Suchergebnisse

Redesigning the public space of cultural heritage in Europe is perceived today as a necessity. The article outlines the process that led in the space of few years to a renewed policy framework on cultural heritage in Europe, based on the principles of a holistic, integrated and participatory approach to its care and governance. The European Year of Cultural Heritage 2018 offered the opportunity to translate those principles into action, with impressive results in terms of public participation and deliverables. Following the launch by the European Commission of the European Framework for Action, whose aim is to secure a long-term policy impact of the European Year beyond 2018, this special issue of SCIRES-IT Journal looks back into the European Year and investigates to what extent this initiative has contributed to making space to innovation, in the cultural heritage sector and beyond.

Seminario organizada por la Fundación Poder Parlamentario de Argentina y el Centro Latinoamericano para las Relaciones con Europa (CELARE) de Chile; Buenos Aires, Argentina, el 29 y 30 de octubre de 1998

This article reevaluates the U.S.-backed coup in 1954 that overthrew Guatemala's democratically elected president, Jacobo Arbenz Guzman. The coup is generally portrayed as the opening shot of the Cold War in the Western Hemisphere and a watershed moment for U.S.-Latin American relations, when the United States supplanted its Good Neighbor Policy with a hardline anti-Communist approach. Despite the extensive literature on the coup, the Soviet Union's perspectives on the matter have received scant discussion. Using Soviet-bloc and United Nations (UN) archival sources, this article shows that Latin American Communists and Soviet sympathizers were hugely influential in shaping Moscow's perceptions of hemispheric relations. Although regional Communists petitioned the Soviet Union to provide support to Arbenz, officials in Moscow were unwilling to prop up what they considered a 'bourgeois-democratic' revolution tottering under the weight of U.S. military pressure. Soviet leaders were, however, keen to use their position on the UN Security Council to challenge the authority of the Organization of American States and undermine U.S. conceptions of 'hemispheric solidarity.' The coup, moreover, revealed the force of anti-U.S. nationalism in Latin America during a period in which Soviet foreign policy was in flux and the Cold War was becoming globalized. Adapted from the source document.

The City of San Fernando in La Union is one of the coastal municipalities in the Philippines that are threatened by coastal erosion. This study estimated the economic vulnerability of the City on coastal erosion until 2100. Adaptation options were identified and evaluated by its economic, social, administrative and political feasibility. About 300 structures, 283,085 m2 of land and 123,033 m2 of beach along San Fernando Bay will be lost to coastal erosion/shoreline retreat by the year 2100. The adaptation options identified were: "business as usual", planned protection and planned retreat/relocation. Among the adoption strategies, planned protection turned out to be the best option. Cost Benefit Analysis (CBA), which served as the basis for the economic feasibility of the options, showed that planned protection consistently yielded the highest estimate with a net present value (NPV) of about PhP 148.63 M under the assumption that beaches were not resilient (Scenario A), and about PhP 126.78 M under the assumption that beaches were resilient (Scenario B), at a discount rate of 6%. This option also fared fairly in terms of social feasibility with 65% of the survey respondents agreeing to it and also deemed legally/politically feasible with 82% of the local government respondents agreed to support the proposed intervention.

The rapid evolution of numerous contemporary threats and the development of multilateralism constitute two significant driving forces for the intensified cooperation between the European Union and the United Nations as regards crisis management. Responding to crises (threats), both natural and man-induced, in an efficient manner requires effective crisis management in order to take steps as early as possible when a threat emerges. Given the increasing external expectations in this field addressed at the EU, it has gradually been developing relevant civil as well as military instruments of crisis management and response. The EU has also been developing collaboration with the UN which calls for increased commitment of regional organizations in bearing the costs of maintaining international peace and security. Although this cooperation is mutually beneficial, it is not free from weaknesses and limitations on various levels of operation. ; The rapid evolution of numerous contemporary threats and the development of multilateralism constitute two significant driving forces for the intensified cooperation between the European Union and the United Nations as regards crisis management. Responding to crises (threats), both natural and man-induced, in an efficient manner requires effective crisis management in order to take steps as early as possible when a threat emerges. Given the increasing external expectations in this field addressed at the EU, it has gradually been developing relevant civil as well as military instruments of crisis management and response. The EU has also been developing collaboration with the UN which calls for increased commitment of regional organizations in bearing the costs of maintaining international peace and security. Although this cooperation is mutually beneficial, it is not free from weaknesses and limitations on various levels of operation.

The European Union currently enjoys access to the coastal fish stocks of numerous developing third countries (particularly in West Africa) in terms of bilateral fisheries agreements. These agreements are concluded under and legitimated by the international fisheries regime, which ardently promotes the sustainable use of fisheries resources and the sustainable development of fisheries. In this thesis I analyse these agreements from a (legal) sustainability perspective. Based on my research, I argue that rather than functioning as legal instruments of conservancy, these agreements operate as means to inequitably promote the respective economic and political self-interests of the parties involved. They run contrary to the sustainability tenet of international fisheries law and expose its inherent weaknesses. The need to actively promote the sustainable use of marine fisheries arises from the difficulties in ensuring their effective management, which in turn stem from their common resource nature. International law responds by obliging states to foster the long-term sustainable use of fisheries from a biological, social and economic perspective towards the broader goal of sustainable fisheries development. Coastal states, however, particularly developing countries, struggle to achieve these objectives in their own waters. The challenge is not only to ensure the rational domestic management of their fisheries but also to engender the cooperation of foreign states that access their stocks towards these ends. Fishing arrangements between the European Union (EU) and West African coastal states have on the whole not reflected such cooperation, as I illustrate in my thesis with reference to the case study of EU-Senegalese fishing relations. In response to the deficiencies of the international fisheries regime in this regard, I identify possible alternative approaches to future bilateral fisheries interactions which will likely better foster sustainable fishing.

Abstract Some observers have held that political parties have been minor players in the process of European integration due to the low salience of the issue and the prevalence of intra party disagreement over European questions. Although recent scholarship and the rising salience of European issues have brought increased attention to the role of political parties, the study of the relationship between party positions and both public opinion and policy outcomes has been hampered by an absence of comparable data on party positions. This research note presents the findings of an expert survey on party positions on the issue of European integration. In addition to estimates of the parties' positions on the issue itself, this survey provides information on the importance of the issue of European integration to each party, and the extent of internal dissent within parties. The data also indicate that parties have, on average, become increasingly pro–European over the period 1984–1996. Both the salience of the issue of integration and the extent of intra–party disagreement have increased during this period. However, deep intra–party divisions appear less prevalent than commonly believed.

Fil: Abadi, Nadine. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho. Cátedra Derecho de la Integración. Buenos Aires, Argentina ; Fil: Canepa, Martín. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho. Cátedra Derecho de la Integración. Buenos Aires, Argentina ; Fil: Canepa, Martín. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho. Cátedra Derecho Internacional Público. Buenos Aires, Argentina ; Fil: Fernández, Ricardo. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho. Cátedra Derecho de la Integración. Buenos Aires, Argentina ; Fil: Fickinger, Melina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho. Cátedra Derecho de la Integración. Buenos Aires, Argentina ; Segunda época- Antigua Revista Electrónica de la Cátedra Jean Monnet (2013 - 2019). -- Cofinanciada por la Unión Europea (UE). Programa Erasmus, acrónimo de European Region Action Scheme for the Mobility of University Students (Plan de Acción de la Comunidad Europea para la Movilidad de Estudiantes Universitarios) -- Sección Comentarios a Jurisprudencia.

Bedingt durch eine niedrige Geburtenziffer und eine steigende Lebenserwartung, führt der demografische Wandel in Deutschland zu Finanzierungslücken in den sozialen Sicherungssystemen und zu einer politischen Machtverschiebung zu Gunsten der älteren Jahrgänge. Daraus wird oft vorschnell ein Konflikt
der Generationen abgeleitet, ohne dass eine empirische Prüfung der dafür notwendigen sozialen Grundlagen stattgefunden hätte.
In dieser Arbeit wird deshalb ein Modell entwickelt, das die Entstehung eines Konfliktes
zwischen Alt und Jung skizziert, um anschließend einzelne Aspekte der Genese des Konfliktes
empirisch zu überprüfen. Dazu werden drei Einstellungsvariablen analysiert: die Verantwortlichkeit
des Staates für die Alterssicherung, die Einschätzung des Lebensstandards im Ruhestand
und die erwartete Entwicklung des
Rentenniveaus. Als Datengrundlage dient die deutsche Teilstudie der 4. Welle des European Social Survey. Die Analysen zeigen, dass bezüglich der untersuchten wohlfahrtsstaatlichen Einstellungen kein nennenswertes Konfliktpotenzial zwischen Alt und Jung festgestellt werden
kann. Mögliche Konfliktlinien lassen sich vielmehr entlang des Bildungsstatus oder der
subjektiven Lebenszufriedenheit ausmachen. Zudem sind, in schwächerem Maße, altersunabhängige subjektive Wertorientierungen und
politische Einstellungen konstitutiv für die
Einstellungsbildung. Aus den Ergebnissen lässt sich schließen, dass in der Bevölkerung gegenwärtig keine Grundlage für einen Konflikt zwischen Alt und Jung auf Gesellschaftsebene
existiert.

EFSA received a mandate from the European Commission to assess the risks related to a possible reduction of the waiting period after rabies antibody titration test to 30 days compared with 90 days of the current EU legislation, for dogs moving from certain non-EU countries to the EU. This Scientific Report assessed the probability of introduction of rabies into the EU through commercial and non-commercial movements of vaccinated dogs with a positive titration test (≥ 0.5 IU/mL) if the waiting period decreases from 90 to 30 days. Assuming that all the legal requirements are complied with, the risk of transmission of rabies through the movement of a vaccinated dog is related to the risk of introducing an animal incubating rabies that was infected before the day of vaccination or shortly after vaccination but before the development of immunity (21 days post-vaccination). Using published data on the incubation period for experimental and field cases in dogs and considering the rabies incidence data in certain countries, the aggregated probability for the annual introduction of rabies through dogs was assessed. Considering the uncertainty related to the duration of the incubation period, the number of imported dogs, and the disease incidence in some countries it was concluded with a 95% certainty that the maximum number of rabies-infected imported dogs complying with the regulations in a 20-year period could increase from 5 to 20 when decreasing the waiting period from 90 to 30 days. Nevertheless, the potential impact of even a small increase in probability means the risk is increased for a region like the EU where rabies has long been a focus for eradication, to protect human and animal health.