Suchergebnisse

This paper examines the land occupations and fast-track resettlement process in Chiredzi district in Zimbabwe's southeast lowveld, and argues that their broad-brush representation as chaotic, violent and unplanned is misleading. In Zimbabwe the instruments and mechanisms of order assert themselves even in the midst of violent disorder. The on-going deployment of the formal and technical tools and discourses of land-use planning have been instrumental in securing the visibility and legitimacy of Zimbabwe's new settlers. The speed and short cuts of the fast-track land reform process and vagueness of policies to date have in the short term opened up a certain amount of space for negotiation and a degree of leeway and flexibility in land-use planning and allocation. But the danger for the settlers is that, by deploying a discourse rooted in long-held and institutionally embedded Rhodesian traditions of planning and control, they have played into a process that – as so often in Zimbabwe's history – will re-impose coercive land-use regulations that are at odds with their livelihood strategies and seek to vet settlers and so undermine populist claims of redressing inequalities and providing land to the landless and poor.

In a recent report on Papua New Guinea (PNG), the United Nations Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) noted its concern at the alienation of land held under customary title through the granting of Special Agricultural Business Leases (SABLs). Its concern centres on the impact of SABLs on human rights, with the UNHRC citing that the granting of these leases "had negatively affected the ability of indigenous communities to maintain customary land use patterns and sustain their traditional way of living" (UNHRC, 2016:12). Yet, I contend, such an Indigenous rights-based approach to the issue is problematic on two levels. First, it is not clear which groups in Papua New Guinea should be considered 'Indigenous' given the country's universal franchise and the lack of a politically or economically dominant identity group. Second, such an approach does not account for the widespread commodification of land held under customary title. The majority of land in PNG is held under customary title and is occupied by Indigenous smallholders producing crops for immediate consumption, the local market and for export. These two problems show that framing the question of land as an Indigenous rights issue glosses over the ongoing struggle between these smallholders and the Indigenous capital class in Papua New Guinea. This means that challenging the use of SABLs to alienate land held under customary title by positing such use as an infringement of Indigenous groups' rights to traditional or non-capitalist land use would have little potential to protect customary land rights in PNG, seriously circumscribing the capacity for achieving positive development outcomes.

"Serial no. 103-96." ; Shipping list no.: 94-0348-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

In recent years, an approach based on voluntary pledges by individual regions has attracted interest of policy-makers and consequently also climate policy research. In this paper, we analyze scenarios in which the EU and China act as early-movers in international climate policy. Such a situation risks leakage between regions with ambitious emission reduction targets and those with less ambitious targets via fossil-fuel markets, displacement of heavy industry and land-use consequences. We examine some of these factors using the IMAGE model. While IMAGE does not include all mechanisms, we find the leakage rate to be relatively small, about 5% of the emission reductions in the EU and China. The far majority occurs via the energy market channel and the remainder through land-use change. Reduced oil prices due to less depletion forms the key reason for this leakage impact.

In 2 hamlets in south central Java some farmland is now being used less intensively than other, similar land. Found that where household livelihood strategies are highly diversified--as in central Java--and where a wide range of non-farming work exists, the intensity of use of farmland may be declining for some households. (Abstract amended)

The rural population in Colombia faces a high inequality in the access and guarantee of rights, due to some extent to the fact that a reform of the rural land has not been carried out. The national government, within the framework of the Peace Agreement with the FARC, agreed to a comprehensive reform of the tenure and use of rural land. A well-organized, transparent and inclusive reform of the rural land is therefore a condition for a successful implementation of the peace agreement. ; La población campesina en Colombia enfrenta una alta desigualdad en materia de acceso y garantía de los derechos, situación que se debe en parte a que no se ha realizado la reforma agraria. El Gobierno nacional, en el marco del Acuerdo de Paz con la FARC, pactó como una de las bases para la consolidación de la paz la necesidad de hacer una reforma rural integral, por lo que parte del éxito de la implementación de cada uno de los acuerdos está en la ordenación del territorio rural y la participación en este de los campesinos.