Suchergebnisse

Albania is a country on the move. This mobility plays a key role in household-level strategies to cope with the economic hardship of transition. With the relaxing of controls on emigration at the beginning of the 1990s, international migration has exploded, becoming the single most important political, social, and economic phenomenon in post-communist Albania. Based on the 1989 and 2001 population censuses we estimate that over 600,000 Albanians live abroad, mostly in nearby Greece and Italy, with the vast majority coming from a limited number of districts located at the coastal and transport gateways to these destination countries, as well as Tirana. The available data also suggest that a similar number have considered migrating, and of these, half have tried and failed. Almost one-half of the children who since 1990 no longer live with their parents are now living abroad, a number of almost exodus proportions. This article also identifies clear patterns of temporary migration, with Greece being by far the most important destination and rural areas from the Center and NorthEast of the country being the primary origins of these flows. Although migration, with the resulting remittances, has become an indispensable part of Albanian economic development, there is increasing consensus on the necessity to devise more appropriate, sustainable strategies to lift households out of poverty and promote the country's growth.

Navi Pillay is a modern icon in the world's efforts to protect humanity through international law and policy. She played a leading role in the multi-national operation to clean up the humanitarian dross left on the essence of modern civilization by the Rwandan Genocide of 1994. Her contributions in that effort were in virtue of her role as a judge--and, eventually, as the President--of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. From there, she went on to serve as one of the first appeal judges at the newly established International Criminal Court--another international endeavour aimed at.

AbstractVoluntary contributions – often earmarked for specific purposes – have become an indispensable source of revenue for international organizations (IOs) and the UN organizations in particular. While the reasons for this trend are regularly studied, its effects on the internal functioning of the organization (especially on the 'international public administration' (IPA) as the organization's secretariat) remain unclear. Given this gap, we study the consequences of increasing financial dependence for the autonomy of IPA staff. Using financial and personnel data of 15 UN agencies over time, our results are in line with the intuitive expectation that more financial resources in the form of voluntary contributions increase the number of staff. We also find evidence, however, that the more an organization depends on voluntary resources (within its broader financial portfolio), the more it reduces the ratio of permanent staff among its total workforce in the subsequent years. The underlying adaption of IPAs' recruitment and career structures to growing financial insecurities has important implications for the autonomy of international bureaucrats and needs to be considered also in terms of its long‐term impact on administrative professionalism and organizational performance.

Conformément à la décision no VI de la XXIVe Conférence internationale de la Croix-Rouge (Manille, 1981) de retenir l'offre de la Croix-Rouge suisse d'organiser à Genève la prochaine Conférence internationale, cette Société nationale a envoyé, en février de cette année, les convocations aux membres de la Conférence.Il est rappelé que les membres de la Conférence internationale sont les Sociétés nationales de la Croix-Rouge et du Croissant-Rouge dûment reconnues, les Etats parties aux Conventions de Genève, le Comité international de la Croix-Rouge et la Ligue des Sociétés de la Croix-Rouge et du Croissant-Rouge. Des invitations ont aussi été adressées à un certain nombre d'observateurs, des Sociétés nationales en formation et des organisations qui s'intéressent aux problèmes traités par la Conférence.

The article discloses the formation, development and modern state of private international law in the European Union. The concept of "European private international law", including an analysis of the term in a narrow, wide and broadest sense is revealed in the article. The author analyses three main stages in the development of the private international law in the EU, in particular: formation (1957 ‒ 1999); active development ‒ after the entry into force of the Amsterdam Treaty (1999 ‒ 2009); modern period ‒ after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty (2009 ‒ present). This article examines the limits of EU legislation as the source of a single law and highlights the difficulties associated with projects on the codification of private law in the EU. Such an approach may be appropriate in the current state of EU integration if it is limited by the rules of binding contract law and the provisions of private international law. Further harmonization of private law in Europe also requires significant changes in the institutional structure for the creation of uniform rules and the development of new methods of regulation. There are three features of the development of the private international law in the EU: 1) the gradual transition from internationalization to Europeanization; 2) evolution to reduce the "flexibility" of conflict regulation of contractual relations through greater certainty in application; 3) if in 1999 the international convention was the source of unification of the private international law, then after this date the regulation becomes the standard source of unification. Private international law in the EU can be defined as the interconnection and interaction between the systems of national law of the EU Member States and the system of uniform (unified) legal norms aimed at regulating private legal relations with a foreign element within the EU. European private international law can be seen in a narrow sense (conflict of law), broad sense (covers conflict and conflict law) and the broadest ...

States fight wars in order to define the peace. The structure of the international order is fundamentally a conception of justice, with rules dictating who wins and who loses in certain situations. Each and every nation has ideas of what constitutes legitimate and appropriate acts of justice — its vision of the good. Through manipulating physical domination and changes in perceptions of legitimacy, states seek to transform the world order into their vision of the good. As a result, international politics is a struggle for justice.