 17 neighbors wanted us to -- they heard us practicing and they wanted to hear the music. So we would play in our living room and entertain as much as -- if they call it entertainment. But we played for the neighbors. Then that didn't last too long, long enough for us to have a few jobs and have somewhat of a reputation around the churches that we could play for them. LINDA: Are you referring to a few years, or… ANNA: Yes. A few years. But then, with the war and girls going off with boyfriends and getting married, we didn't continue anymore. LINDA: So was it typical for your generation to learn a musical instrument? Was that considered important? ANNA: I think it was, especially among the Italians. In our neighborhood, there were mostly Italian families, and there were several that played violin that I know. If they happened to have the piano, somebody would always play the piano. But again, it costs money, and many families could not afford the lessons. In our Melody Maids band, the only Italians -- that were not Italians in the band were -- there were three of us Italian, my two sisters and myself. My sister Lena had her boyfriend, and she didn't want to play with us, so she felt we were too young for her. And she was only a year and a half older, but she didn't want to play with us. So we had another pianist who was very good. But we all played in the high school band. And I didn't play in the band; I played in the orchestra because I played the violin. My sisters both played in the band. One played the sax and one played the drums. And they happened to pick up those instruments because when I was forming my band, I didn't have a sax player and a drum player. So I got the two of them to take lessons and learn our songs quickly. So they did, and they played with us. We had lots of courage, I guess, to get out and play like that. LINDA: Yeah. Did you know of any other girls who [unintelligible - 00:43:40] could play in bands? 18 ANNA: No. That wasn't even in style at that time. They had all boys, you know, they had -- some boys would get together and play in groups. You know, they have jazz bands and things like that, but no girls. I says, well, why not? So we formed the all-girls band. LINDA: What kind of music were you playing? ANNA: Well, our favorites were Glenn Miller songs. It was just the time of Glenn Miller. So we would play many of his songs, and then it was the Polka, "Roll out the Barrel." I don't know if you're familiar with that song. I remember one New Year's Eve; this was all they wanted to hear. The people wanted "Roll out the Barrel," and we had to play it a dozen times. LINDA: Now, did anyone sing? ANNA: Not in our group. No. LINDA: Now, you talk about having money for lessons. Were lessons given at the high school level? ANNA: I took lessons from third grade through high school, and then I didn't take lessons anymore. I gave up playing for about 50 years, and then I got back to it. LINDA: [Unintelligible - 00:44:53] and I hope you want to do that again. But getting back --I don't think that I phrased that question correctly. Did the school's department offer lessons? ANNA: Offer lessons. No. Not that I know of. They probably did, but I don't know. I took lessons from some Joseph Scilano, who is a violinist, and a very good violinist, played with many symphonies in the area. LINDA: So why is it that you chose the violin? ANNA: There was a group, a conservatory that came through the neighborhood to see if there were children in that age group that wanted to take up a violin. And I think that's how it started. I started going to this conservatory for about a year. They would give lessons uptown in Fitchburg, and that's how we started. And a year after that, Joseph Scilano was giving lessons, and he was related to the family too. He was a good friend of ours, and I took lessons from him. 19 LINDA: Yeah. How did you recruit some of these band members? LINDSEY : I put an ad in the paper for an all-girl band, and I received these other three calls for a piano player, the electric guitar, and a trumpet. So it was a good start. It was encouraging to get the girls to answer the ad. LINDA: And then they would join you at your home? ANNA: At my home, right. And we played. Yeah. That was fun. LINDA: I bet. Did anyone every make a tape of you playing? ANNA: No. LINDA: No. ANNA: In fact, one fellow did. He came to the house one time, and he had just got this microphone and he was going to record us. Well, every time someone came to the melody, he would put it on bass. He didn't know who he was recording, and the tape was so awful. He didn't -- he would just pass around from one to the other no matter what we were playing. If we were playing, you know, just an accompaniment, he would record that. So he didn't know what he was doing. But anyway, we don't have that tape. We didn't want it. LINDA: You didn't want it. So tell me about Sundays. I think that Sundays were special days for you and your family. I'm talking about your mom and dad. ANNA: Yes. LINDA: And siblings. ANNA: Yes. It was going to church every Sunday, and Sunday afternoons my father had a bocce court in his backyard, and many of the men from -- his friends would come to our house, and they would play bocce, and this was a favorite game among the Italians. And this would be two or three hours on Sunday afternoon. However, we would always end up going out for a Sunday afternoon ride. My father would take the whole family out for a Sunday afternoon, and before we got home, we would stop and buy three pints of ice cream, which was a special treat in those days. Go home, slice 20 the ice cream boxes, and everybody would have half-pint of ice cream. Half of a pint. LINDA: Wow. ANNA: So that was a special treat. But every Sunday, on Easter Sunday, and then still came up to play bocce, but they would play with hard-boiled eggs. And the one who could play bocce and not get his egg cracked was the winner. So the four daughters would be up on the porch saying, "Pa, are we going for our ride today?" "Yes, we'd go for our ride," and he would have to dismiss the men at one point, and he would take his family out for a ride. It was very special. I think we were the only family on the hill that had a car. So that was quite nice. He needed the car for his work. He always had to carry a truckful of tools with him, and to get to his job he always needed a car. So he always had a car. Every two years he would buy a Chevrolet. And when I was married, he would buy a Chevrolet at Matthew's Garage, and Mr. Matthew knew me through my father, and that was where I had taken the motor car course. So when I was married he had a car for me. This was 1949, and you could not buy cars. I don't know if you recall that. You had to put your name on the list and wait for cars to come in because there was such a demand for cars, you have to [unintelligible - 00:49:55]. So in 1949, he knew I was getting married. So about two weeks before I was married he called and says, "I have a car for you." So that was quite special, and I was working for Judge Duling at that time, and I think my car cost me, like, $800 or $900. It was a nice Chevy. LINDA: Now, was it unusual for you to have your license? ANNA: Yes. It was. Yeah. I worked for Judge Duling, and my father was working building a gas station, very close to the park building and my cousin, [Claude Gimarino], was not working at that time. So he said, 21 "Why don't you and I teach Anna how to drive?" He says, "I'll pick your car up while you're working, she gets out of work," and at that time I'm getting out at four o'clock. He says, "And then we'll be back at five o'clock to give you your car," he would say to my father. So that was arranged. So he gave me a total of three lessons, about three hours, and then he took me out for my driver's license. And I passed. I passed the test. So I had my license immediately, you know. There were no learner's permits at that time. LINDA: And how old were you then? ANNA: I was just working. I must have been 18. It was 1941, so I [unintelligible - 00:51:28] high school and started working for Judge Duling. So I got my license right away. LINDA: Sound like quite the trailblazer in many ways. ANNA: Yeah. So Claude will talk about that now. He said, "My cousin could drive in three hours." LINDA: Now getting back to your parents, did they both speak English? ANNA: My mother spoke broken English, but my father spoke very well. Yeah. I don't recall my father ever having an Italian accent. He spoke very well. LINDA: Now, were they both citizens? ANNA: Yeah. Yes. LINDA: Do you remember hearing of any stories of them going to the American… ANNA: No, I don't. My father, of course, before he was married he was a citizen here because he went into the war. He probably became a citizen very soon after he got to the United States. I haven't been able to find any records on him from Ellis Island. I don't know why, but they don't seem to have his name there at all. They have many Guglielmis, but nothing within their time frame I think he came. I did find some records on my mother, [Carmela Gimarino], but they have the wrong date. They have her coming in 1909 when she was probably 16 years old, and she tells me she came 1919, so her record isn't there either. Not accurate anyway. So I have to do some research on that to see if I can find anything. 22 LINDA: I don't remember what you said, did you check the website? ANNA: Yes, I did. LINDA: You have. And… ANNA: No. I got this wrong information. So I've written to my mother's two sisters in Italy to see if they can tell me anything. And they're -- one of them is in her 90s; the other one is late 80s, so I don't know how much they can tell me. But when I met them in Italy they seemed to be -- they have it all together, so I'm hoping that they can come up with some dates. LINDA: So explain that to me -- the trip to Italy, in what year was that? ANNA: This was in '89. Well, '98. My three sisters and I went to Italy for that express purpose, to meet my aunts, my mother's sisters, and my father's relatives. And this is when we went to Salerno, which is where my aunt lives, my mother's sister, and her other sister lives in Milan, but she was going to visit with her in Salerno during the time that we were there, so we saw both sisters, and they were wonderful. These two sisters are the youngest in the family. My mother was the oldest of the first mother who died at my mother's birth, my mother's. Very soon after my mother was born, her mother died and her father remarried. He had had eight or nine children with his first wife, and he eight or nine children with a second wife. So there are about 18 of them. And now only these two are left, these two sisters. So we met them, and they were a joy to meet. They were wonderful, this 92-year-old, the oldest one, would have her supper and then go out and have her cigarette. The younger sister, who was probably 88, would say, "You're not supposed to be smoking." She says, "It hasn't hurt me for 92 years," she said, "well, why should I stop now?" So she was quite modern. And the other sister was wonderful too, the one that's in her 80s. They have a family out there that I've met, two cousins, you know, are out there, but 23 they're not planning to come to America. Maybe the next generation will. But they all [unintelligible - 00:55:49]. LINDA: Now, did your aunts look like your mother, or did they have any characteristics that were familiar? ANNA: Yeah, they did. One of them, the one in Salerno that I had met probably two years before that when my son Anthony and I went to Bologna for a trade show for our [unintelligible - 00:56:10] business. We went to Bologna. He needed an interpreter, so he thought I would be good to have along there. So I did go with him to Bologna, and then we took the train from there down to Rome and then down to Salerno to meet this aunt, and my son told me, my son thought he was seeing his grandmother all over again, you know. He could see such a resemblance in her to my mother. So that was nice. The other one, too, you can see the family resemblance, but she looked probably more like my grandfather, the old man up on the wall there. Yeah, that's my mother's father. He lived to be in his 90s. My mother had come here in 1919, and she never went back to see him until 1953. All those years. Then she made her first trip back to Italy, and he said at that time, he says, "Now I can die." He says, "I waited for you to come back." And he did. He died. LINDA: [Unintelligible - 00:57:24] ANNA: Yeah. Yeah. He died a few years after that, or a short while after that. LINDA: So did your mother just go back to visit? ANNA: To visit. LINDA: She didn't return to live there? ANNA: No. She just went back to visit her family. LINDA: Did she ever talk about missing her homeland? ANNA: No. I don't think she -- well, she would write to her family, her parents and her -- not her mother, her mother had died. But her father and her sisters and brothers, they would correspond. But there was never a trip, never talked about going back until in '53 when, you know, I was married. All my sisters were married, and she felt she could go back, and she did. 24 There's always a question of priorities. Where is the money going, you know? So in '53 it got to be easier for her when we were all on our own. LINDA: She made the trip by herself? ANNA: Yes, she did. LINDA: So she had only a brother here. So the brother…? ANNA: No. She had more. She had one brother in Fitchburg. But she had another brother in Springfield who had a family out there and we would visit between Quincy, my father's cousin, and Springfield in Massachusetts. We would spend many Sundays going to visit one or the other. Yeah, so they remained close. She also had a sister who lived in Brooklyn, New York, and that wasn't a trip that we made too often but we did make that trip as, you know, six of us in the car, the four girls and my mother and father, we'd go to visit her, the aunt in New York. And she would take a bus and come up to Fitchburg and stay with us for a while. LINDA: Now, I imagine life was very different for the aunts that stayed in Italy compared to here. ANNA: Yes. Yes. LINDA: But I doubt that the aunt living in Brooklyn also had a much different experience. ANNA: A very different experience. She was very modern. We would love it when she would come from New York to visit us, and she would always bring sometime from New York, either some clothes or some scotch. I think it's -- not pantsuit, they were more like pajamas. They started wearing them in New York, and she would come for a summer [unintelligible - 00:59:59] that we would have here in Fitchburg, and she would be dressed with a big hat on, the big sun hat and the pajamas, and she would show up at these outings. I said that's my sister from New York, my mother would say. She would have beautiful jewelry on, you know. She wasn't married at that time. She married later in life. And her husband died in a very sad accident. They had no children. 25 They were both married later in life, but he was working for the trains, and it was 4th of July and his friend who was scheduled to work, said, "It's a holiday. Could you take my place?" because he was going to take his children somewhere. And Aunt Rachel's husband Sal says, "Why, sure. I don't have any children at home." Apparently one train hit another train, and he was caught in-between. So he was decapitated. Very sad. Yeah. So that was the end of their married life. They hadn't been married very long. LINDA: So tell me what kind of person your mother was. ANNA: Well, she stayed at home, always did housework. Always took care of the family; didn't drive. She had twins. I recall many times she would have to go uptown to pay a bill, maybe, and she would have the double carriage with the twins in it, you know, one of these wide carriages. She'd push it all the way uptown, which was a good mile or more, you know, but didn't faze them at all to do that walking. I recall I was going to take my violin lessons, walking more than a mile to go take my lessons. I was given a scholarship when I was in the 8th grade to go to the art museum to take some lessons, and this was on Saturday morning—and that was probably two miles away from my house, or almost two miles—and I would walk on Saturday mornings to go up there and have those lessons, walk back, you know. It didn't faze us at all to do this walking, and -- but then when winter came my mother said I had better stop going to the art museum, so those lessons didn't last too long, so. LINDA: Did your mother have any friends in the neighborhood? ANNA: Yes. They were all friends. Yes. Every house on the hill, we would know them. You know, and many times they would just gather on one another's porch, and most of the times it would be up on our porch because we did have a front porch then, and we were the last house on the hill. They would walk up the hill, and they would gather there. There was a 26 streetlight right across from our house, and all the children would play under that streetlight, hide and seek or anything you could think of that, you know, you could see with the one streetlight. But because there was no traffic, they would just play out there. And as children, all the neighborhood children played together. They all went to the same school because it was their neighborhood school. All belonged to the same parish. So whatever came up as a social event, just have your whole neighborhood doing it, you know. LINDA: So I hear you refer to the neighborhood as "the hill." Did people in Fitchburg refer to it as that? ANNA: It was Belmont Street, and we lived up at the top of the hill. Yeah, it was. It was our hill. And ours was the last house. LINDA: Now, were there a lot of Italian families living in that area? ANNA: Yes. Yes. Everyone in that -- very few other families, there were some. There was on O'Connor family. There was a [Ketteridge] family that I recall, but all the others would be Italian. LINDA: Now, were they basically from the same region? ANNA: No. Somewhere, in fact, they built -- my father built a place anyway. He built the Marconi Club Hall. They called it the Marconi Club because these were people that came from [Le Marche] in Italy. And they all seemed to congregate in this St. Anthony's Parish of Fitchburg in the Water Street, and then coming up the hill they would come up to where the parish, the church, and the school was, which was Salem Street; and then going up the hill a little further you'd come up to where we lived on Belmont Street, and going further on, Hayward Street. But this whole area was Italian area, and this was the Italian parish, and most of the children in the school were Italian. And they formed a Marconi club for the people that came from Le Marche. I think Water Street had another club for people that came from another area also, in Fitchburg. But the Marconi Club was right there behind our church, 27 behind our school, and the people they called the [Marchedioni], they would meet there, they would have all sorts of events there. They would rent the hall out for dances, weddings; wedding receptions would be in this hall. They even had a restaurant, would go in and have their Italian supper, and the club still exists today. Not the club. The clubhouse exists today. I don't think the Marconi Club exists. But it was a place where these people would have picnics. They would -- at least an annual picnic would be up at [Sima] Park, and all the ladies would cook their Sunday specialties or what. It wasn't sandwiches, you know; they would bring their pasta and their chicken or whatever they were going to cook for Sunday dinner, and they would go eat outdoors at the Sima Park. They would have a band up there. They would have dancing. There was just a day out for that whole group that belonged to the Marconi Club. LINDA: What does Marconi refer to? ANNA: Guglielmo Marconi, who invented radio, the wireless. In fact, all the wireless things we use today probably originated from the first wireless, and they called it Marconi in honor of Guglielmo Marconi. LINDA: He was obviously from this Le Marche region? ANNA: Yes. I think so. I'm not sure if he was, but he was from Italy. LINDA: There's a beach on Cape Cod, Marconi Beach. ANNA: Marconi Beach. Yes. LINDA: And that's named after him. ANNA: After Guglielmo Marconi? LINDA: Mm-hmm. I wanted to talk about the boundaries of neighborhoods, let's say, in Fitchburg. Was there ever a period of time where people didn't get along with each other depending on where they lived or what ethnic group they were? ANNA: I don't think -- it wasn't that they didn't get along with each other. I think they felt closer to the ones that came from their own region. But I can't 28 recall, you know, anyone being looked down on. I think if there was any group that was looked down on, it might have been the Sicilians. At that time, they probably felt, you know, he's a Sicilian. But tenant that I spoke of that lived in our house was a Sicilian, and he was a wonderful person. But I don't think anyone, you know, had any hard feelings, or it was -- you're closer to your own region but friendly with the others too. LINDA: It seems like these neighborhood clubs or these region clubs helped bring people together? ANNA: Yes. LINDA: Did the parish also do this? ANNA: Yes. The parish did. The parish had societies for women, for men, for their unmarried women, from the time they made their first communion, which would probably be seven or eight years old, up until the time they married they belonged to the Children of Mary Society. Once they married they joined the Our Lady of Marcomo Society. And the men always had the Sacred Heart Society for the men. Then once the kids get into high school, they would have the Catholic Youth Organization, and they would have functions to keep them, you know, which, you know, many parishes today don't have that. They may have a society or a men's group, but I think the youth are probably more reliant on schools, on their high school, to have group activities rather than the parish. Maybe because the shortage of priests, no time, you know, that could be it. I know our parish today doesn't have anything for youth. LINDA: And what is your parish today? ANNA: St. Anna's Parish here in Leominster. They do have the ladies group, and they do have the men's group, men's club. LINDA: Now growing up though, you belonged to St. Anthony's. ANNA: St. Anthony's in Fitchburg. Yes. And I belonged to The Children of Mary's [unintelligible - 01:10:10] until I married. 29 LINDA: So what kinds of things would you do as part of the…? ANNA: There would be picnics. There would be outings. We would form a group to go to an amusement park. In the winter we would go skating. Probably get a group to go up to near a lake at [Cod Shaw Park], and even younger than the Catholic youth, when you were in the earlier years, the summer activities were keyed around the parish. We had the Venerini nuns there, and the girls would go up there to learn how to do embroidery or cutwork or crochet, any of that work. When the youngsters would go on what they call the [asilo], the kindergarten, and they would learn the, you know, writing and songs or how to write their name, things like that. But this is like a summer school so you didn't look for other things to do in the summer. Your family planned your going to the convent and take these lessons. LINDA: Now, who would teach the lessons? ANNA: The nuns, the Venerini sisters. LINDA: The Venerini sisters. ANNA: Yeah. Yeah. LINDA: Now, are they still present? Do they still have a presence in…? ANNA: Yes, they do. They do. Yes. They -- some of them. I don't know if they still teach, but they did teach at St. Anna's School. We don't have any nuns there now. And they did teach at St. Anthony's School, and they might have one or two nuns teaching there now. But there is a shortage of nuns, too. Yeah. I think now we have two Venerini nuns that are working with the Beacon of Hope here in Leominster, which is a respite care for challenged adults, I think they call them, and mentally retarded. The two nuns take them for outings. Take them to games, take them on swimming in the summertime, and they try to give the families some free 30 time, you know, because it's a constant 24-hour care, you know, you have to -- they need that attention, and they need the activities too. So they take them to dances and to suppers, and they invite them to play games. So, two nuns are doing that here in Leominster. They have their mother house in Fitchburg on Prospect Street, and I'm not sure what activities they have there. I think they're still quite active. They're certainly active in ministry, in teaching religious education, in visiting nursing homes, things like that. LINDA: Okay. So what are the values that you grew up with and you tried to keep those traditions? ANNA: Yes. Our family, my mother, father, the four children, always went to Mass on Sundays. Holy days and Sundays. It was a family thing. We would go to Mass all together. And I did that with my family, too. You know, we'd go to Mass all together as they were growing up. Now, they go on their own. They go. They don't go. They, you know, but some of my family are still keeping that up with their own children, Mass every Sunday and holy days. Some of them break away which is sad, you know. It's sad to have that happen, but you hope that they will get back. But faith and family was foremost in my mother and father's time than it was in my time and my husband's time. Education was very important, and I always feel that you never get enough education. Even if you have a college degree I feel, you know, get more because there's so much out there, you know. If it isn't in the college. It's other things that you can learn, you know, in the arts and music and things like that. There's so much. And don't ever feel that there's a limit to what your brain can absorb. You know, I think if you can do it, this is the time to do it while you're still young enough to do it, you know. LINDA: What kinds of messages do you try to send to your grandchildren? ANNA: That faith -- I write a newsletter every week. I think I'm over, like, 112th newsletter that I've written, so it goes over a two-year period now. LINDA: And this is a family newsletter?31 ANNA: A family newsletter, and I send it to all five families. My children. And I always try to put a message in there—birthdays are coming up, it's a family affair, you know, and if someone had accomplished something, like this week my granddaughter, Laura, got the MVP in soccer. She's a sophomore in high school. So she got the MVP. So I sent that in my newsletter and let everyone know. And if someone has played football and is, you know, scored a touchdown, I tell them that. I always tell them what's going on at church. I always try to bring something in that has to do with faith, you know, and values, you know. Things that you look for, you know, and things that would be good for them to do. And they're very young. The grandchildren, I think, always looks forward to that letter. In fact, if I should mail it one day too late, they're, "Where is it?" you know. If the mail is one day too late in arriving, they look for it. And I try to keep them abreast of what is happening in the family because they're all so busy that they don't communicate like they did when they were younger, you know. They see each other quite often, but now, one has a game and the other one is going somewhere, and now one family lives in New York, so. But they're doing -- I like to help the others here in Leominster what's going on. LINDA: Did you ever foresee that? ANNA: No. To write a newsletter? LINDA: Not just that, but that your family would be so widespread and so busy that you had to write a newsletter to keep up. ANNA: To keep up. Right. Yeah. No. But I think it was bound to happen, because the two boys are now running the two businesses, and they're as busy as they can be. And my daughter has her own little business, my daughter, Rose Mary, which is just a small phase of the comb business. She has the side combs, the decorative combs that they use in their hair, 32 bridal salons, especially. And my daughter Mary Ann is in real estate, and she is busy with that. And the grandchildren, living in different parts of the city, go to different schools, so they don't see each other as often. And of course, the one in New York comes out for holidays usually. If the children have an extra day off from school, they'll make a trip, or we can get out there, we visit them. But they also -- they look forward to the newsletter. And as long as they like it, I'll keep writing it, you know. LINDA: I think it's a wonderful idea. ANNA: Yeah. LINDA: What do you think your parents would think of the new generation? [Unintelligible - 01:18:43] ANNA: Yes. I think they would say that it certainly is different. At that time, they'd go to school, they'd come home from school, and mother and father would be at home at supper time, and mother would be at home all the time. But we didn't have the cars that they have nowadays, so any activities would be within your area. You had to walk to it. Now it's from Leominster you can get to Worcester in no time. You can get to Boston. Drive to New York. So I think they would say times have changed. LINDA: You think they'd be happy about it? ANNA: Yes. I think they would because it seems to be better. We have more opportunities, but it's, you know, I hope it is better. Sometimes they have too much and they appreciate less. If you can get everything, you know, nothing means too much to you. AT/pa/my/mfb/es

Issue 58.3 of the Review for Religious, May/June 1999. ; f 0 r relig i ous Christian Heritages and ,Contemporary Living MAY-JUNE 1999 * VOLUME 58 ¯ NUMBER 3 Review for Religioug is a forum for shared reflection on the lived experience of all who J~nd that the church's rich heritages of spirituality support their personal and apostolic Christian lives. The articles in the journal are meant to be informative, practical, historical, or inspirational, written from a tbeological or spiritual or sometimes canonical point of view. Review for Religious (ISSN 0034-639X) is published bi-monthly at Saint Louis University by the Jesuits of the Missouri Province. Editorial Office: 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, Missouri 63108-3393. Telephone: 314-977-7363 ¯ Fax: 314-977-7362 E-Mail: foppema@slu.edu Manuscripts, books for review, and correspondence with the editor: Review for Religious ° 3601 Lindell Boulevard ° St. Louis, MO 63108-3393. Correspondence about the Canonical Counsel department: Elizabeth McDonough OP P.O. Box 29260; ~,rashington, D.C. 20017 POSTMASTER Send address changes to Review for Religious ° P.O. Box 6070 ¯ Duluth, MN ~5806. Periodical postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri, and additional mailing offices. See inside back cover for information on subscription rates. ©1999 Review for Religious Permission is herewith granted to copy any material (articles, poems, reviews) contained in this issue of Review for Religious for personal or internal use, or for the personal or internal use of specific library, clients within the limits outlined in Sections 107 and/or 108 of the United States Copyright Law. All copies made under this permission must bear notice of the source, date, and copyright owner on the first page. This permission is NOT extended to copying for commercial distribu-tion, advertising, institutional promotion, or for the creation of new collective works or anthologies. Such permission will only be considered on written application to the Editor, Review for Religious. Editor Associate Editors Canonical Counsel Editor Editorial Staff Advisory Board David L. Fleming sJ Philip C. Fischer SJ Regina Siegfried ASC Elizabeth McDonough OP Mary Ann Foppe Tracy Gramm Jean Read James and Joan Felling Kathryn Riehards FSP Joel Rippinger OSB Bishop Carlos A. Sevilla SJ David Werthmann CSSR Patricia Wittberg SC Heritages and Contemporary Lfiv~ng MAY-JUNE 1999 * VOLUME58 * NUMBER3 contents 230 251 women religious Charism or Deep Story? Towards Understanding Better the 19th-Century Origins of American Women's Congregations Margaret Susan Thompson suggests that emphasis on "charism" may not be helpful in explaining the ,founding experiences of many women's communities in 19th-century America, and identifies some of the reasons why "deep stow" may be a more usable concept. The Need for Self-Criticism: Affirmative Comments Elizabeth McDonough OP suggests that the time has come for United States religious women to initiate some possibly difficult but genuinely constructive self-criticism and some corrective change of course in various aspects of postconciliar renewal. 261 266 women and the church The Annuario Pontificio: The Vatican's "Pontifical Yearbook" and a Recent Editorial Decision Larry N. Lorenzoni SDB updates a bit of history about who are included in the Vatican's "Pontifical Yearbook." Women and Canon Law Joan A. Range ASC investigates the extraordinary recent history of women entering the field of canon law. Review for Religious 286 295 mary Five Faces of Mary Robert P. Maloney CM offers five Marian faces as a way of meditating on the rich, varied tradition surrounding the Virgin Mary. The Temple and the Journeying: Mary of Sorrows Joel Giallanza CSC draws directions for our spiritual life's journey from reflecting on the traditional seven sorrows of Mary. 3O5 314 witnessing Blessed Maria Droste: A Good Shepherd Motif in Sacred Heart Spirituality Juliana Devoy RGS tells the story of Blessed Maria Droste, which gives witness to her vision of God's merciful love reflected in Sacred Heart spirituality. Echoes from My Fifty-sixth Annual Retreat Robert F. Drinan sJ shares reflections on God!s grace stirring thoughts and feelings in a retreat. 228 32O 325 departments Prisms Canonical Counsel: Visitation by External Authorities Book Reviews May-.~une 1999 227- Whoever has seen me has seen the Father. --John 14:9 Wean talk about God in some very un-Christian ways. As we "dress up" God in the various cultural and time-bound categories of our human world, we are inevitably limited, in both our reasoning and our imagining. When we get swept up into a highly intellectualized philosophical approach, we find our-selves projecting a vague abstract and sometimes fright-ening power and a childishly understood world. God without a face. Although Jesus lived within human limitations of time and culture, he dared to speak "with authority" about the reign of God in images and parables that tore down the temple curtain of separation to let people catch some glimpses of God that are new. The synoptic Gospels--Mark, Matthew, and Luke--talk of a celebra-tory invitation to a banquet, of a shepherd doggedly searching out a lost sheep, so that we come to know and relate to God with fresh affective response. But the Gospel of St. John stands out as the Gospel of the God revealed to us by Jesus as "Father." Few are the chapters in John's Gospel that do not have explicit reference to God as Father. The qualities of this Father-God tumble out. This God is the God of life: "Just as the Father who has life sent me and I have life because of the Father." Jn 6:44. This is a God who works: "My Father is at work until now, and I am Review for Religious' at work as well" Jn 5:17. This is a God who teaches: "My doctrine is not my own; it comes from him who sent me" Jn 7:16; "I say only what the Father has taught me" Jn 8:28. This is a God who cultivates growth: "I am the true vine, and my Father is the vine-grower" Jn 15:1. Above all, this God is the one who loves: "The Father loves the Son and has given everything over to him" Jn 3:35; "the one who loves me will be loved by my Father"Jn 14:21. In retreat notes published as a book, The Ignatian Exercises in the Light of St. John, Cardinal Carlo Maria Martini SJ reflects that a way of considering the Fourth Gospel is to see it as a gospel of prayer, It is prayer not just from people responding to Jesus as we do so often in our prayer lives, but prayer also from Jesus to the one he lovingly calls Abba-Father. From Jesus We learn how we are meant to grow in our relationship with God. And so this Gospel, in teaching a way of relating to God for the mature Christian, is paradoxically the Gospel most insistent in remind-ing us that we are still "children" who have--and who need for our very existence--a Father. We are called, in imitation of Jesus, to relate to a God from whom we have everything--all that we are and all that we would call "our own." This is the God that Jesus describes as the One apart from whose words he himself has nothing to say, the God apart from whose works he has no work to do. As Christian evan-gelizers, then, we need to follow the example of Jesus so that what we say flows from our union with this God. As Christian ministers we need to strive that all our deeds and good works flow from the baptismal grace given by God that makes us all very special children, God's sons and daughters. It is from this God we have come--a Source we call by Jesus' word Father-- and it is to this God we direct our whole life as the One we, with John, identify as Love. If we let the words of St. John enter more deeply into our very being, we will find ourselves being shaped and molded by the reality behind our personally limited understandings of God as Father and God as Love. This is the revealed God of Scripture we seek to know and make known ever better in this year dedi-cated to God the Father. David L. Fleming SJ '229 May-June 1999 MARGARET SUSAN THOMPSON Charism or Deep Story? Towards Understanding Bett@r the 19th-Century Origins of American Women's Congregatigns Since the Second Vatican Council, the term charism increasingly has become associated with the identity, and .even the integrity, of religious congregations.1 Literally dozens of published essays explore the term's meaning and significance~ A substantial number of the community websites created in recent years contain a page about-- or at least an allusion to--the group's "charism," as do postconciliar constitutions, mission statements, and voca-tion paraphernalia. The hierarchy of the Catholic Church has not been silent either, particularly during the current papacy. For example, in its 1983 document "Essential Elements in the Church's Teaching on Religious Life 'as Applied to Institutes Dedicated to Works of the Apostolate," the Sacred ~Congregation for Religious and Secular Institutes used ~the term ten times, and it shows up a whopping eighty-six times in//Tta con-secrata, John Paul II's apostolic letter in response to the 1994 Synod on Religious Life. . Ironically, the word itself is not: to be found in Perfectae caritatis, the council document which treats the Margaret Susan Thompson PhD has written and lectured extensively on the history of women religious in the United States. She is associate professor of history and political sci-ence at Syracuse University; Department of History; 145 Eggers Hall; Syracuse, New York 13244. Review for Religious "Adaptation and Renewal of Religious Life." In fact, its first appearance in a magisterial treatise seems to be in 1971's Evangelica testificatio. Addressing religious themselves, Paul vI speaks of the "charisms of your founders" and the "charisms of the various insti-tutes" (§§11, 32), assuming, probably with justification, that the terminology would be familiar to his intended audience. But, for those in doubt about this nomenclature, Paul cites Perfectae cari-tatis §2b, which calls upon members of religious institutes to respect their "particular characteristics and work" and "their founders' spirit and special aims" as they proceed with their groups' renewal. Paul extends the discussion in Mutuae relationes (1978), using the term nineteen times and declaring, among other things, that "the very charism of the founders (Evangelii nuntiandi, §I 1) appears as an 'experience of the Spirit'" and that "every authentic charism implies a certain element of genuine originality and of special initiative for the spiritual life of the church" (§12). By now, therefore, one would assume that the meaning of a term so widely and authoritatively used would be clear, and one might also assume that the reality of the thing known as "charism" would be easily identifiable and inherent to religious life. Indeed, this seems to be implicit in various references from the two doc-uments of the current pontificate mentioned above. The first para-graph of "Essential Elements" refers to "the founding charism of a particular institute" and later even says that, through its appro-bation of a community's canonical status, the "God-given ministry of the hierarchy" has ratified the "authentic discernment of its founding charism" (§41):2 The references in Vita consecrata are too numerous even to summarize, but here are a few of them: "charisms proper to the various institutes," "fidelity to the found-ing charism," "[an institute's] Rule and constitutions [are approved] in accordance with a specific charism confirmed by the church," and "the uniqueness of their different ~harisms' (§§19, 36, 37, 53). Surely, then, "charigm" is intrinsic to religious life. Every con-gregation must have one, unique to that particular institute and traceable directly to its individual founder., But the rationale for this essay is precisely that none of the assumptions above seems necessarily to be the case. It is my con-tention that, in much of its current usage, charism is a term of such vagueness and ambiguity as to be almost meaningless. More impor-tantly, even if we can accept the connotations that John Paul II apparently regards as definitive (and he is hardly alone in this atti- May-~tune 1999 -231 . Thompson ¯ Charism or Deep Story? tude), I would argue that a good many of the women's apostolic congregations that ministered in the 19th and early 20th century in the United States have no such thing as a "charism" according to this understanding. Thus, if, as John Paul II suggests, "charism" is an "essential element" of religious life, the very legitimacy of these congregations seems to be east into question--surely a seri-ous, perhaps even disastrous, consequence for the groups involved. What is needed, therefore, is some alternative to charism, some concept that is more in accord with the historical reality of many institutes and legitimates their experience and continued existence. It is unlikely that my consideration here will arrive at any defini-tive conclusions, but I hope to suggest some alternative ways of thinking that may prove useful in framing the historical and cur-rent context of sisters' experiences and perhaps assist in the pro-cess of religious revitalization and renewal. At the very least, from my ongoing research into women's religious life in the 19th-cen-tury United States, I think I can explain why the emphasis on "charism" in contemporary thinking about religious life is prob-lematic and historically unjustified, at least as a universal norm. Before we proceed, a few assumptions need to be made explicit. First, I believe that some congregations do have a charism and that in some cases it is traceable, at least in some degree, to an individual "founder." In other instances, its origin may lie with a founding group of individuals (a "founding generation"), while in still others a charism may have emerged later in a community's history--or a buried, neglected, or even repudiated charism may be discerned or refurbished by subsequent generations. Second-- and in this I am confirmed by the usages of several scholars as well as by both Paul vI and John Paul II--I believe there is also some-thing generic that can be called "a charism of apostolic religious life." Third, the lack of a particular charism does not render an institute (or its members or ministries) less significant, "spiritual," or legitimate than those which do have such a "gift":--just as the existence of one does not indicate superiority or greater validity. Indeed, given that the use of the term charism in connection with religious life is of such recent provenance, its application to past experience--particularly if it is considered to be some sort of uni-versal norm--actually may be ahistorically anachronistic. The word charism, of course, is Greek and means "gift." In contemporary Christian usage, it refers specifically to a spiritual gift, that is, "a free gift of grace." Moreover, virtually all Catholic Review for Religious scholars agree that a charism is not solely for the benefit of its direct recipient; rather, "it is a supernatural gift bestowed by the Holy Spirit for building up the body of Christ" or, in simpler terms, a "divine spiritual gift to individuals or groups for the build-ing up of the community." Within the context of religious life, the charism presumably is received initially by an institute's founder, who transmits it on to her followers. It is this "gift of grace" which is to imbue the community with its unique character or identity; as Richard McBrien puts it, "the unique gift of the founder., is given to every member from one generation to the next."3 Between 1727 and 1917, at least 422 Catholic apostolic con-gregations of women religious were active within the United States.4 Some were short-lived, but four hundred of them contin-ued to exist in 1917, and the overwhelming majority are extant today. Of the 422, a total of 273 belonged to one of ten large reli-gious "families," each of which could trace its birth to a particu-lar founder or pair of founders (see Table 1). Thus, each of these could be presumed to be a beneficiary of the. "charism" of the per-son or persons with whom that family began. Moreover, many of these groups also regard themselves as having their own particular founders, who "re-visioned" the familial identity in some way that imparted a special or distinct character to it.s Table 1 U.S. Al~ostolic Women's Communities andTheir Religious "Families" . FAMILY FOUNDER(S) NO. OF COMMUNITIES Benedictine Benedict, Scholastica 32 Carmelite (reform) Teresa of Avila 3 Dominican Dominic 30 Franciscan Francis 54 St. Joseph Jean Pierre Medaille 27 Mercy Catherine McAuley 65 Presentation Nano Nagle 7 Ursuline Angela Merici 30 Vincentian Vincent de Paul and Louise de Marfllac 10 Visitation Francis de Sales and Jane Frances de Chantal 15 May-June 1999 233 Thompson ¯ Charism or Deep Story? No one can or will deny that these communities have---since their founding, in most cases--been known by one of these "fam-ily names." Still, this begs some important questions. How many of even these congregations can be said to have been "birthed" into the charism of their family forebears? How many incorpo-rated themselves into a particular family with explicit awareness of the spiritual and ecclesial consequences? How many can assert with confidence that their history is one of explicit and consistent acknowledgment of and fidelity to that charism? In other words, to what extent did "charism" traditionally play a part in shaping the identities of at least some of these institutes? Alternatively, how many of them became, in fact, "generic" apostolic entities doing good work, composed of good (even holy) people, but ~undistin-guished by any familial or "particular" spiritual identity that would differentiate them clearly from others of theoburgeoning number of women's religious orders that came increasingly to "do their thing" in the United States in, the 19th and 20th centuries? Finally, most of the nearly one hundred fifty other women's congregations I have studied also assert that they have particular "founders' charisms." Are all of them justified in their claims? It naturally is impossible to provide in one article definitive answers to any of these questions. Instead, I intend to offer some representative examples from the histories of the communities I have studied, examples that I believe will demonstrate some of the major problems with the assumptions about charism that charac-terize so much of what has been said about religious life in the past quarter century. Let me emphasize thavnone of these exam-ples is unique; rather, each is suggestive of all-too-typical congre-gational experiences. Each indicates some aspect of why I believe that the notion of a "founder's?' or "founding" charism is so prob-lematic and why the notion may, in fact, do more to obscure the realities of women's religious history than to illumine it. The Most Common Scenario: Instrumentalism Throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries, the Catholic population of the United States exploded. As early as 1850, Catholics constituted the largest single body of believers in the nation, a ranking they have maintained ever since. But, hardly monolithic, they consisted of an ecer growing number of proudly distinct (and sometimes mutually antagonistic) ethnic groups, many Review for Religious of which came to the New World specifically to escape religious persecution or to preserve their cultural identities. Most were poor when they arrived in their new nation; few except the Irish spoke English. Their secular and Protestant neighbors greeted them with suspicion and often with overt hostility. Clearly, these were peo-ple with numerous and diverse needs to be met, and church lead-ers, beleaguered and fearful of "leakage" from the faith, sought ways to respond effectively. It is not surprising, therefore, that dozens of institutes were started in or brought to the United States to provide practical ser-vices, often to specific subgroups of Catl~olics. Both individual community histories by the score and various more com-prehensive works attest con-vincipgly-- and, before 1965, unapologetically--to what I call the instrumental motivation for so many foundations: to teach the ever growing number of school-age children,6 to provide healthcareand relief (primarily, of course, but not only to Catholics), and, increasingly, to work with persons from partic-ular immigrant groups who needed ministers who understood both their languages and their traditions and could both foster cultural survival and ease the pro-cess of Americanization. Others were started for equally functional purposes: to do housework for priests or to offer catechetical instruction to children outside the parochial schools. Consider, for instance, the following accounts of foundings, taken almost randomly from the 1964 edition of Thomas McCarthy's Guide to the Catholic Sisterhoods of the United States-- perhaps the most successful comprehensive "vocation book" ever published in this country:7 [Sisters of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin:] A school, but no teachers, and none to be had from any religious commu-nity in spite of numerous requests by Father Jean Harper. ¯. He decided to act upon his curate's suggestion: "We can-not obtain nuns? Then, let us make some!" And so the con-gregation came into existence . . (p. 192). Dozens of institutes were started in or brought to the United States to provide practical services, often to specific subgroups of Catholics. 235--- May-~une 1999 Thompson * Charism or Deep Story? [Franciscans of Tiffin, Ohio:] Father Joseph L. Bihn . . . founded this Franciscan community to help him care for the many children orphaned as a result of the Civil War. Three of his parishioners, Elizabeth Schaeffer, a widow, and her two daughters, formed the nucleus of this congregation. (p. 271). [Sisters of Sts. Cyril ahd Methodius:] The early 1900s was a critical period for the many immigrants from Slovakia who setded in the United States. Father Matthew Jankola of the Scranton diocese was keenly aware that this adjustment required not only the building of schools but also of secur-ing sisters to staff them. As a result of his efforts, this dioce-san congregation was established in 1900 (p. 189). [Sisters of the Holy Family, San Francisco, California:] "I have another work for you to do," Archbishop Joseph S. Alemany OP said to young Elizabeth Armer when she came to consult him about entering a contemplative order. The archbishop unfolded to the future Mother Dolores his plans for an insti-tute to give religious instruction to children who could not attend Catholic schools. (p. 295). [Little Daughters of St. Joseph:] Father Antoine Mercier, a Sulpician priest., who desired to establish a congregation of nuns who would consecrate themselves to the spiritual and material welfare of the clergy and seminarians, founded this community with the assistance of Miss de Lima Dauth, the co-foundress. On April 26, 1857, both began this eminently apostolic work of helping priests and seminarians by means of a life of prayer, self-denial, and manual labor (p. 36). [Sisters of Charity of the Incarnate Word, Houston, Texas:] "A multitude of sick and infirm seeks relief at your hands" was the irresistible plea of Rt. Rev. C.M. Dubuis when he went to France to seek volunteers to help him in his missionary labors in Galveston, Texas. Three young women answered his appeal and with these he founded the congregation in 1866. The community, which built the first Catholic hospital in the state, has papal approval and conducts twenty-six insti-tutions. (p. 120). 236 Where, in any of these stories, can one discern a charism? Ministry, yes; inspiring service to needy people, certainly. But two obstacles to discerning a "charism of the founder" recur in each instance. First, the reason each community came into being was functional, not charismatic. And, second, at least as these accounts would have it, the initiating impulse came not from the women who would offer to respond, but from clerics--men who, by def- Review for Religious inition, were persons outside of the community itself and thus hard to recognize as part of the group's intrinsic "lived tradition.''s Random Rule Selection and the Problem of Charism Every autonomous congregation has its own constitution, but, properly speaking, only four Rules (St. Basil, St. Augustine, St. Benedict, and St. Francis) were approved by Rome, and every com-munity had to select one of these as the basis for its organization and gov-ernance. 9 This helps to explain, for example, why so many women's con-gregations belonged to the Franciscan "family"--generally speaking, it was considered the most "flexible" of the four and therefore the easiest to adapt to a variety of instrumental purposes. To assume, then, that every commu-nity designated as "Franciscan" also and intentionally embodied a Franciscan charism requires an enor-mous leap of faith; in fact, even some founders who wanted to be "Franciscan" sometimes began by organizing themselves by another Rule. Two contrasting examples will illustrate the problem. First, there is that of the Sisters of St. Francis of Perpetual Adoration, originally founded in Olpe, Westphalia, in 1859 (and eventually established in the U.S. in 1875). The founder, Mother Mary Theresia (Aline) Bonzel, had great devotion to St. Francis and wanted to be Franciscan, but one of her co-founders, Clara Pfaender, had previously belonged to a con-gregation which followed the Augustinian Rule. We may let the community's first historian, an unusually forthright individual, take the story from there: Aline Bonzel wanted the Franciscan Rule by all means. But seemingly she was not well acquainted with the basic Rule of religious orders . Clara Pfaender knew the Augustinian Rule from her convent days with the Sisters of Christian Charity. She felt she could write a constitution based on that Rule. Since she was the superior and responsible for admit-ting candidates into the community, it s~emed advisable, in this very beginning, that she have the liberty to employ her To assume that every community designated as "Franciscan" also and intentionally embodied a Franciscan charism requires an enormous leap of faith. 237 May-June 1999 Thompson ¯ Charism or Deep Story? full experience in religious life. Only on this basis can one explain how a community which uniformly desired to live according to the Franciscan Rule began with the Augustinian Rule, but with the intention of later converting to the Franciscan Rule. In this procedure the character of the times can readily be detec(ed. Many most likely saw basically lit-de difference whether one lived according to the Augustinian or the Franciscan Rule. The development of a specialized spirituality came later and in many instances vqry much later. As this author put it elsewhere: So many religious congregations came into being in the 19th century, and many chose their Rule by chance. Charitable activity called, and congregations were founded to fill the need to serve God and man. With some it seemingly made no difference what religious Rule was followed, for all were good and sanctifying~ . . . Foundations flourished which at first simpl); set up the aciivities and objectives of the apos-tolate and later wrote the rule and constitutions. Often enough at the very beginning it was purely accidental rather than a conscious effort that one or the other rule took hold.l° Contrast this with the experienqe of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Third Order of St. Francis (SSJ-TOSF). Their history has been recounted superbly in two volumes by Josephine Marie Peplinski; basically, the group owed its origins to ethnic conflict within the School Sisters of St. Francis. The School Sisters were predominantly German, and the founding SSJ-TOSFs were Polish members who, after many incidents distressing to them, decided in 1901 to break off and found their own congregation. They took the Rule and name of "Franciscan" with them, but their self-claimed identity was fundamentally Polish. Indeed, as Peplinski has docu-mented, part of the problem was that, for its first few decades of existence, the community's leadership was passed back and forth between two very different individuals, one of whom (Mother Mary F~licia Jasku, lski) had a real devotion to St. Francis, while the other (Mother Mary Boleslaus Rybicki) "moved the congre-gation toward a popular Jesuit interpretation of obedience and authority--military in tone." As Peplinski puts it, "She exerted great influence in developing the spirituality of the congregation throughout her lifetime . . . and afterwards through those who adopted her ideals. It is ~v0rthy to note that until 1940, fourteen years after Mother Mary Boleslaus's death, almost all of the retreat masters invited to th~ congregation were Jesuits." Peplinski describes tlie congregation during its first sixty years as a Review for Religious "Franciscan sisterhood adapted to the post-Tridentine paradigm of religious life serving the American immigrant church . A basic problem was that canon law rather than the gospel law of love was set up as the ideal." In fact, not until after Vatican II, under Peplinsld's own leadership (she led the congregation 1968-1976), did the SSJ-TOSFs make a concerted and systematic effort to dis-cover what "bein~ Franciscan:' was all about. But, while they in fact embrace a Franciscan spirituality as they enter into their sec-ond century, is it at all accurate, despite their name, to regard it as their "founding charism"?II What Happened to the Benedictines? .Peplinski's congregation was not the only one "adapted to the post-Tridentine paradigm of religious life serving the American immigrant church." What happened to the Benedictines was equally dramatic and potentially of even more profound conse-quence to what they were supposed to be all about. It is a com-plicated story, ably told from somewhat different perspectives by Judith Sutera, M. Incarnata Girgen, and Ephrem Hollermann.12 The first nuns came to St. Marys, Pennsylvania, in 1852 from Eichst~itt, Bavaria, where they had lived in a way that permitted full cenobitic, monastic observance, including recitation of the Divine Office and solemn vows according to the Benedictine formulary: stability, conversatio ("conversion of life"), and obedience, However, within less than ten years after their arrival in the United States, a complicated series of events ensued, resulting in fundamental alterations to their tradition. Stated simply, the right to take solemn vows was abrogated (because the women were unable to observe strict enclosure), pressures of "life in mission territory" (as well as the elimination of solemn vows) led to "permission" to miti-gate the requirement to recite the full Divine Office (allowing substitution of the Little Office of th~ Blessed Virgin Mary, parts only of the Divine Office, or ~ven rosaries and other devotional practices), the jurisdiction of community leaders was made sec-ondary to that of diocesan, bishops (who could, among other things, approve or reject the election of prioresses and the admission of new members--something unheard of, normally, in Benedictinism). Even the simple vows the women now professed wer~ not neces-sarily the Benedictine ones. As Sutera explains, some took the tra-ditional vows, some took the three vows common to other May-June 1999 Thompson ¯ Charism or Deep Story? communities (poverty, chastity, obedience), Others took five vows and some four (not stability, because there were rumors that the women were to be reorganized into a large congregation complete with provinces, regional novitiates, and so forth). She summarizes the consequences this way: "What Rome had done was to create a canonical anomaly, a group of unenclosed monastic women who retained the right to the designation of 'O.S.B.' This right implied some recognition that they were nuns of the ancient order rather than sisters of a later congregation despite their simple vows. However, it left them as technically neither one nor the other. [Practically speaking,] they faded into the mass of apostolic orders." 13 Sutera and Hollermann's books, especially, are potent wit-nesses to the extent to which American Benedictines struggled over the following century both to respond 'to the ministerial and apostolic demands placed upon them and to remain as faithful as they could to their Benedictine heritage. Both accounts verify the existence and persistence of Benedictine charism, however "re-visioned" in the American context, despite the many and substan-tial obstacles put in the sisters' way. Thus, when Vatican II came along, with its call for renewal in the spirit of the founders, the Benedictines had a strong foundation on which they could rely. Nonetheless, the disparate experiences of the various autonomous foundations during the years between their foremothers' arrival in the U.S. and the postconciliar period raise important questions about how, and the extent to which, "fidelity to charism" shaped the historical reality of American Benedictine sisters. If one reads the descriptions of them in McCarthy's 1964 compendium, for instance, they seem virtually indistinguishable from the plethora of apostolic institutes that surrounded them.14 "Charisms" Buried, Repudiated, or Denied At least the Benedictines had a strong tradition, never com-pletely lost, that they could revitalize when called to do so by the Second Vatican Council, Others, however, were not so fortunate, The situations of those who chose their traditions randomly, or who were founded for largely instrumental purposes, have already been discussed. But what about those who did have more charismatic founders, whose legacies, for various reasons, were obscured or even rejected? Probably the most famous such case is that of the Institute Review for Religious of the Blessed Virgin Mary, founded by the remarkable Mary Ward in 1609; not until the papacy of Pius XI! were they able to claim her officially as the founder of their congregation. But other instances pertain more directly to the U.S. Catholic experience; here I will refer to just three of them (by no means the only ones). As late as McCarthy's 1964 Guide (p. 317), the sisters founded by Margaret Anna Cusack in 1884 were identified unqualifiedly as the "Sisters of St. Joseph of Newark" and were described as having been founded by "Bishop Bagshawe of Nottingham, England . . . in 1888." Then, we are told, Bishop Michael Wigger of Newark, New Jersey, "received the community into his dio-cese shortly after its establish-ment." The latter sentence, technically, is true, but the foundation was in 1884; by 1888 the controversial Cusack had left both Newark and the Catholic Church. The myth of Bagshawe's role, as well as the rather skewed chronology, evolved largely to bury the fact that this group's founder--a woman who did, I believe, have a charism and who had a very revolutionary vision for her community--was regarded at the time of her death as an "apostate." Dorothy Vidulich has provided a first-rate account of how Cusack's community rediscovered her in the aftermath of Vatican II, officially reclaiming her in 1970 as their founder and reclaiming, too, her original name for the congregation: the Sisters of St. Joseph of Peace. Since then, the group has devoted enormous effort to uncovering and taking ownership of her and their charism; nonetheless, the fact that her very connection with the institute was buried for eighty-five years (starting less than four years after it began) makes it difficult to discern the extent to which her charism ever played a meaningful role in its earlier historical expe-rience. Is the identity of this community primarily traceable to Cusack? Or, like an adopted child, must this group, like it or not, acknowledge that other "parents" may actually have been more significant in shaping their ongoing lived reality? 15 American Benedictines struggled both to respond to the ministerial and apostolic demands placed upon them and to remain as faithful as they could to their Benedictine heritage. May-June 1999 Thompson ¯ Charism or Deep Story? Which person or persons must be acknowledged as having contributed-- and how--to the congregation's actual history ? The founder of the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, of Monroe, Michigan, was never, stricdy speaking, denied; her central role in the congregation's founding was, how.ever, unde-niably minimized and obscured. Theresa Maxis Duchemin was the offspring of an unwed "woman of color." Both her "race" (her mother was an immigrant to the U.S. from what now is known as Haiti) and her "illegitimate" parentage were, of course, problem-atic. So was the fact that she obscured both of them when she came to Michigan in 1845 to found the congregation ("passing" as "white")--in doing so, she left the commu- 'nity she had belonged to since 1829, the Oblate Sisters of Providence. (This group was the first African American con-gregation in the history of Catholicism. Duchemin was one of its first ,four members, its only American-born founder, and was onetime superior gen-eral of it. In the 1830s her mother, too, joined the community.) What perhaps contributed most, however, towards her role in Monroe IHM history becoming "shadowy" were her ongoing con-flict with Edward Joos (an early spiritual father assigned to the congregation by the bishop), her decision to establish a foundation in Pennsylvania (which the bishop did not approve of, and which soon turned into two), her subsequent conflicts with the .authori-tarian bishop of Philadelphia who succeeded Duchemin's beloved John Neumann, and tier resultant eighteen years of exile in Canada, during which she was forbidden contact with any of the three IHM communities she had founded. Eventually Duchemin was allowed to return to the Philadelphia foundation; ironically, however, only the Scranton one has always acknowledged her role in its begin-nings, In Monroe, meanwhile, Mother Mary Joseph Walker, who succeeded Duchemin as superior in 1859, was becoming regarded as the group's "true foundress," while Joos, who served 'as its eccle-siastical superior from 1857 to 1901, was referred to as the "beloved father." 16 How is a grouplike this to return to the "charism of the founder"? Even in the 1990s the Monroe community is ambivalent Review for Religions as to how it should refer to Duchemin: was she their "founder," their "co-founder" (along with Louis Gillet, the Redemptorist who called her to Michigan in 1845 and departed' abruptly two years later), or simply one of the "first four"? What about the "found-ing" and "formative" roles of Walker and, especially, Joos? At the time of the latter's death, his loss was apparently considered so traumatic that the then general superior "had to assure the sisters that it was possible for the congregation to continue without him." True, Margaret Brennan IHM has documented the persistence of certain very specific elements of Duchemin's spiritual legacy, even through the decades when her contribution was denied, but impor-tant questions still remain.~7 As with the Sisters of St. Joseph of Peace, which person or persons must be acknowledged as having contributed--and how--to the congregation's actual history? "The Most Reverend Archbishop William Gross CSSR of Oregon City founded [the Sisters of St. Mary of Oregon] in Sublimity, Oregon, in 1886 . A vastly scattered flock, with . only a few religious to care for them, made Archbishop Gross determined to establish his own community of sisters."18 It seems a typical 19th-century story; unfortunately, it has almost no basis in reality. The real root of this community is a group of lay peo-ple who more than a decade earlier followed a schismatic priest of the Congregation of the Precious Blood, Charle~ Albrecht, out of Ohio into exile in Wisconsin and Minnesota (where Albrecht died) and then moved (with Albrecht's body) on to rural Oregon. There a young,girl in the group--who had been "bequeathed" to the cultish "trusteeship" of a trio of laymen ("devotees" of Albrecht, whose body during many months after his death,was kept in a cof-fin mounted above the dining table in the group's community room in Minnesota and then, quite ossified, was transported illegally to Oregon)--sought help from some Benedictine monks of Mount Angel Abbey, who put the future Mother Wilhelmina Bleily in touch with Gross, who eventually "regularized" the status of those who sought it and provided official recognition for the "sisters." Shortly thereafter he deposed Wilhelmina from the superiorship to which she had been duly elected, brought in a sister from Wisconsin to provide "formation" for the. community, and reshaped its identity completely. Although the original sisters had retained a strong devotion to the Precious Blood from their Ohio heritage, for instance, Gross refused to allow them to include this in the name of their congregation. By the 1960s, after decades of denial, May-June 1999 9A2 Thompson * Charism or Deep Story? Inappropriate reliance for spiritual grounding upon "a" founder and her or his significance can lead to a spirituality that is static or reactionary. Wilhelmina's contributions had been forgotten (and her diary, which recorded all that had happened, both before 1886 and after, lay gathering dust in the community's attic, not to be rediscov-ered until a new motherhouse was constructed in the 1970s), and the only things that remained from their roots were a red cord (on which they wore a crucifix around their necks) and a vague acknowledgment of a "devotion to the Precious Blood," one among many devotions that had been accepted without explanation for several generations29 More than either of the other two groups dis-cussed. here, the SSMO's decision to bury its past (not to mention Albrecht's body) certainly is understandable. It is also under-standable that, because of their "rescue" from the "trustees" by Gross, this really rather remark-able group has always prided itself on its loyalty to and reverence for the hierarchy. But how to imple-ment that loyalty whe, n the hier-archy charges one with "restoring the founder's charism"? In this case, what are they to do with Albrecht, with the trustees, with years of schismatic and extremely odd cultic spirituality, with the deposing of Wilhelmina, and with the clearly subordinate status that "in gratitude" the SSMOs were expected to tolerate in the Portland Archdiocese for most of the yea.rs of their existence? In this paper I have offered reasons why emphasis on the founder's charism--which has characterized so much of post- Vatican II religious renewal--deserves reexamination regarding its relevance and utility to the histories (and subsequent revitaliza-tions) of many religious congregations. Clearly, in many cases it is not something that can be easily identified, and, in some cases where it can be, that very recognition leads to problems of a dif-ferent sort. I could have discussed other issues as well: that certain congregations owe their origins to groups rather than to individ-uals, that emphasis on "formal" founders (founders who have offi-cial canonical recognition from the [male] prelates charged with 9rid "verifying" the "authenticity" of a congregation, and many of Review for Religiotts whom, for women's congregations, have erroneously been identi-fied as men) tends to obscure the cumulative and ongoing respon-sibilities that all community members have for their collective spirituality, and that inappropriate reliance for spiritual grounding upon "a" founder and her or his significance can lead to a spiritu-ality that is static or reactionary. All of these matters deserve explo-ration; unfortunately, constraints of space in the present circumstances prevent their serious consideration here. What I do offer for present consideration is an alternative approach to "charism" that may prove of value to communities that recognize some of their own histories in what I have been able to include in this essay. It is developed most fully, perhaps, in a 1989 article in Review for Religious by Bernard Lee SM.2° Lee begins with a clear assertion: The "recovery of charism" may be one of the most unsup-portable and unnecessary burdens a religious institution has ever been asked to bear, because it cannot be done. Charism is not a property. It is not a possession. It is not transfer-able, not transmittable, and not controllable. Charism is a deeply historicized social phenomenon. It cannot be dupli-cated in any other time or place. Charism has never been a movable feast. (p. 124) Instead, Lee suggests the notion of "deep story" as an alter-native to the emphasis on charism. He defines this as a category of interpretation that comes out of structuralism, which is a method for interpreting group identity. It pre-supposes that group identity is rooted in a narrative structure, that is, in recurring patterns of relationships and social activ-ities. The narrative structure of any complex and interesting group, however, is extremely elusive because it is instinctual and unconscious even more than it is deliberate and self-conscious . Deep stories are exhibited in rituals that cel-ebrate them (for example, rituals of profession), in special words and phrases that belong especially to them. Stephen Crites says that all of these things are elusive expressions of deep stories (he calls them sacred stories) "that cannot fully be told, because they live, so to speak, in the arms and legs and bellies of the celebrants. These stories lie too deep in the consciousness of a people to be directly told: they form con-sciousness rather than being among the objects of which it is directly aware." (p. 126)z' What Lee intends to suggest by all this, I think, is the con-tinuous and cumulative process of a community's identity forma- Thompson ¯ Charism or Deep Story? tion--its spiritual nature (my term), its history--which, of course, in sacred time and space, encompasses the present and future as much as the past. Thus, to turn to Lee once again, "the founder's or foundress's gift is not a community's charism. The real found-ing gift is a narrative structure that supported and reflected a charismatic event in the foundation's birth, and may do so again" (p. 129). But, as I understand this, it cannot remain static; instead, a "community of memory"--while "creatively rooted" in, or faith-ful to, its deep story--must always be on its way to the realization of a new charismatically gifted reality, one in which all members must participate and assume responsibility. I believe that the notion of deep story--as a paradigm--can help all of us cope with ongoing foundings and refoundings in religious life. Seen as participants in deep story, Wilhelmina Bleily, Charles Albrecht, and William Gross, Theresa Maxis Duchemin and Mary Joseph Walker and Edward Joos, Mary Felicia Jaskulski and Mary Boleslaus Rybicki, Margaret Anna Cusack, Theresia Bonzel, and Clara Pfaender, countless Benedictines, and tens of thousands of others, living and dead, can all find space and be "at home'--not comfortably, perhaps, or e~sily, but the Christian story, the deep story, is never easy or comfortable. It is, however, real, as real as the ongoing spiritual "gift" (dare I, after all this, say "charism"?) that has called so many over the centuries to fol-low the path of religious life. Notes ~ This essay was presented originally at the 1998 History of Women Religious Conference in Chicago. Though not every point is supported by refei'ences, this essay rests upon my decade-long research into the history of American women religious, including work in the archives of about seventy-five congregations and familiarity with virtually all the published materials on this subject, including historical and biographical works on over three hundred individual communities. On the subject of charism, I read all Vatican documents dealing with religious life, as well as approximately three dozen articles directly or indirectly on this sub-ject that have appeared in Review for Religious (U.S.A.) and Religious Life Review (Ireland). Many of the incidents and ideas recounted here are developed more fully in some of my previous publications; see, in par-ticular, "Discovering Foremothers: Sisters; Society, and the American Catholic Experience," U.S. Catholic Historian 5 (Summer/Autumn 1986): 273-290; "To Serve the People of God: Nineteenth-Century Sisters and the Creation of an American Catholic Religious Life," Cushwa Center Working Papers, Series 18, no. 2 (1986); "Women and American Review for Religious Catholicism, 1789-1989," in Perspectives on the Catholic Church in America, 1789-1989, ed. Virgina Geiger and Stephen Vicchio (Westminster, Maryland: Christian Classics, 1989), pp. 123-142; "Sisterhood and Power: Class, Culture, and Ethnicity in the American Convent," Colby Library Quarterly 25 (1989): 149-175; "Women, Feminism, and the New Religious History: Catholic Sisters as a Case Study," in Belief and Behavior: Essays in the New Religious History, ed. Philip VanderMeer and Robert Swierenga (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1991), pp. 136-163;."Cultural Conundrum: Sisters, Ethnicity, and the Adaptation of American Catholicism," Mid-America 74 (1992): 205-230; "The Validation of Sisterhood: Canonical Status and Liberation in the History of American Nuns," in A Leaf of the Great Tree of God: Essays in Honor of Ritamary Bradley SFCC, ed. Margot H. King (Toronto: Peregrina Publishing Co., 1994), pp. 38-78; and "Concentric Circles of Sisterhood," in Building Sisterhood: A Feminist History of the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1997), pp. 1-21. For their insights into this subject, I offer my thanks to Ritamary Bradley SFCC, Thomas J. Costello, Barbara Garland SC, James Hennesey SJ, Mary Ann Hinsdale IHM, Elizabeth A. West ICM, and many of the participants in the Sister-L internet discussion group 2 In this, SCRIS reiterates a point made in a document it issued five years earlier, Mutuae relationes: "Bishops, in union with the Roman pon-tiff, receive from Christ the head the duty (see LG §21) of discerning gifts and competencies, of coordinating multiple energies, and of guid-ing the entire people in living in the world as a sign and instrument of salvation. They, therefore, are also entrusted with the duty of caring for religious chariSms" (§9); and "It is .the duty of bishops as authentic teach-ers and guides of perfection for all the members of the diocese (see CD §§12; 15; 35, 2; and LG §§25, 45) to be the guardians likewise of fidelity to the religious vocation in the spirit of each institute . Bishops, along with their clergy, should be. firm guardians of the specific character of each religious family both in the spiritual and in the apostolic field" (§28). These passages, as well as that from EssentialElements (§41), raise some serious questions about the autonomy and integrity of religious charisms, since the implication is that they cannot be presumed to exist "authentically" until those in (external) hierarchical authority say they exist. Certainly, this is a matter deserving of substantial Consideration; but, unfoi'tunately, that is outside the scope of this paper. 3 Wilfrid Harrington, "Charism," in A New Dictionary of Theology, ed. Joseph A. Komonchak et al. (Wilmington: Michael Glazier, 1987), p. 180; The HarperCollins Encyclopedia of Catholicism, ed. Richard E McBrien (HarperSanFrancisco, 1989), pp. 299-300. 4 These figures, as well as information included in Table 1, are derived from a detailed listing of all Catholic women's apostolic communities that I have located to date that existed in the United States between 1727 and 1917. Included in this list are com.munities which, for most or all of their existence, engaged in some form of active ministry. Thus, for May-June 1999 247 24S Thompson ¯ Charism or Deep Story? instance, contemplative Benedictines are omitted, as are purely contem-plative Visitation monasteries. In compiling these data, principal sources were: Elinor Tong Dehey, Religious Orders of Women in the United States, rev. ed. (Hammond, Indiana, 1930); Joan M. Lexau, Convent Life: Roman Catholic Religious Orders for Women in North America (New York, 1964), pp. 209-387 (Index of Orders); and Evangeline Thomas, Women Religious History Sources: A Guide to Repositories in the United States (New York, 1983), pp. 169-176 (Table of U.S. Founding Dates). Some information came from other sources, which are identified on the comprehensive list in my possession. s In that respect, they bear a similarity to the rest of the 149 U.S. con-gregations that have more individualized origins and have "founders" that they share, if at all, with only a handful of others. I shall return a bit later to the question of charism as it affects them. 6 All eight of the first indigenous communities of women studied by Barbara Misner in her landmark work, "Highly Respectable and Accomplished Ladies": Catholic Women Religious in America, 1790-18Y0 (New York: Garland, 1988), devoted most or all of their early ministerial energies to teaching. So did the vast majority of foundations initiated from abroad-- including the first in what is now the United States, the New Orleans Ursulines (founded in 1727). By 1884 the U.S. bishops, gathered at the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore and extremely concerned about "leak-age" from the faith, paid tribute to the success of these pioneers (and to their belief that the education of youth was the best way to keep people within the church) by their declaration that every parish in the country should establish at least one school within the next two years. That, in turn, increased the demand for religious teachers (the overwhelming majority of them women, and sisters), just as the "new immigration" (c. 1880-1917) from heavily Catholic eastern and southern Europe was get-ting underway. See also Gerald Shaughnessy, Has the Immigrant Kept the Faith? (New York: Macmillan, 1925); "The Pastoral Letter of 1884," in The National Pastorals of the American Hierarchy (1792-1919), ed. Peter Guilday (Washington, D.C.: National Catholic Welfare Council, 1923), pp. 280-282; Thompson, "Women and American Catholicism," p. 125. 7 This Guide (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1964) appeared in six editions, the first in 1952 and the last in 1966. The 1964 edition was selected for use here because it appeared only one year before Perfectae caritatis called upon religious to renew themselves "in the spirit of their founders," thereby initiating the whole postconciliar emphasis on "charism." It should be noted that McCarthy acquired his information from the communities; therefore, these are the founding stories that the sisters themselves had identified and transmit-ted to him for inclusion. s I have written extensively elsewhere about the fact that many of these stories bear little or no resemblance to reality. That is, communi-ties which traditionally cited clerics as founders have, since Vatican II, in quite a number of cases, identified and reclaimed women as their prin- Review for Religious cipal initiators. Nevertheless, we cannot dismiss the significance of these founding stories (often recounted and thereby reinforced for several gen-erations) either. Whether or not men actually took the principal initia-tive in founding particular communities, it did affect the self-understandings of hundreds of sisters who were taught, and who believed, that the men had done so. 9 William Humphrey SJ, Elements of Religious Life, 2nd ed. (London: Thomas Baker, 1903), p. 164. 10 p. Lothar Hardick OFM, He Leads, I Follow: The Life of Mother Maria Theresia Bonzel, Foundress of the Sisters of St. Francis of Perpetual Adoration, trans. Sisters M. Honora Hau and M. Clarahilda Fischer (Colorado Springs, I971), pp. 23, 30-31, 185-186. Ironically, perhaps, Pfaender later separated and founded her own religious congregation, which also was Franciscan (known in the U.S. as the Wheaton [Illinois] Franciscans): M. Brunilde Probst, The Burning Seak Mother Mary Clara Pfaender, 1827- 1882 (Chicago: Franciscan Herald Press, 1960). n The founding of the community is recounted in great detail in Vol. 1 of Josephine Marie Peplinski SSJ-TOSF, A Fitting Response: The History of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Third Order of St. Francis (South Bend, Indiana: priv. pub., 1982, 1992); material here is taken specifically from Vol. 2, pp. ix, 49-50, 239 (italics in the original). Jaskulski was superior general for 1902-1908, 1918-1928, 1940-1942 (when she died); Rybicki was superior general for 1908-1918. Both were perpetually in leader-ship, either as head of the congregation or on its council, from its foun-dation until their deaths (Ryb!cki died in 1926); their lives, spiritualities, and contrasting administrations are described meticulously in chapters 1, 4, and 5 of Vol. 2. I also have written about the SSJ-TOSF story; see esp. "Sisterhood and Power" and "Cultural Conundrum" (see note 1). 12Judith Sutera OSB, True Daughters: Monastic Identity and American Benedictine Women's History (Atchison: priv. pub., 1987); M. Incarnata Girgen, Behind the Beginnings (St. Joseph, Minnesota: priv. pub., 1981); Ephrem Hollermann, The Reshaping of a Tradition: American Benedictine Women, 1852-1881 (Vv'inona: St. Mary's Press, 1994). ~3 Sutera, True Daughters, esp. chaps. 4-5 and pp. 38, 42, 53-56. 14 McCarthy, 1964 Guide, pp. 195-197. ,s Dorothy A. Vidulich, Peace Pays a Price: A Study of Margaret Anna Cusack, the Nun ofKenmare, 2nd ed. (Washington, D.C., priv. pub., 1990; orig. 1975); see also Irene Ffrench Edgar, Margaret Anna Cusack (Dublin: Women's Press, 1979); Margaret Anna Cusack, The Nun of Kenmare: An Autobiography (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1891). 16 The Monroe IHM story is told in fascinating detail throughout Building Sisterhood (see note 1, above); see, in particular, Marita-Constance Supan IHM, "Dangerous Memory: Mother M. Theresa Maxis Duchemin and the Michigan Congregation of the Sisters, IHM," pp. 31-67; Suzanne Fleming IHM, "She Who Remained: Mother Mary Joseph Walker and the 'Refounding' of the IHM Congregation," pp. 69-92; and Thompson, May-Jutte 1999 Thompson ¯ Cbarinn or Deep Story? "Concentric Circles," esp. pp. 5-8, and "Part l:The Context," pp. 25-28. L7 Fleming, "She Who Remained," p. 91; Margaret Brennan IHM, "'No Two Exactly Alike': IHM Spirituality," in Building Sisterhood, pp. 95-109; see also Rosalita Kelly IHM, No Greater Service: The History of the Congregation of the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary (Monroe: priv. pub., 1948), esp. p. 132. L8 McCarthy, 1964 Guide, p. 325. ~9 The SSMO story is told with honesty in Wilfred P. Schoenberg SJ, These Valiant Women: History of the Sisters of St. Mary of Oregon, 1886- 1986 (Portland: priv. pub., 1986)~ I also have read Wilhelmina's diary in the SSMO archives, Beaverton, Oregon. Three of the original members of the Ohio group left it during the days in Wisconsin and became found-ing members in 1869 (one of them first superior when the group was of officially established) of the Franciscan Sisters of Christian Charity in Manitowoc; see M, Teresita Kit~:ell OSF, Refining His Silver: Pioneer Days of the Franciscan Sisters of Christian Charity, Manitowoc, Wisconsin, 1866- 1911 (Manitowoc: priv. pub., 1979). This, among other things, serves to document the length of time that the: schismatic "cult" was in existence before the SSMO's "founding" in 1886. 20 Bernard Lee SM, "A Socio-Historical Theology of Charism," Review for Religious 48, no. 1 (1989): 124-135; see also Doris Gottemoeller RSM, "Befriending the Wind," Review for Religious 53, no. 6 (1994): esp. p. 811. n See also Stephen Crites, "The Narrative Quality of Experience," Journal of the American Academy of Religion 39 (1971). Open Wounds Be bold, twin brother. Probe the wounds doubt demands to see. The gash is but entrance to his heart. Pry it wide to penetrate the core. Review for Religious Demand and desire, too, are twins that seek to let his hallowed, hollow hands transform old hurts to quiet awe. , ~Eugene Cartier ELIZABETH McDONOUGH The Need for Self-Criticism: Affirmative Comments I n the United States the precipitous decline in numbers of postolic women religious since Vatican Council II will surely have far-reaching consequences for all segments of the church as the third millennium begins. Church-related educational and healthcare institutions will probably continue to be transferred to nonecclesial and sometimes for-profit auspices, and many Catholics may grow up unaware that apostolic congregations of women reli-gious exist as ways of life that could have appealed to them. ~ Recently, in commenting on the years of renewal in religious life since Vatican II, Sister Doris Gottemoeller RSM noted that "for the most part we have not identified and reflected on the learnings" from this experience and that "critical reflection on our present reality" has been lacking.1 She is currently president of the Sisters of Mercy of the Americas, is a recent past president of the Leadership Conference of Women Religious (LCWR), was a participant in the 1994 Synod on Consecrated Life, and is one of the original members of the Catholic Common Ground Initiative. Her comments may represent a pivotal change in perspective by someone in an influential leadership position. And, since critical self-appraisal has been neither prevalent nor popular among American women religious since Vatican II, her comments may also represent a significant change at this time. Elizabeth McDonough OP has written the Canonical Counsel column in this journal since our issue of July-August 1990 and has contributed several other articles as well. Her address is P.O. Box 29260; Washington, D.C. 20017. ,~'h~y-~une 1999 McDonougb * The Need for Self-Criticism Though voices of criticism have consistently been raised about the postconciliar renewal efforts of religious life--by members of the hierarchy, by diocesan and religious clergy, by lay people, and by sisters themselves--critical reflection from without or from within has frequently been openly excluded Or quietly ignored in many, and perhaps most, women's apostolic communities. Over the years, members of women's religious communities have, in both speech and writing, lodged various objections to the general direction the path of postconciliar change was taking, a path that people now see as leading to pos-sible demise. The objections made over the years concerned, among other matters, the tendency towards having women religious governed by groups or by intermediate administrative personnel rather than by specific individuals elected to particular offices; the steady move-ment towards (so-called) total-participation chapters, which fre-quently exclude actual participation for many sisters; the general abandonment of easily recognizable identity symbols, along with the failure to maintain various community practices that many found meaningful; the increased use of open placement regarding sisters' employment, with the concomitant results of expanded apostolic diversity, an inability of congregations to make or meet institutional commitments, and the lessening of opportunities for community living. But in many women's congregations such objec-tions have not been well received by leadership or by segments of the membership. Moreover, although explicit internal objections regarding prevalent renewal patterns seem to have diminished over the years and to be somewhat rare now, it seems that members who still wish to embrace a renewed but traditional form of religious life (and who may be in their sixties, seventies, or even eighties) now channel their efforts elsewhere because of their experience of func-tional or systematic exclusion from effecting changes in internal governance. Many now direct their energies to living the remain-ing years of their vowed life by witnessing simply to the values they have consistently embraced but felt circumstantially unable to practice during much of the course of renewal. That is, they now consciously seek opportunities to live in common, to share com-munity prayer, and to minister in an apostolate traditionally related to their charism. Meanwhile, younger members--that is, mem-bers mostly under fifty--have initiated regular intra- and inter- Review for Religious congregational gatherings and networking in search of mutual sup-port and deeper religious meaning. Regarding various community renewal policies and proce-dures, then, numbers of community members have voiced explicit criticism--and by their practice have made some implicit criticism unmistakably clear too. Beyond this criticism arising from within apostolic communities of women religious, critical assessments have come also from people outside these communities. These assess-ments have been met with a similar pattern of rejection. Comments that even border on being critical have been categorically discountenanced as arising variously from arrogant, intemperate, shallow, uninformed, traditionalist, or ignorant sources. Criticism from the hierarchy and diocesan clergy seems often to have been excluded because they are regarded as hopelessly embedded in patriarchy. Criticism from religious priests seems to have been judged unacceptable because they are con-sidered to be unduly influenced by their experience of clerical advantage. And criticism from lay people seems to have been readily rejected because many of them are viewed as harboring unrealistic expectations of a lifestyle in which they do not share. Indeed, a pattern of negative reaction to critical assessmentsof what has happened since Vatican II is evident in responses to a recent article concerning possible causes for the current dearth of religious vocations in some communi-ties) It often appears that only certain internal, ostensibly self-perpetuating authorities or select special-interest groups are judged as adequately expressing the renewa! process among women reli-gious. Any suggestion from any source that any viable religious life in the future might diverge from the direction envisioned by the prevailing progressive model seems to be all too readily con-sidered as patently reactionary, as categorically negative, as arro-gantly uninformed, as judgmentally ignoring women's unique lived Any suggestion from any source that any viable religious life in the future might diverge from the direction envisioned by the prevailing progressive model seems to be all too readily considered as patently reactionary. ;'~,lay-JuJle 1999 254 McDonough ¯ The Need for Self-Criticism experience, as unfairly critical, or as an emotionally immature attachment to a former way of life) Furthermore, as postconciliar renewal has continued, it is not only critical observations that have been shunned .by women reli-gious in this country. Significant research data and pointed rec-ommendations from comprehensi'be sociological studies have also been embraced only selectively and implemented only sporadi-cally. Results from the ongoing, multifaceted, and controversial "Sisters' Survey"--as formulated and conducted under the direc-tion of sociologist Marie Augusta Neal SNDdeN--were systemat-ically distributed to participating congregations, published in several books~ and regularly reported at national meetings of major superiors from 1967 through the late 1980s. In stark contrast, amazingly little attention has been given to the more recent findings of psychologists David Nygren CM and Miriam Ukeritis CgJ. These researchers surprised participants at a 1992 Chicago workshop when, in presenting data from their study on the Future of Religious Orders in the United States (abbreviated as FORUS), they announced that many religious communities in this country had only a "ten-year window" in which to alter the present course of decline if they wished to perdure many years into the third millennium. The conferences of major superiors (CMSM and LCWR) were directly involved in the planning and execution of the FORUS study, which rendered some startling results about reli-gious in the United States. Included in these discoveries were. a lack of role clarity among religious (especially in apostolic groups of women), a high degree of cultural assimilation by religious, a general ministerial invisibility of religious, a relative dearth of effec-tive leadership in most religious communities, an apparently less-ened inclination to sacrifice among religious, and a widespread loss of institutional commitments by religious congregations.4 More than half a decade has passed since Nygren and Ukeritis projected that there was only a "ten-year window" of opportunity for the viability of religious institutes in America. During this time the FORUS findings seem to have gone largely unheeded or to have been relegated to convenient oblivion. Could it be that this study was greeted with a less than enthusiastic response precisely because its findings were unpopular among the group being assessed? For, indeed, the FORUS results did not shower unbounded accolades on the postconciliar transformation of reli-gious life in America; did not unquestioningly advocate contin- Review for Religious ued pursuit of the progressive model of renewal, and did not offer unrestrained optimism for the future prospects of religious insti-tutes. Or could it be that the FORUS findings, perceived as being all too accurate, were simply too painful to accept and conse-quently were met with at least unconscious denial at individual and collective levels in most congregations, particularly those of women religious? Over the years, religious in several areas of expertise have also sounded calls for critical reassessment of current practices in light of the manifest patterns of continuing decline in religious institutes. These calls, too, seem largely unheeded. The historical and sociological analyses of Raymond Fitz SM and Lawrence Cada SM, which appeared in the mid 1970s, got little attention after several months of popular discussion. Their work said quite clearly that probably only a small fraction of the then extant communi-ties would successfully negotiate post- Vatican renewal efforts,s Might the brief notice that Fitz and Cada's anal-yses received.be due, at least in part, to their intimation that religious con-gregations over the centuries have had identifiable lifespans, that many con-gregations did not last long after a per-vasive experience of absolute doubt regarding purpose, and that this seemed to be precisely the situa-tion at that time for thousands of religious in America? In 1983 CARA (Center for Applied Research in the Apostolate) in Washington, D.C., published a translation of the 1972 land-mark monograph of Raymond Hostie SJ, Vie et mort des ordres religieux, on which the Fitz and Cada material was directly based.6 The introduction to this booklet, by historian Dolores Liptak RSM, explains its significance, its application to ~enewal among American religious and specifically women religious. But this, too, appears to have received only scant attention within women's communities in the United States. All through the early 1990s, Eleace King IHM, of CAR& pub-lished data about--and reasons for--the steady decline in voca- Religious in several areas of expertise have also sounded calls for critical reassessment of current practices in light of the manifest patterns of continuing decline in religious institutes. 255 May-,]une 1999 McDonougb * The Need for Self-Criticism tions to progressively oriented communities along with parallel data about the constant flow of vocations to traditional groups.7 Little note, however, has been taken of these results. At the beginning of this decade, David O'Connor ST offered a balanced and readable summary of the various cultura!, eccle-sial, theological, and ideological shifts that may be contributing to the (possible) disappearance of many religious institutes in this country; but his work is rarely cited or even referenced in reli-gious- life circles.8 In 1991 I myself published what the editor of America magazine referred to as a "trenchant critique" of the then prevailing trends in religious life, while the editor of First Things described it as "a first-rate analysis of what has gone awry in the many worlds of American religion."9 This analysis and critique received an overwhelming positive response from members of reli-gious communities around the world, but it was simultaneously greeted with resounding silence from those in leadership. Albert DiIanni SM has offered thoughtful considerations based on his experience of the renewal of religious life as it currently relates to religion, to modernity, to modern psychology, to com-munity, to decreasing vocations, and to certain laicizing trends in the post-Vatican II era; but his observations have been met with either studied unconcern or strident rejectionJ° And little heed has been paid to the recent, assessment of sociologist Patricia Wittberg SC that the future of most religious communities is severely limited--if not rather bleak---precisely because a coinci-dence of internal and external factors has resulted in a collapse of their ideological framework and a lessening or elimination of their functional supports.~ Regarding postconciliar religiousqife trans-formation, are only laudatory comments able to be perceived as having any meaning and value for communities of women reli-gious in America today? In many of these communities, a pattern of dismissing with studied disdain or even open derision any factual data that leads to disconcerting conclusions about their lives has been ill too evi-dent in the response to Ann Carey's recent book, a book (widely conceded to be well documented) that details decisions and actions taken in the decades since Vatican II within the conference of major superiors for women's institutes.~2 Note, hbwever, that Lora Ann Quifionez CDP and Mary Daniel Turner SNDdeN published a book earlier in the decade that traced precisely the same era of transi-tion and detailed most of the same topics, but from a different Review for Religious perspective and with less specific documentation.13 In contrast to Carey's work, the Quifionez-Turner book was well received and has been highly touted as an accurate portrait of renewal. Yet both books present renewal as deliberately intended and carefully planned. Both books address the influence of cultural context, the impa6t of the Sisters' Survey, the effect of feminist initiatives, the disruption from internal conference conflicts, the consequences of hierarchic confrontations, and other such topics in reference to postconciliar religious life. Both books name those who were instrumental in the renewal process at national and local levels in this country. And the authors of both books offer assessments of what has actually occurred. Could the disparity in recep-tion of these two works be due at least in part to the fact that the Quifionez- Turner book evaluates these happen-ings positively while the Carey book views the results as more than slightly wide of the mark envisioned by Perfectae caritatis? To be sure, journalist Carey is a laywoman who judged the evidence she amassed as anything but complimen-tary to the renewal process and those who directed it, and she called for critical reassessment of renewal results. On the other hand, Quifionez and Turner are women religious--both former executive secretaries of LCWR and both instrumental in effecting the postconciliar transformation--who judged the results thus far as entirely positive and urged further development along the same course of renewal. It is a truism of historical scholarship that those attempting an analysis of a set of events need a realistic broad familiarity with the historical context. But does this explain why the perspective on religious-life renewal presented by those who guided it should so readily be judged more accurate or more objective or more accept-able than the perspective of someone who has carefully pored over official documentation and verifiable data and has her own lived familiarity with post-Vatican II renewal? Could it be that negative assessments of religious-life renewal from whatever source are Could it be that negative assessments of religious-life renewal from whatever source are simply unacceptable to women religiousm for whatever reason ? 257 May-June 1999 McDonougb ¯ The Need for Self-Criticism t_g_ 1 simply unacceptable to women religious--for whatever reason? For an explanation of the present situation of decline and demise, are many women religious simply incapable of looking further than a speculatively fascinating and vaguely consoling convergence of sociological circumstances that impact religious life fr0m outside? Is none of the decline and demise of the past thirty-three years attributable to decisions made and actions taken within religious communities? Have dispersed ministries and secular attire (with lapel pins) and apartment living had absolutely no detrimental effect, whether expected or not? Are women religious able to look at none of the above? And, if so, why? Though the suggestion made ten years ago by sociologist Wittberg that the behavioral patterns among congregations of women religious might "actually be dysfunctional for organiza-tional survival" appears to have been effectively ignored, it may well identify a pertinent reality that needs to be at least acknowl-edged- if not directly addressed--by religious congregations of women today.14 And perhaps women religious would also do well to attend to the warning, offered in 1988 by psychologist Donna Markham OP, that the positive perception they had of themselves did not match the perception of others--something that did not bode well for vocations.~s Indeed, with rare exception, vocations have declined steadily throughout the decade since Markham's observation, and in most communities of apostolic women reli-gious the median age has gradually increased. " True enough, religious life is not merely a functional institu-tion, and it certainly ought not to be reduced to a numbers game. But is it unrealistic to suggest that a minimal number of members is needed for a community to perdure, to serve effectively, and to hand on a religious tradition? And, when women religious look over their shoulder for younger women walking in their footsteps and see no one there, is it really unfair to surmise that what they have been fashioning since Vatican II may not be a viable form of future religious life after all? Or, again, when congregations begin realistically to project that by the year 2010 fewer than ten percent of their members will be under sixty-five years of age, is it unduly critical to suggest that someone somewhere somehow may have made some decision(s) in the three-plus decades of post-Vatican II renewal that ought seriously to be reassessed and perhaps even altered? I think not. Review for Religious Indeed, on the part of women religious in America (and per-haps elsewhere in the world, too), some possibly difficult but gen-uinely constructive self-criticism and some corrective change of course in various aspects of postconciliar renewal ought to be hon-esdy welcomed.'6 And both may be long overdue, because the real-ity at issue has import far beyond the ever-dwindling numbers of ever-aging apostolic women religious themselves. Notes 1 Doris Gottemoeller, "Religious Life: Where Does It Fit in Today's Church?" in Review for Religious 57, no. 3 (March-April 1998): 146- 160. 2 Albert Dilanni, "A View of Religious Vocations," America 178, no. 6 (28 February 1998): 8-12. 3 See various responses to the Dilanni article (note 2 above) among letters to the editor in the March and early April issues of 1998. 4 David J. Nygren and Miriam D. Ukeritis, "The Religious Life Futures Project: Executive Summary," Review for Religious 52, no. 1 (January-February 1993): 6-55; also. Origins 22, no. 15 (24 September 1992): 257-272. s Lawrence Cada and Raymond Fitz, "The Recovery of Religious Life," Review for Religious 34, no. 5 (September-October 1975): 690-718. 6 Raymond Hostie, /,qe et mort des ordres religieux (Paris: Descl~e, 1972), translated for a limited English edition as The Life and Death of Religious Orders (Washington, D.C.: CAP, A, 1983). 7 See the CARA Formation Directory for Men and Women Religious (Washington, D.C.: CARA) as edited by Eleace King IHM for the years 1991, 1992, 1993, and 1994-1995. s David O'Connor, Witness and Service (New York: Paulist Press, 1990), pp. 145-162. 9 See, respectively, Elizabeth McDonough, "Beyond the Liberal Model: Quo Vadis?" Review for Religious 50, no. 3 (March-April 1991): 178-188; editorial in America for 13 July 1991; and "The Public Square," First Things, no. 17 (November 1991). ,0 Albert DiIanni, Religious Life as Adventure (New York: Alba House, 1994). " Patricia Wittberg, The Rise and Fall of Catholic Religious Orders (New York: SUNY Press, 1994). ,2 Ann Carey, Sisters in Crisis (Huntington, Indiana: Our Sunday Visitor, 1997). ,3 Lora Ann Quifionez and Mary Daniel Turner, The Transformation of American Catholic Sisters (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992). ,4 Patricia Wittberg, "Outward Orientation in Declining 259 May-June 1999 McDonough ¯ The Need for Self-Criticism Organizations: Reflections on LCWR Documents," in Claiming Our Truth, ed. Nadine Foley (Washington, D.C.: LCWR, 1988), pp, 91-105. 15 Donna Markham, "The Decline of Vocations in the United States: Reflections from a Psychological Perspective," New Catholic World 231, no. 1381 (January-February 1988): 13-17. 16 See, for example, the recent comments of Doris Gottemoeller, "Religious Life in Crisis," Origins 28, no. 36 (25 February 1999): 634- 638. The Treasure Long ago a rainbow arc'd my storm-tossed sky, and the pot of gold I found then is still bottomless. Since that serendipitous moment, faith has claimed its reality. I see with clarity--over the clouds, beyond the rains--that joy and pain alike qualify to mine the treasure, provide the coin to buy the Kingdom, here on the green earth for a time, and there in the meadows of Eternity. Anna Marie Mack SSJ Review for Religious LARRY N. LORENZONI The Annuario Pontificio The Vatican's "Pontifical Yearbook" and a Recent Editorial Decision Fourteen years ago the Religious Life Review, edited in Dublin by Father Austin Flannery OP, published an arti-cle with the catchy title "The Single Sex Church of the Annuario Pontificio." Its opening paragraphs noted the almost total absence of women's names in the church's official directory. The same article was later reprinted in Sisters Today with a milder title: "The Annuario Pontificio and Women in the Church." The Annuario Pontificio is the 4.25"-by-6.5" 2500- page yearbook of the Roman Catholic Church. Bound in red cloth with a golden papal coat of arms on the cover, it contains annually updated information about the College of Cardinals, all archbishops and bishops (with basic facts about their respective dioceses), all prelates and abbots, the secretariat of state, the Roman tribunals, congregations, councils, and commissions, the Vatican Library, the church's worldwide diplomatic representa-tives (nuncios and pronuncios), all the ambassadors accredited to the Holy See, the administration of Vatican City, all officially approved religious orders of men and Larry N. Lorenzoni SDB, a Salesian priest, served in the late 1980s as director of the documentation, information, and press office of Caritas Internationalis in Rome. Currently director of development for his province, he may be addressed at Salesians of St. John Bosco; 1100 Franklin Street; San Francisco, California 94109. 1999 261 A former noteworthy feature of the Annuario was the almost total absence of females in its pages. 262 Lorenzoni ¯ Tlse Annuario Pontifido of women, academies, atheneums, pontifical universities (six: Gregoriana, Lateranense, Urbaniana, San Tommaso d'Aquino [Angelicum], Salesiana, and the new Santa Croce), a number of seminaries and colleges, and various other institutes and cultural organizations. The Annuario closes with a hundred pages of historical notes and six hundred pages of alphabetical lists: names of all the dio-ceses, prelatures~ and titular dioceses (in their Latin adjectival form, Latin noun form, and modern Roman-alphabet form) and the names and page references of some 25,000 persons. It is a fascinat-ing book. Of the 151 living cardinals listed in the 1997 Annuario (to cite a rather significant fact one can easily cull from its pages), 4 were created by Pope John xxIII, 31 by Paul vI, and 116 by Pope John Paul II. A former noteworthy feature of the Annuario--it used to distinguish it from virtually eve .ry other directory in the world--was the almost total absence of females in its pages. The alpha-betical list at the end of the directory was conse-quently 99.99 percent male. Historical, doctrinal, and traditional considerations are essential for a proper understanding of this situation. One page from the 1985 article (in RLR) found its way to the Vatican underground and quickly became the subject of some interesting conversa-tions during my four years (1986-1990) at Caritas Internationalis, the church's worldwide charity wing. In the penthouses of Palazzo San Callisto, where the Caritas offices are located (near Santa Maria in Trastevere), lived a number of active and retired cardinals (Roger Etchegaray, Bernardin Gantin, Paul Poupard, Ferdinando Antonelli, Francesco Carpino, and Francis Arinze). I came to know best Cardinal Francis Arinze, from Nigeria, the genial president of the Pontifical Council for Interreligious Dialogue. Occasionally I see him mentioned among the papabili and featured as a speaker on Mother Angelica's EWTN television programs. He is keenly intelligent and friendly, a good listener, articulate and ever an opti-mist. Open to new ideas, he weighs carefully all arguments against the truths of the faith and then follows them courageously t6 their logical conclusions. I remember in particular one conversation I had with him at Review for Religious Palazzo San Callisto, a conversation occasioned by some para-graphs from that December 1985 article (of mine) in RLR, which some friend had shared with him. The paragraphs are these: One glaring lacuna [in the Annuario Pontificio] is hard to understand, and even harder to accept, because of the anger it is likely to provoke today when everyone is being increas-ingly sensitized against all kinds of discrimination. I am refer-ring to the omission of the names of the superiors general of women religious where the individual congregations are listed with the address of the generalate and current information as to the number of foundations and of professed members. .This anomaly came to my attention when I needed to check the spelling of the name of the new mother general of our Salesian sisters. I had just looked up the name of the superior general of the Fathers of Mercy (whose ad I had seen in The Wanderer), so I turned instinctively to the Annuario for the answer to my question. It was not as sim-ple as I thought. For every male congregation, the name of the superior general is invariably given (and, in 99 percent of the cases, also that of the procurator general). One learns, for instance, that the Very Rev. John O'Brien is the superior general of the Fathers of Mercy (an order founded in 1808), even though the order has only seven members worldwide. Fifty-four religious orders of men have less than I00 pro-fessed members, seven have 25 or fewer, but in each case the name of the general is prominently displayed. I was chagrined to discover that in the case of the orders and congregations of women one looks in vain in the Annuario for the names of the mothers general. Some 120 of those congregations have a membership of over 1000 sis-ters. In vain did I look for the name of the superior general of the Salesian sisters, even though the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians, as they are officially known, have a worldwide membership of nearly 18,000. They are the sec-ond largest congregation of women in the church, after the 34,000 Daughters of Charity of St. Vincent de Paul. Such a discriminatory omission tends to reinforce all the worst stereotypes one hears about the institutional church and its treatment of women, since it conveys a number of admittedly unintentional but nonetheless inescapable mes-sages: (1) Women are of little consequence in the church. (2) The father superior of ten men is more important than the mother superior of I0,000 women. (3) Names of females, no matter how important, need not be listed in the Annuario because the church does not discuss matters of consequence with them anyway. (4)Male religious superiors are routinely consulted, and hence it is necessary to have their names listed May-June 199.9 Lorenzoni ¯ The AnnuarioPontificio in the Annuario, but listing the flames of the superiors gen-eral of women does not serve any useful purpose since very rarely does one need to know who they are and even less deal or correspond with them. (5) Sisters are supposed to accept obediently and without too many questions whatever Holy Mother Church says. Unfortunately, in the thinking of many, Holy Mother Church is often equated with male power structure. No dissenting voice was heard from those who had joined our conversation. Both retired Cardinal Francesco Carpino (a man of rare nobility, who died 5 October 1993) and Cardinal Francis Arinze agreed that the Annuario should at long last join the mod-ern age and list the names of women religious superiors alongside those of their male counterparts. But Rome moves slowly. The 16 December 1994 issue of Commonweal carried this item under its Et Cetera rubric: Speaking in support of requests by women's religious orders for an end to discrimination by the church against women, Archbishop Maurice Couture of Quebec pointed to the 1993 Vatican Yearbook (Annuario Pontificio); it lists the names of the superiors general of all institutes of men, but none of the names of the superiors general of women (Origins, November 3). Good for the archbishop, but he's ten years late. Writing in Religious Life Review for November-December 1985, our correspondent Larry Lorenzoni SDB [Correspondence, November 18] recalled turning to the Annuario to find the name of the superior general of the Fathers of Mercy, an order founded in 1808 which has seven members worldwide. The name was there: the Very Rev. John O'Brien. He also looked for the name of the superior general of the Salesian sisters, the second largest congregation of women in the church: nearly 18,000 members. No name. Some of the mes-sages conveyed (Father Lorenzoni, a kind man, says they are "admittedly unintentional but nonetheless inescapable"): "Women are of little consequence in the church; the father superior of ten men is more important than the mother supe-rior of 10,000 women; there's no point in publishing the names of women superiors because who needs to know them." I have before me the 1997 edition of the Annuario Pontificio. I see with some personal satisfaction that each religious congrega-tion of women now routinely carries, as an additional entry, the name of the mother general. The change can safely be labeled "routine" since it started with the Annuario's 1996 edition. Review for Religious No doubt, some gentle nudging by a few highly placed mem-bers of the College of Cardinals, as well as by bishops convinced that the previous practice was clearly discriminatory, helped level the field. Word eventually reached the offices of the Vatican sec-retariat of state, on which the Annuario Pontificio depends, and suitable action followed with the publication of the 1996 edition. A recent phone call to the secretariat of state enabled me to reach Angela Zanetti, a most personable and knowlegeable lady who was for twenty-six years connected with the production of the Annuario. Her new supervisor, Monsignore Fermenti, intro-duced her to me as a "walking encyclopedia on the history of the Annuario Pontificio." Here are some interesting facts from our con-versation: ¯ The first list of male religious orders (Istituti Mascbili) appeared in the 1838 edition of the Annuario. ¯ The first list of female religious orders (Istituti Femminih) appeared 98 years later, in the 1940 edition, without the name of the mother general. ¯ The two lists continued to be published (Ordini Mascbili first, Ordini Femminili second) in the years following, each order of men shouting prominently the name of the general, each order of women lacking that particular information. * At last, in the 1996 edition, for the very first time, the information concerning each religious order of women included also the name of the mother general, as had previously been done for even the smallest reli-gious orders of men. I am reminded of what Pat Paulsen, the late tongue-in-cheek presidential candidatei once said with his usual aplomb: "No one should be denied equal rights because of the shape of their skin." Subs'criptions to Review for Religious can flow b~ ordered,or renewedoby FAX; and paid forby Ma~terCard ~o'r Visd. FA~ the order form inside the back cover, or cALL our o~c~ ~wi~ "th your credit card number: IF~: 31z~-977~7362 0, ~'HONE: 314-977-7363 1999 JOAN A. RANGE Women and Canon Law Cbanon law, as a support for the life of the community of elievers, that is, the church, has a history almost as old as the community itself. Over the centuries, its formulation has not been the work of women, a fact that is readily understandable. Women did not have the status nor society the liberality for that kind of contribution. Women were, however, a vital part of the church and society: in the church as members of the various ordines that supported the living community and in society as wives and mothers2 History witnesses to this fact and those roles. Women's lives, moreover, were guided by the protection, pre-scriptions, and sanctiohs of the church's law. In church courts of the ¯ Middle Ages, women were parties to suits brought against alleged violations and also were sued for alleged violations of others' rights. The activity of women in the world of canon law is well attested to in the church's history.2 But as members who formulated the law or who addressed the church's courts (defending others or doing advocate work for oth-ers) or judged cases (even as collegiate judges), all this women never did until this century. In this century women have performed all these functions in their own right as members of the church and as canon lawyers. The future is clear for their continued func-tioning to be even more vigorous. This rather astonishing fact needs consideration. Given the absence of women in all these roles before this century, how did this change come about? Joan A. Range ASC is associate professor in the Department of Theological Studies at Saint Loui~ University. Her address is Humanities Bui_lding; 3800 Lindell Boulevard; St. Louis, Missouri 63108. Review for Relig4ous Women's Status in Canon Law ~ Before this century, as a rule women's status was that of persons limited before the law. Mostly, women were considered--as were minors and the mentally incompetent--unable in their own person and name to bring a case before the court. This reflected Roman law, from which much of canon law is derived. When, however, asso-ciations of women became moral persons with rights and duties in the law, they were able to bring cases to court, as history shows. Besides bringing cases to the church's tribunals when their rights were being infringed or violated, women were also sued by others if the petitioner felt that his own rights were being infringed or violated by women. This was often a matter of property rights. As time progressed it might also be a matter of marriage rights as well, especially when it concerned the legitimacy of children and their right to inherit. Other than these cases, however, women's presence in~ the laws themselves usually had to do with their status within the church and society, that is, as daughters, wives, moth-ers, widows, nuns, or women of ill repute. Beginning early in the church's history, the protection of wid-ows and orphans was a great concern since these groups were socially the most vulnerable. As time passed and Roman law found its way into the church's mentality, other laws concerning women were developed to protect the virgin from marriage if she resisted, from abduction and rape, and later as a member of a community of consecrated women) Most of the legislation had to do with the women as wives and mothers, however, and especially with their ability to bear children. Laws agains.t adultery, contraception, and abortion were the most prominent since they infringed upon the husband's potency, paternity, or virility.4 Apart from these matters, women as individual persons were not dealt with in the church's laws. The 1917 Code did not always treat women equally with men, as studies testify.5 The 1983 Code, in contrast, states that the "there exists among all the Christian faithful a true equality with regard to dignity and the activity whereby all cooperate in the building up of the Body of Christ in accord with each one's own condition and function.''6 The excep-tion to this is when the nature of the case clearly indicates other-wise, such as the laws having to do with ordination.7 Women began to engage themselves in the activities of the Canon Law Society of America (CLSA) since about the middle of this century. It is that story upon which we now focus. May-June 1999 ,267 Range * Women and Canon Law Women and the Canon Law Society of America The pivotal event for the growth in female membership in the CLSA was the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965).8 Before that event there were clear hints that the status of women in the world and in the church needed to be addressed.9 The council documents, too, indicated those concerns,l° In the United States, women's professional involvement in canon law began in the mid 1960s. Clara Marie Henning, the first woman to become a member of CLSA, applied for membership in 1968. She was then a student in the School of Canon Law at the Catholic University of America, from which she later received the licentiate in canon law (JCL). Other women were members of the CLSA, but their reason for membership was their position as supe-riors of religious orders, not their status as canon lawyers. Even before Vatican II, beginning with Pope Pius XrlI, efforts had been made by the church to bring about a simplification and an updating within the various orders and congregations of women religious worldwide.~ This was a remote cause for interest in canonical matters and membership in the CLSA. After the documents of the council and the implementation decrees of Pope Paul vI had been issued, there was a need and desire to learn about canon law and its usefulness in the efforts of religious congregations toward adaptation and renewal. These efforts had a significant effect on the work during the 1970s toward formulating the new and revised Code. Initially, then, the impetus for women to become members of the CLSA was that congregations of women religious might derive more benefit from canon law. Another reason for women to begin studying canon law and to become members of the CLSA was an academic one. As Catholic universities opened graduate programs in theology for lay people, some women students became interested in pursuing degrees in canon law. This interest included both the relation of canon law to theology and the historical development of canon law. The membership records of the CLSA are limited in a number of ways. For many year~ the records were the responsibility of the coordinator and were not kept in a permanent office. It was only in 1980 that a full-time director and staff began to have an office (with a permanent place for records)at the Catholic University of America. The records up to 1979 were given to the Cushwa Center for .the Study of American Catholicism and are available there as archival records. The membership records are incom- Review for Religious plete, however, because they were not systematically kept, a not uncommon omission when an organization's importance is not understood in its early days22 Nevertheless, the records show a remarkable growth in female membership after the mid 1960s. In 1968 there were hardly five women members. In 1971 the first woman was elected to national office in the CLSA.13 This event witnessed to a movement within the society to include women as active members. In 1976 there were 38 women members; by 1984 there were 139. The 1990 directory lists almost 200 women members.~4 At' the time of the 1996 direc-tory, the female membership stood at 223 out of a total of 1557 members, or about 14 percent. The history of the growth of the membership of women in the CLSA is part of the growth of la~Yomember-ship. Already in1,37 the CLSA's committee on membership was concerned with appropriate criteria. The concern was not specif-ically about women, but about qualifications that would assure that interested persons, lay or clerical, would have knowledge about the science of canon law. Before this point a potential mem-ber was sponsored by a current member and his name given to the committee on membership for its approval before being voted on by all those gathered at the national convention. That this rather cumbersome way of enrolling new members needed to be revised was a common opinion at the time. Thomas J. Lynch,~5 chair of the committee on membership, wrote in a report to the board of governors that, in the proposed revision of the constitutions (1967), the CLSA will "rid our con-stitution of any unnecessary clericalism and will also insure that the active and voting membership of the society will be composed of persons whose professional qualifications give them a special com-petence in matters of renewal and revision of law." ,6 As executive secretary, after receiving increased correspon-dence from many interested parties, James Provost laid his con-cerns about qualifications for membership before the board of Initially, the impetus for women to become members of the CLSA was that congregations of women religious might derive more benefit from canon law. Mt{y-June 1999 Range ¯ l, Vomen and Canon Law governors.'7 In 1980 a constitutional amendment was finalized requiring a person to have a degree in canon law in order to be an active member. Others could be associate members, but without the right to vote at the conventions.~s In 1995 a survey was distributed to women members at the annual convention held in conjunction with the Canadian Canon Law Society in Montreal. Its purpose was to discover the experi-ence of women as members of the CLSA. One hundred three responses were returned, with seventeen women indicating asso-ciate membership, the rest active membership. The responses demonstrated a positive experience within the society; there were a few exceptions, but even they did not indicate major difficulties. One commented that the CLSA was "one of the best kept secrets of the American Church." A tone must have been set many years ago, another respondent speculated, to be inclusive of women.19 Although there is no documentation of a policy decision that ver-ifies that statement, the facts sifice 1968 attest to its reality. The inclusion of women on committees, their election to national posi-tions as officers and consultors, and their presentations at plenary sessions and seminars during regional and national conventions-- all this has been remarkable over the last thirty years. Already in 1971 a woman was a member of the religious-affairs committee; in 1972 a woman was on the legal-council committee as well.2° Twice women have been elected vice-president/presi-dent- elect and have assumed the full responsibility of that office. This office is a challenging one for its incumbent, whether male or female, and certainly for a nonordained female. In addition to chairing the board of governors, the president's responsibilities include communications with the hierarchy of the United States, with the various dicasteries of the Vatican, with the canon-law societies of other countries, and with the members of various dioce-san offices throughout the country. The leadership of the society is challenging internally also, since most of the members are still clerics, including bishops, archbi.shops, and cardinals. Besides the increased membership of women in the society and their activity within it, the agendas of the CLSA have been modified because of the interests of the women members and the" commitment of the leadership and membership to women's issues. Already in 1970, at the national convention in New Orleans, a resolution was passed that stated: "The Canon Law Society of America instructs the subcommittee of its task force on the revi- Review for Religious sion of the Code of Canon Law to study the canonical institutions concerning the dignity, freedom, rights, privileges, offices, and obligations of women in the church and to propose those changes necessary to ensure the equitable consideration of all persons regardless of sex by the law of the church.''2~ In 1973 the society cosponsored with the Adrian Dominican Sisters a meeting of canonists and theologians at their college, Siena Heights, to address the question of the ordination of women from a variety of per-spectives?~ In 1972 the board of governors established an ad hoc com-mittee on the status of women in the church; it became a regular committee in 1973.23 At the conven-tion of 1975, Margaret Brennan IHM presented a major address titled "Standing in Experience: A Reflection on the Status of Women in the church." In 1976 a symposium was held at Rosemont College in Pennsylvania on Women and Church Law; in view of the revision going on at the time, it studied how the law addresses women. It published a con-sensus paper, signed by the twenty-four participants, with sug-gestions concerning how the church in the United States might address some of the inequities from which women suffered.24 In 1987 the members of the committee on women raised the question of its future viability. Even though it regularly invited the society's membership to present it with significant issues, the committee had little business to deal with, This was the reason for the eventual elimination of this committee. Its concerns were taken up by a new committee on the laity in the church?5 From 1988 on, some members of the CLSA were involved with the canon-ical dimensions of the U.S. bishops' Letter on Women that was eventually published in 1990.26 A resolution was taken by the society in 1992 to study the question of the diaconate for women. In 1995 the report by the ad hoc committee, "The Canonical Implications of Ordaining Women to the Permanent Diaconate," was presented to the national con-vention and accepted by the membership.27 This document received a wide distribution to other professional societies and to the National Conference of Catholic Bishops (NCCB). A resolution was taken by the society in 1992 to study the question of the diaconate for women. 271 May-.Tune 1999 Range ¯ Women and Canon Law With the promulgation of Pope John Paul II's apostolic let-ter Ordinatio sacerdotalis stating that the church has no authority to ordain women, the activity of the society on some of these issues perforce ceased, and no new initiatives on this issue have been forthcoming. Some study is being done on the question of the laity sharing in the power of jurisdiction, obviously an important issue, for .lay people function more and more in various offices in the church, It remains to be seen, however, if gender-specific issues will continue to inform the society's agenda. Participation in the annual conventions also reflects the change in the presence of women. In 1967 there were no women at the national convention. In 1968 the female participants were superi-ors of religious orders. In 1969-1970 some women religious were present as well as some major superiors.2s In 1971 there were 9 women registered at the convention in Atlanta, out of 224 partic-ipants. As more and more women begame members of the CLSA, more and more of them have attended both the regional and national conventions.29 In the women's responses to the question-naire mentioned above, they noted the quality of exchange at both regional and national conventions. They are a continuing educa-tional experience for the female membership, as they are for oth-ers who attend these meetings. 272 Women's Education in Canon Law It is clear that many of the women members of the CLSA are active members with degrees in canon law. The obtaining of these degrees is a completely novel achievement in the history of women and canon law. In North America there are two schools from which a woman can receive a degree in canon law: the Catholic University of American in Washington, D.C., and St. Paul University in Ottawa. Most U.S. women have chosen one of these two schools for their canonical education. Among the European schools, most women have chosen the Angelicum, which teaches courses in English, and a few the Gregorian, which until onl~ recently taught its courses in Latin. In 1990 John E. Lynch CSP published an interesting and infor-mative article about the history of the Department of Canon Law at the Catholic University of America, "Laying Down the (Canon) Law at Catholic University.m° The occasion for the article was the centenary of Catholic University. In it he remarked that in Review Jbr Religious 1959 women were enrolling in canon law in Rome.3' That had not yet occurred in North America and not at Catholic University, but it would occur in 1967. The first woman to enroll was Clara Marie Henning, a native of Germany. After that, the numbers of women students increased gradually and now have remained con-stant for some time. The first women students, except for Ms. Henning, were women religious.32 The topics of their theses and dissertations represented the concerns of women in the early 1970s, after the close of the council: religious formation, authority, the LCWR, the legal status of women, the pastoral nature of canon law.3~ Besides this continued interest in the concerns of women religious, later tides indicate an interest in the position of lay people in the church: for example, participation in the munus sanctificandi, and ministry and the layperson.34 Still later tides indicate a broadening of inter-est: for example, the relation of canon law to civil law, and the relation of bishops to diocesan church institutions. Licentiate (JCL) theses usually presaged what those who con-tinued on to the doctorate in canon law (JCD) would write their dis-sertations about. Many of the topics arose from the first draft of the soon-to-be-revised Code: lay employees, rights and obligations of Christian parents, tribunal personnel. Also, a number of theses compared the historic 1983 revision with the 1917 Code. When women first entered Catholic University's Department of Canon Law as students, it could be presumed that they would make a difference in the classroom. After the early wave (women religious, all but one), a number Of lay women as well (and men, too) entered the ranks of students. To assess this presumption of difference, I seized an opportunity to interview the faculty of the department in December 1996: Father James Provost (chair), Father John E. Lynch CSP, Father Thomas Green, Father Edward Pfnausch, Sister Rose McDermott ssJ, and Father John Beal.3s Their reflections on the difference women make are interesting and substantiate what I consider an exceedingly important dimen-sion of women's contribution to canon law, that is, women's human-izing effect. Every one of the faculty indicated that the presence of women made the conversation within the class richer; the questions they asked and their observations were different from the ques-tions of the traditional clerical students.36 At first the women stu-dents did not know some of the vocabulary (nor did entering laymen). One of the faculty recalls mentioning the title "vicar May-ffune 1999 273 Range ¯ Women and Canon Law forane," a term completely unfamiliar to the women. But, when this and other technical phrases were learned, the difficulty was sur-mounted. Women and men, according to ~he faculty members inter-viewed, are equally intelligent. A number of them indicated that women seem to work harder, perhaps to catch up with the clerics because of the unfamiliar discourse, perhaps because of a greater personal commitment to learning the field. By and large women are eager students and indicate an appreciation for the dedication of their ifistructors. They suffered from some rather mediocre teaching, but the men suffered from them equally with the women.37 No resentment toward women students precisely because of their gender, however, seems to have marred their educational experience, Women have been elected to leadership within the student body and have functioned well in those positions. They quickly initiated social events that, rich in student exchange, aided schol, arly interests along with providing amiable relaxation. The male students in those same positions of leadership had not been as cre-ative in these important social dimensions of student life. The mission of the faculty in this department derives from their conviction that canon law is g/tided by its theological and pastoral nature. This conviction permeates the curriculum and challenges the students to understand it as an ecclesial discipline, a sister to scriptural, systematic, moral, and church-history stud-ies and influenced by the conclusi6ns of those studies, even as canon law has an influence on them. This understanding of the nature of canon law informs the entire curriculum and therefore shapes the intellectual formation of the students for their future careers as canon lawyers. In my discussions with the faculty, the question arose about the influence of feminism on canon law. In general, the faculty agreed that the agenda of feminism, as various as it is, does not signifi-cantly influence either the students or the classes. Earlier on, given especially the newness of women to the field, the place of women in the 1917 Code, and the questions about women's place in the revised Code, women's'issues had more sig-nificance than they currently have. At that time (through the 1970s) some of the female students manifested some anger due to these issues. Today, however, the nature of law seems to move the direc-tion of the students' questions and concerns much more than gen-der issues do. The women students are not angry, nor are their Review for Religious instructors. Rather, they are typical students focused on complet-ing their studies and finding positions that fulfill their educational goals. The question of secure employment in the church, with its attendant concerns, is more of an issue with them, women and lay men alike, than gender issues. However, as justice issues, gender concerns remain for both instructors and students, now usually subsumed in the issues of the role of the layperson in the church. Women's Involvement in. Writing Canon Law Perhaps the most original activity that women have engaged in regarding canon law is the actual writing of legislation intended to be incorporated within the revised Code of Canon Law. Whether or not the canons made their way into the final text of the 1983 Code is not the point here. Rather, it is the activity itself, utterly newin the history of the church as far as I have been able to determine. How did this creative effort on the part of women begin? Sister M. Luke Tobin SL, president of the CMSW from 1964 to 1967, was invited in 1964 to be an official observer at the Vatican Council during the 1964 and 1965 sessions. This invitation itself indicated that the council fathers wanted the participation of women in the process of developing the church's self-understand-ing in the modern world?8 The law of the church, canon law, needed to express this new self-understanding ,as well. In the United States, women religious felt that their experience of their own lives as women religious was an important contribution towards an appropriately revised Code of Canon Law. This activ-ity would engage many of the members of the CMSW during the late 1960s and the 1970s. The board of CMSW began in 1965 to consider writing the regulations for ~governing the lives of women religious in the Code of Canon Law)9 It initiated a project for accomplishing this. Committees were formed in the several regions to write proposed canons dealing with the various aspects of religious life: the vows, authority, community life, formation, apostolate, prayer, and so forth. At the annual conventions of the CMSW from 1967 to 1971, the committees gave reports about the progress of their work. Eventually the conference published a document containing the proposed norms. It received a wide distribution in this country May-June 1999 275 276 Range ¯ Women and Canon Law and abroad, going to all the religious congregations and to the bishops.4° As this endeavor continued, the confidence of the women grew; they recognized the possibilities of the project. Moreover, they sought assistance from canonical experts to assist them in this unique activity. The CLSA was instrumental in assisting the various committees in this endeavor. Father Paul Boyle CP, a canon lawyer, was out-standing in his leadership in this area for women religious.4' Already as president of CLSA, he had communicated his vision of including women in the revision process. Later, as executive sec-retary, he increased his activity along this line. The recognition by the canonists of women's lack of education in canon law led to the establishment of summer institutes for a number of them. Certificates were earned and credit gained for these educa-tional endeavors. Father Kevin O'Rourke OP assumed the respon-sibility for these institutes by sponsoring them, developing them, enlisting the faculty for them, and negotiating their locations. They were held in different Catholic colleges in the country. A number of the graduates of these programs later completed their education in canon law at pontifical schools of canon law. Besides this educational assistance, the CLSA, following Paul VI's Ecdesiae sanctae (1966) implementing the conciliar document Perfectae caritatis, developed institutes to assist women religious in managing the process of renewal in their congregations. Pope Paul's decree instructed communities to hold general chapters to write their constitutions and to somehow engage the entire con-gregation in that effort. Experimentation, too, was mandated. Experimentation and writing canonical documents were some-thing for which most religious communities needed assistance. These endeavors of the CLSA were empowering experiences for the women and their religious communities. Hitherto the women were by and large ignorant of canon law and canonical procedures. They were, however, well-educated, intelligent, competent leaders within their religious congregations and deeply committed to the renewal that the church had mandated. The assistance of the CLSA empowered them and many other women in their congregations. Enthusiasm to recover the origins of their congregations, to learn about the remarkable women who had founded them, to encounter the Word of God through a knowledge of the Scriptures, and to assess the needs of the world through a study of the "signs of the times" generated an enormous energy within these communities.42 Review for Religious The results of this monumental effort have not yet been com-pletely assessed. Many studies today record it, some positively, other negatively, but it is still too close chronologically for it to be judged adequately.43 The energy, however, remains within reli-gious communities, smaller and older though they may be. Initiatives in forming new kinds of religious communities con-tinue in the church as well.** The renewal enterprise conducted among the CMSW, the reli-gious communities, and the CLSA is one of the finest stories to come out of the post-Vatican II Church. It included not only these organizations, but also the hierar-chy of the United States. There was an extraordinarydemonstra-tion of mutual encouragement and support among these diverse orga-nizations regarding the revision of the Code of Canon Law. The pos-sibility of participating together in the revision of the canons that governed the life of women reli-gious was realized through this " effort. The Conference of Major Superiors of Men (CMSM) was obviously interested in the same endeavor.4s The Canon Law Society of America responded to the announcement by Pope John XXIII as professional canon lawyers whose expertise was not sim-ply in the practice of law, but in developing it through the proposed revision process.46 These three organizations joined in this endeavor with an unusual demonstration of cooperation. Besides these, the bishops' conference in the United States became the conduit through which the efforts of the organiza-tions were channeled to the Pontifi(al Commission for the Revision of Canon Law, whose responsibility it was to finally formulate the revision. Communication among these organizations was full of enthusiasm and respect. There was no hint of competitiveness, no turf war, no condescension toward women, who were at that time uneducated as canon lawyers. What was desired from the women was the expression of their experience of their own lives and their reflection upon that experience. The mutuality of this common endeavor is one of the finest examples of how women and men can work together to accom- Experimentation and writing canonical documents were something for which most religious communities needed assistance. 277 May-.~une 1.o99 Range * Women and Canon Law plish something for the benefit of all. As the process of revision continued, difficulties emerged, of course. When the canonical text, the Code itself, and the communities' constitutions were finalized and promulgated, the energy that had informed the orig-inal process waned. The vitality of experimentation, of developing powerful and inspiring texts, of consulting all the members of communities in that effort, of creating a vocabulary that resonated with the language of the documents of Vatican II and with the pat-rimony of individual communities--all this vitality wound down as perhaps it inevitably had to after final, authoritative texts were promulgated. As rdigious communities developed their constitutions during these years, their experience shaped their identifies in a remarkable way. The expressions within many of these constitutions were utterly original as documents for identifying and regulating the lives of women religious. In the process of havin~ their constitu-tions reviewed, both the Congregation. for Institutes of Consecrated Life and Societies of Apostolic Life and the individ-ual congregations had much to learn. Although by now most of the problems have been resolved, there are still some communities that do not have their constitutions approved. This phenomenon bears the marks of the encounter between creative initiatives, orig-inal expressions of religious life, and traditional modes of canon-ical expression. The Code defines the constitutions of religious communities as' their particular law. The universal law within the Code presents the guidelines for the constitutions, but does not provide their content. Nevertheless,.the originality of many of these documents from religious communities presented new difficulties for both the congregations themselves and the Vatican officials, who had never seen such documents before. This encounter has been very instructive for all the institutions involved. With the promulgation of the revised Code of Canon Law in 1983 and with the finalization of their constitutions, women are no longer engaged in writing the law that regulates their lives. Periodically constitutions need to be resubmitted to the church for approval. Calls for change and for dispensations are part of the regular communication between the Vatican and women's con-gregations. But creativity and initiatives no longer inform the legal expressions of women religious. Extraordinary documents, though, still emerge from congregational meetings addressing the issues Review Jbr Religio~ts that women religious face at the end of the second millennium. How these documents influence the legally binding texts remains a question for the future. Past, Present, and Future This article has investigated the extraordinary entrance of women into a

The Great Depression in Weber County, Utah, is an Oral History Project by Mack S. Taft for completion of his Master's Thesis at Utah State University during the summer of 1969. The interviews address the Great Depression through the eyes of individuals in several different occupations including: Bankers, Laborers, Railroad Workers, Attorneys, Farmers, Educators, Businessmen, Community and Church Leaders, Housewives, Children and Physicians. All of these individuals lived in Weber County from 1929 to 1941. The interviews were based on what they remembered about the depression, how they felt about those events and how it affected their life then and now. ; This is an oral history interview with Wilford G. Fowers. Mr. Fowers discusses his education at the Weber College, working for Cal Pack, and later for the Tanner Clothing Company. He talks about the low wages and hardships of the Depression, entering the military, and so on. ; 14p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 sound disc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program Wilford G. Fowers Interviewed by Mack S. Taft circa 1960s Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Wilford G. Fowers Interviewed by Mack S. Taft circa 1960s Copyright © 2016 by Weber State University, Stewart Library iii Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. The working files, original recording, and archival copies are housed in the University Archives. Project Description The Great Depression in Weber County, Utah, is an Oral History Project by Mack S. Taft for completion of his Master's Thesis at Utah State University during the summer of 1969. The forty-five interviews address the Great Depression through the eyes of individuals in several different occupations including: Bankers, Laborers, Railroad Workers, Attorneys, Farmers, Educators, Businessmen, Community and Church Leaders, Housewives, Children and Physicians. All of these individuals lived in Weber County from 1929 to 1941. The interviews were based on what they remembered about the depression, how they felt about those events and how it affected their life then and now. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management This work is the property of the Weber State University, Stewart Library Oral History Program. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability is included in the text. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Fowers, Wilford G., an oral history by Mack S. Taft, circa 1960s, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. 1 Abstract: This is an oral history interview with Wilford G. Fowers. Mr. Fowers discusses his education at the Weber College, working for Cal Pack, and later for the Tanner Clothing Company. He talks about the low wages and hardships of the Depression, entering the military, and so on. The interviewer is Mack Taft. WF: I'm Wilford G. Fowers, manager of the Tanner Clothing Company here in Ogden. MT: What were you doing during the years from 1929 to 1939? WF: Well, for most of those years, I was in school. In 1929, I was in junior high. In 1936 I graduated from Weber College with a scholarship to the Utah State University. But because of the Depression times, I was unable to use that scholarship. I never got back to finish my education. Things were pretty rough. I remember all during my high school days and during the times when I was at Weber College, there just wasn't much money floating around. I worked in the summertime, mostly for my board and a little extra that I used to buy what few clothes I had. When I see how the young fellows dress these days, going even to junior high and elementary and high school, let alone college, it amazes me. Because in those days we felt lucky if we had one or two pair of overalls or trousers, or what have you, and maybe a little sweater to wear, and maybe a shirt or two, and that was it. MT: What work did you go into after Weber College? WF: I worked during the summer that year for the California Pack Corporation, and then I worked during the Christmas rush down at the Shupe Williams candy company to get some extra money during their Christmas rush. Then, following that, I think I worked for one week with the Kress Company, and at that time, I 2 think I was getting $15 a week. At the end of the week I decided I didn't want to work for the Kress Company, and they probably decided that they didn't want me to work for them, I don't know. Maybe it was mutual. But we parted ways, and right after that, in February 1937, I commenced working for the Tanner Clothing Company, and I've been here ever since. MT: What part of the community did you live in? WF: Well, up until the years of about 1931, along there, I lived in Hooper. And then the family moved to Ogden, and we have lived in Ogden ever since. I'm living now, of course, in a suburb of Ogden, Riverdale, serving on the city council there. MT: How many children were there in your father's family? WF: There were the four of us. MT: Do you remember anything particularly about what your problems were? Did you have more difficulty securing food or clothing, or what would have been your major problems? WF: Well, of course while we lived on the farm we had a garden and we lived reasonably good, not fancy by any means. But we did manage to eat reasonably well. But I remember recreation was something that you didn't have too much of. An automobile – we had one in the family. As far as clothing went, as I mentioned earlier, you just didn't have many clothes in those days. It was rough. I remember after my father moved to Ogden here, and was working for wages, that the paycheck just barely paid the rent and bought some food, and that was about it. Clothes had to come as you got them. You had just a little extra and 3 bought some clothes, and maybe you went without – just did with what you had. MT: Who did your father work for when you moved here to town? WF: For a while he worked for the Jewel Tea Company as a salesman on the road with his truck. Then later he commenced working for the sanitary laundry. He worked for them pretty much until he died. MT: What can you think of as lasting impressions or attitudes or values that you. attribute to your experiences during the Depression? WF: Well, I think those of us who really went through the Depression learned to appreciate a dollar more. We probably are a little more conservative on spending money than maybe some of the people who haven't been. And [we] appreciate more some of the things we do have now in the way of finer automobiles and a nicer home, and being able to buy what food you'd like to have, and the clothes, and so on. I'm certain that all this present generation dresses much better than I did as a boy. And I know that I dress and have nicer things now than I ever had when I was younger. I think probably it does temper your outlook on life a little bit. You maybe appreciate what you have more and you certainly don't waste as much as a lot of people who don't have to go through this. MT: Do you notice any difference in the employer/employee relationship now to what you remember as a young man? WF: I think possibly so. When jobs are real scarce, you don't maybe take advantage of your employer as much. You appreciate your job, you're more anxious to hold it, you're more anxious to put in a good day's work and do the things you're asked to do. Your attitude, I think, is a little different because you need the job 4 badly and you know you can't get another one so easy. So you take a little more interest in holding on to it, for that reason. Of course right now, some people say jobs are hard to find, and I guess maybe they are, but they're not nearly so hard as they were when I was a boy. MT: Do you remember anything particularly amusing, which would have been related closely to the Depression? WF: Oh I can probably think of more serious ones than humorous ones. But I always remember when I was going to Weber College, my father couldn't afford to dig up the money for the tuition, really. So I worked my way through Weber College, washing windows and sweeping floors, mopping floors. One quarter I remember I was able to do some extra work over at the Forest Service building. I was interested in going out in forestry at that time. But I worked my way through, and I remember one quarter that the treasurer had asked me for my tuition and I didn't have it all. Dad didn't have it to give to me, and I remember I was lacking about $10 of having all my tuition. I was really worried because I didn't know where I was going to get that because I had tried in every way possible. And the treasurer had told me that I had to have it by the next day. I remember I was walking up the sidewalk there by the old Weber Gym at the top of 25th Street, and as I walked along, I glanced down. There was a $10 bill lying there on the sidewalk. That seemed almost like more than a coincidence because that was just the amount I needed. MT: How much would you have to see on the sidewalk today to be equivalent to that? WF: It would be worth a whole lot more than $10, I would say. 5 MT: What were some of the more serious things that you recall happening during that time, either in your family or job or anywhere that would give something of a feeling of the time? WF: Oh, I remember another thing that really kind of hit me when I was in high school. I was a sophomore, and with things as tight as they were, we didn't have any extra money to spend and no money to buy clothes much, or anything like that. I remember sitting behind a fellow in one of my classes, and without thinking, I just kind of took my pen and scribbled a little design on the back of his shirt. When he found out what I had done, he told me I had to pay for his shirt, and boy, that was serious in those days. I didn't know where I was going to get the money to pay for a shirt. I couldn't even afford to buy one myself. But little things like that you remember. I remember when I started working here at Tanners that the wages were so low and the jobs were all scarce. The boss said, "Well, we need somebody but we can't afford to pay you very much." I remember that when I started, I worked for $45 a month. And when I got married, I was making $65 a month. We got married in 1938, so things were pretty tight up until then. I remember we didn't have a car after we were married for about three years. MT: When did you have a feeling in your mind that we had finally ended the Depression? WF: Well, along about 1943, I went into the service, and of course when I went into the service, we had the OPS fixed on us then. And prices were fixed, and we had to comply with our prices here in the store. When I left to go in the service from 6 the store here, things were pretty tight that way and prices were held down. Merchandise was scarce, and got even scarcer while I was in the service. When I came back and went to work for the store again in 1945, it was almost impossible to furnish suits for the customers. Sometimes a customer would come in, and you'd just have to tell him that you didn't have a suit in the house that would fit him, and that was kind of hard to live with. But then production increased and we got merchandise back on the market, and of course prices began to climb. Then there were a series of raises and where prices had been held down, they started to climb, and you felt that the Depression was really lifting. Of course during the war and right after that, a lot of people found money becoming a lot more plentiful, and some people made pretty good money during the war. But it was during the war and right after that we began to feel that the ceiling was lifting, and it was pretty well over. Wages are up; of course prices reflect the difference, but when I was working out at old Cal Pack, I worked for 32 ½ cents an hour. I finally got up to 35 cents an hour and I thought I was doing pretty good. MT: What type of work did you do out there? WF: I shot cans for several summers, and then the last summer I was out there, I got a job as a tester. I used to take cans and run them through the cappers empty and cut them apart, and measure them with a micrometer and make sure that they were all right. I ran a capper there one year, too. MT: Do you think back on anything you feel was an advantage to you over what you have now? 7 WF: Oh, I'm sure there are. I think to be raised in a rural community like Hooper, and to not have transportation such so that you could just take off for long distances any time you pleased, or come to town even for entertainment any time you pleased had some advantages. I remember when I was a boy we used to thoroughly enjoy going up to the old recreation hall there and seeing plays that they put on. That was one of the big events, when the ward used to put on a play and so on. And your ward reunions and so on, you just felt that those were very important in your life in those days. I think it kind of kept families a little closer together maybe, a little more family unity in a sense, and community spirit. MT: Do you remember the old Hooper Band? WF: Yes, I remember the Fourth of July, early in the morning. Old George Parker used to go up to the park and shoot off some dynamite and wake the town up, and then the old band would get on the bandwagon and go around the town serenading the people, reminding them that there was going to be a big celebration up at the park. Certainly those Fourth of July celebrations were something that the kids never forgot in those days. Of course, money not being very plentiful then either, if we had a dollar or a dollar and a half, we thought we had the world by the tail. If I had it to do over again, I don't believe I'd want to trade it too much. I kind of value those experiences I had during my boyhood, and the Depression days, and so on. I think it was good for me. MT: Do you know of anyone who you feel had maybe a rougher time than you and your family? 8 WF: Oh nothing comes to mind particularly, but I'm sure there were some who were worse off than we were. MT: Would you say that those in the rural areas had an easier time than those in the city? WF: I was trying to contrast the times when we lived there on the farm with when we lived in Ogden here. I think that we probably ate a little better while we were on the farm, but we didn't have any more money to spend to buy extras like clothes or entertainment or nice things that you wanted. It wasn't much different that way, as I see it. I think the main difference was where you had some of your own meat and vegetables and produce on the farm, why it did help out a bit that way. MT: What about your mother's life as compared to your wife's life now, by way of modern conveniences and so forth? When did your mother first get her refrigerator and washer and so forth? WF: Well, of course I never knew my mother. My own mother died when I was just six weeks old. But the one I called mother, she never ever did. The last few years of her life, she may have had an electric refrigerator. I remember we used to have the old coal stove, and to heat water, we had a reservoir on the side of it, and you just put water in that and that heated the water for you. And on Saturday night, we used to put the old wash tub in the middle of the kitchen floor, take water out of this wet reservoir on the stove, and put the water in the tub and take a bath. It was kind of primitive, not too convenient. As far as an electric stove and so on, I don't know – again, maybe the last few years of her life she may have had some of that, but certainly not much. I remember one of the things I missed 9 most, of course after you've experienced it, and that's having an inside bathroom. We didn't have an inside bathroom for years, and I think that was the thing I hated the worst. MT: What year did you graduate from high school? WF: 1934. Weber College, 1936.

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