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MY BASIC ASSUMPTION IS THAT THE EMERGENCE OF DEMOCRACY IS NOT ACCIDENTAL BUT CLOSELY RELATED TO OBJECTIVELY RECOGNIZABLE ENVIRONMENTAL CONDITIONS IT CAN BE ASSUMED THAT THE CIRCUMSTANCES UNDER WHICH DEMOCRACY EMERGES MUST BE SIMILAR IN SOME RESPECTS IN DIFFERENT COUNTRIES BECAUSE IT IS 'GENERALLY ACCEPTED THAT THE BEHAVIOUR CHARACTERISTIC OF A SPECIES IS JUST AS MUCH THE PRODUCT OF EVOLUTION AS THE MORPHOLOGY' (HAMILTON, 1978, 31). FOR THE POINT OF VIEW OF THIS STUDY, THE MOST IMPORTANT CONSTANT OF HUMAN NATURE IS OUR UNIVERSAL INCLINATION IN THE STRUGGLE FOR SURVIVAL OF DEFEND AND FURTHER OUR OWN INTERESTS BY ALL AVAILABLE MEANS. IT IS A CHARACTERISTIC WHICH DOES NOT VARY MUCH AND WHICH CANNOT DISAPPEAR BECAUSE IT IS COMMON TO ALL FORMS OF LIFE. THIS UNIVERSAL INCLINATION TO FURTHER OUR OWN INTERESTS IN THE DARWINIAN STRUGGLE FOR SURVIVAL CAN BE LINKED WITH W.D. HAMILTON'S THEORY ON INCLUSIVE FITNESS. ACCRODING TO THIS THEORY, THE BASIC INTEREST FO LIVING THINGS 'IS TO MAXIMIZE THEIR INCLUSIVE FITNESS: THE TOTAL OF THEIR REPRODUCTIVE SUCCESS THROUGH THEIR OWN OFFSPRING PLUS THAT OF THEIR RELATIVES' (BASASH, 1979, 136. SEE ALSO HAMILTON, 1978; ALEXANDER, 1679, 43-58; DAWKINS, 1979; TRIVERS, 1981). THEY DO NOT NEED TO ACT CONSCIOUSLY. NATURAL SELECTION FAVOURS 'THOSE TRAITS THAT CONTRIBUTE "REPRODUCTIVE SUCCESS" - I.E. THE RELATIVE FREQUENCY WITH WHICH AN ORGANISM'S GENES ARE TRANSMITTED TO FUTURE GENERATIONS' (MASTERS, 1982A, 5. SEE ALSO MASTERS, 1982B). SO SELF-INTEREST PY: 1983

Weber's commentators often accuse him of lacking a coherent political philosophy because his pluralist-elite theory of democracy seems indifferent to liberal-democratic values. I argue, however, that the core of Weber's political philosophy is a politicized neo-Kantian liberalism, one that produces an ethically significant and positive concept of politics. The problem is rather that Weber's pessimism about institutionalizing positive politics in bureaucratized societies left the ethical core of his political philosophy inexplicit. This introduced a conflict into his thought between his ethical commitments and his assessments of political possibilities. The conflict is compelling because it reflects the contemporary gap between the promise and performance of liberal democracies. At the same time, formulating Weber's problems in these terms helps identify democratic solutions that remain obscure in his assessment of conflicts between bureaucratization and democracy.

Menexenus is one of the least studied among Plato's works, mostly because of the puzzling nature of the text, which has led many scholars either to reject the dialogue as spurious or to consider it as a mocking parody of Athenian funeral rhetoric. In this book, Pappas and Zelcer provide a persuasive alternative reading of the text, one that contributes in many ways to our understanding of Plato, and specifically to our understanding of his political thought.The book is organized into two parts. In the first part the authors offer a synopsis of the dialogue, address the setting and its backgrou

THIS ESSAY EXAMINES THE QUESTION OF MUSIC'S PERENNIAL COMBINATION OF FREE EXPRESSION WITH SOCIAL REGULATION. THIS FORMS THE BASIS OF AN HISTORICAL TREATMENT OF THAT WHICH IS OUR SENSE OF MUSIC, WESTERN TONALITY. PUT IN CONTEXT, THE STANDARDIZED GRAMMAR OF TONALITY, TO A LARGE EXTENT, ANSWERS THE QUESTION OF WHAT IT IS THAT MUSIC SAYS. AND THE DEPTH OF ITS AUTHORITY MAY BE UNDERSTOOD AS APPLICABLE TO NIETZSCHE'S FEAR THAT "WE SHALL NEVER BE RID OF GOD SO LONG AS WE STILL BELIEVE IN GRAMMAR."

Arguably, the tradition of democratic republican theory which arose in the Dutch Republic in the years around 1660 in the writings of Johan and Pieter de la Court, Franciscus van den Enden and Spinoza played a decisively important role in the development of modern democratic political theory. The tradition did not end with Spinoza but continued to develop in the United Provinces and–in the work of Bernard Mandeville, who seemingly belongs more to the Dutch than the British republican tradition–in London, down to the early 18th century. The failure in most histories of republicanism to appreciate how strikingly different intellectually, and as an ideology, the Dutch tradition was from the Anglo-American republican tradition, has had the effect of obscuring its central importance in the development of radical republicanism in mid- and late 18th-century France.

How can we grasp global communication issues when the term communication internationale is being instrumentalized by a most diverse range of actors? By contrast, Lire la communication-monde au xxie siècle offers a structured reading of contemporary cross-border issues, to the point of decentring.

Einleitung: Wissenschaftsfreiheit im Konflikt -- Freiheit der Wissenschaft, Freiheit der Meinung -- Akademische Freiheit und die Verantwortung des Wissenschaftlers für epistemische Produktivität -- Epistemische Offenheit als Wagnis. Über Wissenschaftsfreiheit und Wissenschaftsethos in der Demokratie -- Epistemische Gerechtigkeit und epistemische Offenheit – eine Versöhnung -- Wissenschaft als imaginäres Wiedergutmachungsprojekt -- Meinungsfreiheit und ihre Grenzen: Eine Auseinandersetzung in Zeiten des Rechtspopulismus -- Cordon Sanitaire: Epistemische Geschlossenheit als Wagnis -- Singer und Sarrazin. Eine vergleichende Studie zur Wissenschaftsfreiheit -- Wen sollte man nicht an die Universität einladen?.

Toleranz – eine oft geforderte Haltung, die von vielen als unverzichtbar für das Gelingen demokratischer Gesellschaften angesehen wird. Doch wo liegen die Grenzen einer toleranten Pluralität unterschiedlicher Ansichten? Mit Blick auf aktuelle gesellschaftliche Diskurse und vor dem Hintergrund umfassender Kenntnisse der philosophischen Toleranzforschung überprüft Dominik Balg kontrovers diskutierte Minderheitenpositionen auf ihre Tolerierbarkeit und entwickelt vor diesem Hintergrund einen klaren Kriterienkatalog, mit dessen Hilfe sich die Grenzen einer toleranten Haltung sinnvoll ziehen lassen. "Dominik Balg legt eine scharfsinnige Untersuchung zum politisch umstrittenen Begriff der Toleranz vor. Er führt zugleich in den neueren Toleranzdiskurs ein und zeigt auch anschaulich, für welche Haltungen in einer aufgeklärt liberalen Gesellschaft gerade keine Toleranz gefordert werden kann." (David P. Schweikard).

1) Introduction -- 2) Methodological foundations of communication studies: communication art vs. communication science -- 3) Communication as a subcategory of human action: praxeological approach to communication and the object of communication science -- 4) Communication freedom and ethical theory: the logic of non-aggression and communication of consent -- 5) Communication theory of property rights and homesteading -- 6) The role of communication in adaptation of moral norms -- 7) Communication freedom and property rights -- 8) The freedom to communicate as a liberal value -- 9) Communication acts and initiation of aggression: causality and responsibility -- 10) Communication freedom of individuals and the "interests of society" -- 11) Praxeological objection to intellectual property rights laws -- 12) When words become deeds: mere speech and speech acts in the theory of contract: the cases of business communication -- 13) Communication freedom, libel, defamation and reputation -- 14) Communication freedom, privacy and "the right to know" -- 15) Information for sale: access to data and blackmail -- 16) Conclusion.

Introduction -- Part 1 Nationalism, Cosmopolitanism, Exile, and Return -- 1. Of Philosophical Nationalism and Cosmopolitanism: Fichte, Grün, Marx, Engels 2. What is German? Adorno's Homecoming 3. Universalist Tendencies in Tocqueville, Adonis, Schlegel 4. World and Worldlessness: Arendt and Wittgenstein -- Part 2 Geschlecht as Social Relation: Nation, Sex, Race, Kith, and Kind -- 5. Das Geschlecht 6. Retreat into the Inceptual 7. Of Promise and Return -- Index