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Mortality rate from chronic non-infectious diseases (coronary heart diseases, diabetes mellitus, and chronic liver disease) in Lithuania is far higher as compared to the European Union average. In 2007, Lithuania ranked third among EU member states according to mortality rate indicator for cardiovascular diseases of males aged 20–64. The most frequent manifestation of cardiovascular diseases is the coronary heart disease (CHD). Epidemiological studies revealed the most important risk factors of chronic non-infectious diseases. Moreover, new elements in the pathogenesis of atherosclerosis have been identified, i.e. oxidized low-density lipoproteins, antioxidant vitamins and fatty acids. Fatty acids (FA) are oxidation markers, since they participate in lipid peroxidation as substrates. The most sensitive to peroxidation are the polyunsaturated fatty acids (PUFA). On the contrary, essential PUFA are important for synthesis of eicosanoids. When too little or too much of fatty acids are consumed with food, certain health disorders arise. A common cause of FA imbalance is too abundant consumption of animal fats and insufficient consumption of vegetable fats. This may cause chronic non-infectious diseases. The FA of human body influences the metabolism of other substances, therefore, the study of such metabolic correlations comes of relevance in exploring the pathogenesis pathways of diabetes mellitus, liver and kidney diseases. The purpose of the present review is to evaluate fatty acids as biomarkers as well as their implications for the etiopatogenesis of chronic non- infectious diseases. Our research has shown that a higher quantity of polyunsaturated fatty acids in the group of Lithuanian males aged 50 and lower blood levels of antioxidants reflect insufficient protection of lipids from oxidation and, obviously, this may be one of the risk factors predetermining accelerated atherosclerosis and a higher morbidity of cardiovascular diseases. The main factors that influence LDL susceptibility to oxidation are long-chain polyunsaturated fatty acids, α-tocopherol and the plasma concentration of triacylglycerols. Lower γ-tocopherol concentration in the group of Lithuanian males may imply that the Lithuanians take less of the vitamin with food, while oxidation processes proceed more rapidly. It is likely that higher plasma concentration of 7ß-hydroxycholesterol in the Lithuanian men is determined by the more intense lipid peroxidation in vivo. Our research has shown that patients with CHD have considerably lower blood levels of PUFA. This may impact on the synthesis of antiatherogenic eicosanoids and thus may be an atherogenic factor. The general quantity of polyunsaturated fatty acids in the adipose tissue in individuals with glucose tolerance disorders, also patients with diabetes mellitus is lower, its level possibly being related to the degree of metabolic disorder, more rapid mobilisation of fatty acids from the adipose tissue or to smaller quantities of essential PUFA (linoleic acid and α-linolenic acid) consumed with food. The data allow us to assume that PUFA enriched food may cause an increase of the blood levels of adiponectin, an important antiatherogenic and anti-inflammatory factor. The positive relationship between n3 PUFA and leptin concentrations suggests that abundant consumption of PUFA may determine an increase of leptin levels in blood. PUFA do not influence the resistin metabolism in human body, however, some saturated and monounsaturated FA may relate to resistin concentrations in blood. Individuals with chronic liver disease take sufficient quantities of essential polyunsaturated fatty acids and their resorption is not upset. Also, the chronic liver disease patients show no signs of increased deterioration of reserve lipid tissue. Fish oil (source of n3 PUFA) appeared to influence the changes of fatty acid composition of blood in the bodies of children with nephrotic syndrome. Supplementing the diet with omega-3 fatty acids tended to reduce the quantity of triacylglycerols (p<0,06). The increase in the eicosapentaenoic/arachidonic acid ratio showed that fish oil is useful as a supplement reducing the aggregation of platelets. Treatment with fish oil, when patients received 6 ml/d, was safe and had no serious adverse effect.

Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas. Facultad de Historia. Programa Institucional de Maestría en Historia ; In the old western world, the individual freedom was considered by some as a natural right, and for other, like a negation to the collective freedom. In Greece, Pericles defended the concept of equality and individualism, while Plato alleged that it was unnecessary the existence of an egalitarian society; in The Republic, it attacked the concept of equality among the men pointing out that the institutions, once created, they were outside of all critic and improvement. Although not so severe, Aristotle also supported the existence of non egalitarian societies, in the sense of the permanency of a ruling elite and of the chimera of a social foundation of political collective participation. In the Roman empire, the concept Individualism, one of the central elements of the liberalism decimonónico in the western world, took form in the Laws of the Twelve charts, in first o'clock of these the null privilege acceptance settled down some in favor of anybody and it instituted the law like common contract for all the citizens, without range distinction.1 although this independent character gave form to the Roman State, starting from Justiniano, and much more from Constantino, the individualistic tradition it declined enough, thank you partly to the Christianity that originated a time of ignorant intolerance, and although he/she sat down the bases of an individualistic faith, it put an end to the old practice of the thought freedom and religious tolerance, ironically, the Christianity transmitted the vision universalista and individualist, elements of the liberal tradition.2 the examples of Greece and Rome are clear in the sense that from the antiquity you discussed, among other things, the forms of social coexistence as for the man's rights, a thought that remained effective until the arrival of the English and French ideologists who you/they took charge of to renovate the ideas and to advance in new forms of social convenience ; En el mundo antiguo occidental, la libertad individual era considerada por algunos como un derecho natural, y por otros, como una negación a la libertad colectiva. En Grecia, Pericles defendió el concepto de igualdad e individualismo, mientras que Platón alegaba que era innecesaria la existencia de una sociedad igualitaria; en La República, atacó el concepto de igualdad entre los hombres señalando que las instituciones, una vez creadas, quedaban fuera de toda crítica y mejoramiento. Aunque no tan severo, Aristóteles apoyó también la existencia de sociedades no igualitarias, en el sentido de la permanencia de una elite gobernante y de la quimera de un fundamento social de participación política colectiva. En el imperio romano, el concepto Individualismo, uno de los elementos centrales del liberalismo decimonónico en el mundo occidental, tomó forma en las Leyes de las Doce tablas, en la primera de estas se estableció la nula aceptación de privilegio alguno a favor de nadie y instituyó la ley como contrato común para todos los ciudadanos, sin distinción de rango.1 Aunque este carácter independiente dio forma al Estado romano, a partir de Justiniano, y mucho más desde Constantino, la tradición individualista declinó bastante, gracias en parte al cristianismo, que originó una época de intolerancia ignorante, y aunque sentó las bases de una fe individualista, puso fin a la antigua práctica de la libertad de pensamiento y tolerancia religiosa, irónicamente, el cristianismo transmitió la visión universalista e individualista, elementos de la tradición liberal.2 Los ejemplos de Grecia y Roma son claros en el sentido de que desde la antigüedad se discutieron, entre otras cosas, las formas de convivencia social en cuanto a los derechos del hombre, un pensamiento que permaneció vigente hasta la llegada de los ideólogos ingleses y franceses, quienes se encargaron de renovar las ideas y avanzar en nuevas formas de conveniencia social.

El propósito central de este artículo es adelantar un proyecto político y normativo para el establecimiento internacional de los derechos sexuales como derechos humanos. Debido a la organización social del sexo y del género en nuestras sociedades contemporáneas, consideramos que son urgentes las demandas por diseñar y establecer normas para proteger la diferencia sexual y auspiciar la afirmación de la diversidad sexual. Por un lado, identificamos la necesidad de establecer algunos derechos sexuales negativos capaces de proteger la integridad sexual de ciertos individuos que históricamente han sido marginados y de algunos grupos que suelen ser blanco de la violencia heterosexista. Por el otro, consideramos necesario promover derechos sexuales positivos que afirmen la diversidad sexual y auspicien vidas sexuales llenas de placer.Sostenemos que para la justificación y aceptación de los derechos sexuales negativos sólo se requiere una política y una ética de la tolerancia. En cambio los derechos sexuales positivos exigen la adopción de un paradigma político y ético diferente, basado en el reconocimiento. El proyecto político de los derechos sexuales positivos busca, en última instancia, destruir la hegemonía masculina sobre la práctica y el discurso de la sexualidad, y pretende asimismo descentrar la heterosexualidad. Pese a los límites de los movimientos sociales basados en la identidad sexual, su impacto social y cultural ha sido profundo. Por ello opinamos que los derechos sexuales negativos son hoy un proyecto más que factible. Más aún, hemos desarrollado la idea de que la posibilidad de concretar el proyecto de los derechos sexuales positivos resulta de la combinación creativa de dos fuerzas. Primero, los potenciales emancipatorios de los movimientos sociales basados en la identidad sexual que han permitido mantener un cuestionamiento constante de la actual organización social de la sexualidad. Segundo, las transformaciones profundas en teoría social y filosofía que nos lleva a pensar y experimentar la sexualidad (y sus identidades) de manera no esencialista, descentrada, relacional, interactiva y fluida. Finalmente, esto abre la posibilidad de desestabilizar los efectos que las relaciones de poder tienen sobre el sexo, la sexualidad y la identidad sexual. AbstractThe main aim of this article is to promote a political and normative project for the international establishment of sexual rights as human rights.Due to the social organization of sex and gender in contemporary societies, we believe that there is an urgent demand to design and establish norms to protect sexual difference and encourage the affirmation of sexual diversity. On the one hand, we identify the need for negative sexual rights capable of protecting the sexual integrity of historically marginalized individuals and groups that have become the target of heterosexist violence. On the other hand, we explain the need to promote positive sexual rights that affirm sexual diversity and encourage pleasurable sex lives.We hold that the justification and acceptance of negative sexual rights merely requires a politics and ethics of tolerance. Conversely, positive sexual rights demand a different political and ethical paradigm, based on recognition. The political project of positive sexual rights ultimately seeks to destroy male hegemony over the practice and discourse of sexuality and to remove heterosexuality from the center. Despite the limits of social movements based on sexual identity, we believe that they have had a profound social and cultural impact, which is why we argue that negative sexual rights are now an extremely feasible project. Moreover, we develop the idea that the possibility of undertaking a project of positive sexual rights is based on the creative combination of two forces. The first is the emancipatory forces of social movements based on sexual identity that have permitted the continuous questioning of the current social organization of sexuality. The second is the profound transformations of social theory and philosophy that enable us to conceive of and experience sexuality (and its identities) in a nonexistentialist, decentered, relational, interactive and fluid manner. In the end, we believe that this opens up the possibility of destabilizing the effects that power relations have on sex, sexuality and sexual identity.

The author elaborates his proposition concerning the distinction of cultur-historical and political identity by differentiating cultural-historical majorities and minorities from political winners and losers. He points out to a democratic paradox according to which a state is governed by political minorities of winners and not by political majorities of losers. In multiethnic societies, holds the author, both popular and political culture have to be developed, that is, both the cultural and the political tolerance. + After all, European peoples, including Croatians are today facing a process of transformation of the new-age concept of democracy as a form of legitimation of sovereignty of nation state. Europe is rapidly being transformed into a multinational political unit sui generis, the sovereignty of which, as it seems, cannot be legitimized either by ethnic or political majorities. Activist Europeans today require their citizens to gradually renounce segments of their state sovereignty for the sake of cooperation witli other sovereign States of the European Union. For citizens of Croatia this sounds too much like the Brezhnevs doctrine of limited sovereignty. But, what does this restruction of sovereignty of the existing nation States in the European Union really mean? It: means a restriction of democratic popular will as a traditional sovereign of a state. A part of sovereignty should be transferred to a new political entity and ist institutions, i.e. to European Union. However, this Sovereign suffers democratic deficit since it lacks both ethnic and political majority. This is where the mushrooming of non-democratic judicial and bureaucratic powers comes from. It should, therefore, be asked whether the much debated democratic deficit in the European Union really is an indicator of a qualitatively new transformation of political relations among Europeans? If there is no possibility in the Europe of Nation States for the creation of supranational democratic majorities, then Europe faces significant difficulties which call for a transformation of the inherited notion of democracy. As it seems, Europe is becoming less the guarantor of sovereignty of nation states and more the guarantor of human rights regardless of ethnic and political identity. Europeans have to, when rethinking their political past and future learn to make democratic decisions about their human and civil rights. These rights are clearly wider than national and political rights and in this sense one could expect them to be more acceptable to individuals in the long run, since they provide for more safety. + It seems to us that Europe is in a critica phase of the process of transformation of democracy from a political form that legitimized power and sovereignty of a nation state into a political form that legitimizes human and civil rights within the European Union. Europeans, certainly, are preoccupied with their history much more than Americans, and shall never understand Europe as a melting pot but as an institution that guarantees higher standards of human and civil rights than the former nation-state. In this way democracy shall get a new form in which common business and culture are to play the integrative role which is being denied by eurosceptics who have in mind the existing deficit of democracy and nation state, contending that common culture and business do not suffice for the formation of the European political subject. European democratic majority, if it ever comes into being, shall decide about what rights of individuals are. Namely, it seems that only this can be the new substance of the European democratic form. However, if it turns out that this democratic form is incapable of absorbing this heterogeneous political and ethnic substance, then European prospects as an active political subject are not good in the near future. This is the fundamental political issue in Croatia today. (SOI : PM: S. 83; 87f.)

Note - International Peace Garden Report - Annual Meeting of the International Association of Gardeners held in Toronto on October, 1929. ; AWI Collection ; PEACE GARDEN At the Annual Meeting of the International Association of Gardeners held in Toronto in October, 1929, Mr. Henry J. Ivfoore, in his presidential address, proposed to the outstanding horticulturists and gardeners of the North American continent that there should be a living memorial to commemorate the century of peace that has existed between Canada and the United States. He suggested that it take the form of a garden somev/ here along the International boundary. His unique proposal fired the imagination of his hearers and they pledged themselves to promote its interests. Thus the International Peace Garden, Incorporated, was organized and an international committee formed. Mr. Moore was one of a committee of three chosen to choose a site. From among the many sites viewed by the committee, that of the Turtle Mountains, between Manitoba and North Dakota, was selected. It is only a few miles from the geographical center of the North American Continent. Its scenic beauty is difficult to surpass. Wild Life abounds there, and it is situated on the Canada to Panama highway, said to be the longest north to south highway in the world. The Manitoba lands comprising the Peace Garden were given by the Manitoba Gov­ernment and those in Dakota were purchased by the State and presented. The entire plot of 2,200 acres, 1,300 in Canada and 900 in the United States, is now under the control of the International Peace Garden, Incorporated. On July lit., 1932 thousands of people from both nations witnessed and took part in the dedication ceremony. It was a typical New World event, with many nationalities and creeds represented. The great gathering of £ 0,000 people read aloud, in unison, the inscription on the cairn which was unveiled. On a bronze plaque on the cairn is inscribed the following: " To God in His glory we two nations dedicate this garden and pledge ourselves that as long as man shall live we will not take up arms against one another". Ivhat would it mean if £ 0,000 citizens of all border nations would voluntarilly gather at their borders and declare before God that they would substitute flowers for fortifications and instruments of death? It is this feature of the garden which makes it a symbol of International Friendship and gives to it world significance. It was unfortunate that the depression years fallowed so closely upon the formal opening of the garden, brought restrictions on development. However the unites States government provided a CCC camp to develop the garden, and several hundred men were engaged in activities on the American side throughout that period. Sheltered picnic conveniences were erected and roads and scenic bridges were built* The coming of World War II again was a barrier to development. Annual meetings were held, however, and plans laid for extensive operations to begin at the earliest possible moment. The time for this has now definitely arrived, and work was again begun in 1914- 7 • That the International Peace Garden is destined to become a shrine to international friendship and goodwill is shown by excerpts from the official reports. Holland, Mexico, Australia and Scotland have signified their wish to participate in this unique undertaking, as well as numerous national organizations. • J . - y A- garden'is a lovely, : growing thiag,. just as peace is'a. vital, expanding fo'rcc> jshich must" bo. nurtured and cared for. Peace does not exist of its own accord, but through a conscious effort to develop and maintain understanding and tolerance. This garden to be a real International Peace Garden must be in the hearts and minds of all people. Members must contribute to its creation and maintenance, they must visit it and remember always why it has been established.

2132 2142 26 10 ; S ; © 2018 IEEE. Personal use of this material is permitted. Permissíon from IEEE must be obtained for all other uses, in any current or future media, including reprinting/republishing this material for advertisíng or promotional purposes, creating new collective works, for resale or redistribution to servers or lists, or reuse of any copyrighted component of this work in other works. [EN] Currently, faults suffered by SRAM memory systems have increased due to the aggressive CMOS integration density. Thus, the probability of occurrence of single-cell upsets (SCUs) or multiple-cell upsets (MCUs) augments. One of the main causes of MCUs in space applications is cosmic radiation. A common solution is the use of error correction codes (ECCs). Nevertheless, when using ECCs in space applications, they must achieve a good balance between error coverage and redundancy, and their encoding/decoding circuits must be efficient in terms of area, power, and delay. Different codes have been proposed to tolerate MCUs. For instance, Matrix codes use Hamming codes and parity checks in a bi-dimensional layout to correct and detect some patterns of MCUs. Recently presented, column¿line¿code (CLC) has been designed to tolerate MCUs in space applications. CLC is a modified Matrix code, based on extended Hamming codes and parity checks. Nevertheless, a common property of these codes is the high redundancy introduced. In this paper, we present a series of new lowredundant ECCs able to correct MCUs with reduced area, power, and delay overheads. Also, these new codes maintain, or even improve, memory error coverage with respect to Matrix and CLC codes. This work was supported by the Spanish Government under the research Project TIN2016-81075-R. Gracia-Morán, J.; Saiz-Adalid, L.; Gil Tomás, DA.; Gil, P. (2018). Improving Error Correction Codes for Multiple-Cell Upsets in Space Applications. IEEE Transactions on Very Large Scale Integration (VLSI) Systems. 26(10):2132-2142. https://doi.org/10.1109/TVLSI.2018.2837220

На основе анализа принятых правительственных постановлений, программ, выступлений Президента РФ В.В. Путина автором статьи определяется вектор культурного развития на Ставрополье, выявляются тенденции и механизмы реализации государственной культурной политики и актуализируется проект создания Национального центра культуры и искусств народов Северного Кавказа как один из механизмов реализации государственной культурной политики на Ставрополье. ; On the basis of the analysis of the adopted governmental decrees, programs, speeches of the Russian President V. V. Putin by the author of article the vector of cultural development is defined on Stavropol Territory, tendencies and mechanisms of realization state come to light.