Suchergebnisse

The whole history of the Middle Ages, as F. Engels points out, had no other form of ideology except religion and theology. Despite estate differences determining the rights and duties of the members of feudal society, Christianity proclaimed equality of all people before God, since all people obey him. Life on earth became only a preparation for the "real" life in heaven. God was considered the main prop of the existing order. In this connection the article analyses the views of the representatives of the feudal Catholic Church such as Augustine, P. Abelard, Thomas Aquinas and others on the social principles of Christianity and religious tolerance in particular. The Catholic Church, considering itself the body of God, sanctioned the feudal relations of production as given by God. Political, legal and philosophical problems were to be solved only on the theological basis. The dogmas of religion were compulsory for everybody, no individual interpretation being allowed. Another understanding or interpreting of these dogmas was treated as an attempt, direct or indirect, on the social system and the Church. The punishment of those advocating different ideas – heretics, and the measures of violence against people of different religion acquired the meaning of saving their souls. In the society where the only form of ideology was religion, religious tolerance was utterly impossible. Any social political movement always took a religious colouring. These factors determined a particular place of religion in the society and the attitude ol man and state towards it. ; Straipsnyje nagrinėjamos feodalizmo laikotarpio Katalikų bažnyčios atstovų (Aurelijaus Augustino, Tomo Akviniečio, P. Abelardo ir kt.) pažiūros į krikščionybės socialinius principus ir religinę toleranciją. Teigiama, kad Katalikų bažnyčia feodalinius ekonominius santykius sankcionavo kaip duotus Dievo. Politiniai, teisiniai, filosofiniai klausimai dažniausiai buvo sprendžiami remiantis tik teologija. Dogmatinis tikėjimo turinys buvo privalomas visiems be jokios individualios interpretacijos: bet koks kitas šių dogmų aiškinimas ir supratimas buvo laikomas tiesioginiu ar slaptu pasikėsinimu į socialinę santvarką ir bažnyčią. Susidorojimas su kitaminčiais eretikais, prievartos priemonės, taikomos kitų tikėjimų žmonėms, buvo įprasminamos kaip jų sielų gelbėjimas. Visuomenėje, kurios pagrindinė ideologija buvo religija, religinė tolerancija buvo iš esmės neįmanoma. Visi visuomeniniai politiniai judėjimai neišvengiamai buvo religinio pobūdžio. Tai lėmė religijos privilegijuotą padėtį visuomenėje.

This is the peer reviewed version of the following article: [Chopra, J., Sambrook, L., McLoughlin, S., Randles, R., Palace, M., & Blinkhorn, V. (2022). Risk factors for intimate partner homicide in England and Wales. Health and Social Care in the Community,], which has been published in final form at [https://doi.org/10.1111/hsc.13753]. This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Wiley Terms and Conditions for Use of Self-Archived Versions. This article may not be enhanced, enriched or otherwise transformed into a derivative work, without express permission from Wiley or by statutory rights under applicable legislation. Copyright notices must not be removed, obscured or modified. The article must be linked to Wiley's version of record on Wiley Online Library and any embedding, framing or otherwise making available the article or pages thereof by third parties from platforms, services and websites other than Wiley Online Library must be prohibited. ; Intimate partner homicides are often situated within the context of domestic abuse, and although less prevalent than domestic abuse, there have been several multi-agency approaches to understanding the risk for these fatal crimes. Domestic Homicide Reviews (DHRs) were introduced in 2011 to provide information to help with assessing such risk. This paper aims to analyse DHRs in England and Wales to investigate/determine risk factors for domestic homicide following intimate partner abuse. All publicly available DHRs published between July 2011 and November 2020 where the victim and perpetrator were or had been intimate partners (N = 263) were retrieved from Community Safety Partnership websites in England and Wales. A quantitative design was used to extract data from DHRs, and descriptive and inferential statistics were generated by SPSS 26. Findings identified risk factors relating to domestic abuse, including stalking, separation, and the victim being in a new relationship. Sociodemographic risk factors included higher levels of deprivation, lower income and higher barriers to housing and services. This highlights the role of both individual and sociodemographic factors in domestic homicides, and particularly the need for greater socioeconomic security for victims of domestic abuse. In conclusion, though much of the data is in line with previous research, our analysis highlights the pivotal role of regional poverty, with comfortable socioeconomic conditions offering protection against intimate partner homicides. This research suggests important directions for future research and makes a valuable contribution to a more in-depth understanding of the relationship between domestic abuse and intimate partner homicide.

The aim of this paper is to examine the dissident thought within the feminist movement. This new approach dissents from some main epistemological assumptions of the feminism, and claims against its effects, both in the academy and the public agenda. On the one hand, the authors that have leaded the critique against the so-called "gender ideology", have the support of most of the American public. On the other hand, they are experiencing the wrath of the academic feminist and the accusation of being part of a backlash. The charges are conservatism, betrayal, and anti-feminism harassment. The social tension has increase with the date rape crisis, the new feminism cause, besides the current politics against pornography and sexual harassment. Furthermore dissident voices in Canada, France and Spain prove a serious break up in one of the most important social movements in the last decades. ; En este trabajo se examina una nueva corriente de pensamiento surgida dentro del movimiento feminista norteamericano, que disiente de algunos de los principales presupuestos epistemológicos del feminismo, y que denuncia sus efectos, tanto en la población americana, en especial dentro de la comunidad académica, como en la agenda pública. Las autoras que han emprendido la crítica de la denominada "ideología del género" cuentan por un lado con el apoyo de una gran parte del público americano. Por otra parte, han suscitado la ira del feminismo académico que les atribuye ser parte de un backlash (un contraataque) frente a los logros conseguidos por el feminismo. Son acusadas, entre otras cosas, de conservadurismo, traición a la causa feminista o acoso institucional antifeminista. El grado de crispación se ha elevado con la crisis de "las violaciones en las citas" que se ha convertido en la nueva causa feminista, junto con las actuales políticas contra la pornografía y el acoso sexual. A todo esto, se añade el surgimiento de voces disidentes en Canadá, Francia y España, que confirman una grave fractura dentro de uno de los movimientos sociales más importantes de las últimas décadas.

Over the last few months, the situation in Ukraine has taken a frightening turn for the worst. What started out as a spontaneous popular protest in Kiev in November 2013 has evolved into a full-blown international crisis, pitting Russia against Ukraine, Russia against the West and Ukraine against itself. A lot of time is spent, on the airwaves or on the internet, in trying to understand the how and why of this sudden and largely unexpected conflict. Even more time is spent pointing a finger and hoping to find the culprit for the eruption of violence. Unsurprisingly, most of the criticism by the international community is directed towards Russia who invaded a sovereign country under dubious pretexts then proceeded to annex a chunk of it while maintaining military pressure to try and bully it into accepting its arbitrage.

Over the last few months, the situation in Ukraine has taken a frightening turn for the worst. What started out as a spontaneous popular protest in Kiev in November 2013 has evolved into a full-blown international crisis, pitting Russia against Ukraine, Russia against the West and Ukraine against itself. A lot of time is spent, on the airwaves or on the internet, in trying to understand the how and why of this sudden and largely unexpected conflict. Even more time is spent pointing a finger and hoping to find the culprit for the eruption of violence. Unsurprisingly, most of the criticism by the international community is directed towards Russia who invaded a sovereign country under dubious pretexts then proceeded to annex a chunk of it while maintaining military pressure to try and bully it into accepting its arbitrage.

The Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) seeks to regulate the transfer of conventional arms on the principle that arms exporters and importers have a responsibility to ensure that weapons are not used in violations of international law. India wants the ATT to be limited to illicit trade. It believes that the United Nations has various mechanisms to deal with human rights violations and that this issue should not be linked to arms trade. Indian citizens have spoken against gun vio-lence. Whether it is against the guns that killed Jessica Lall in Delhi or people in the conflict zones of Manipur, Kashmir or the Maoist-affected regions, Indians are fighting against the menace of the gun culture. The ATT is a just cause and India needs to support it.

Women play a key role in the socio-economic development of a country. Yet, they are discriminated against in almost every walk of life, right from the very earliest stages. Female foeticide and infanticide are a denial of the right to life itself, females are discriminated against in the spheres of health and nutrition (which makes them more susceptible to mortality and contributes to unbalanced male-female ratios), as well as in the spheres of education, employment and wages, and that of political representation. Society's attitudes towards women is shown also by the violence perpetuated against them, both by their husbands and outside the home. Still, there are signs of hope, in the form of steps and measures to improve the situation of women, and more generally, in the rising levels of consciousness of women's concerns.

Examines the protest from the local human rights community in Uganda against the International Criminal Court announcement that its first investigation would be into the war in the country's north. At issue is whether ICC prosecution is the appropriate tack to take against the undeniably brutal Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in light of the overall context of the violence in Uganda, which includes atrocities committed by the government as well. The ICC's intention to punish only the LRA is not in consonance with local demands that justice be meted out to all sides for crimes against humanity. When international law ignores such demands it is rejecting local autonomy & self-determination; decisions to seek justice must involve the victims of the crimes. Otherwise any international insistence on legal intervention amounts to paternalism or imperialism. J. Zendejas

Aims. When the Interagency Standing Committee (IASC) adopted the composite term mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS) and published its guidelines for MHPSS in emergency settings in 2007, it aimed to build consensus and strengthen coordination among relevant humanitarian actors. The term MHPSS offered an inclusive tent by welcoming the different terminologies, explanatory models and intervention methods of diverse actors across several humanitarian sectors (e.g., health, protection, education, nutrition). Since its introduction, the term has become well-established within the global humanitarian system. However, it has also been critiqued for papering over substantive differences in the intervention priorities and conceptual frameworks that inform the wide range of interventions described as MHPSS. Our aims are to clarify those conceptual frameworks, to argue for their essential complementarity and to illustrate the perils of failing to adequately consider the causal models and theories of change that underlie our interventions. Methods. We describe the historical backdrop against which the term MHPSS and the IASC guidelines were developed, as well as their impact on improving relations and coordination among different aid sectors. We consider the conceptual fuzziness in the field of MHPSS and the lack of clear articulation of the different conceptual frameworks that guide interventions. We describe the explanatory models and intervention approaches of two primary frameworks within MHPSS, which we label clinical and social-environmental. Using the examples of intimate partner violence and compromised parenting in humanitarian settings, we illustrate the complementarity of these two frameworks, as well as the challenges that can arise when either framework is inappropriately applied. Results. Clinical interventions prioritise the role of intrapersonal variables, biological and/or psychological, as mediators of change in the treatment of distress. Social-environmental interventions emphasise the role of social determinants of distress and target factors in the social and material environments in order to lower distress and increase resilience in the face of adversity. Both approaches play a critical role in humanitarian settings; however, the rationale for adopting one or the other approach is commonly insufficiently articulated and should be based on a thorough assessment of causal processes at multiple levels of the social ecology. Conclusions. Greater attention to the 'why' of our intervention choices and more explicit articulation of the causal models and theories of change that underlie those decisions (i.e., the 'how'), may strengthen intervention effects and minimise the risk of applying the inappropriate framework and actions to a particular problem.

In 2011, the Department of Education ("DOE") under the Obama administration issued its Dear College Letter ("DCL") ordering publicly funded educational institutions to undertake aggressive actions to deter what was deemed an epidemic of sexual violence on college campuses. DOE subsequently aggressively enforced the directives of the DCL with scores of costly investigations of college disciplinary systems and threatened withdrawal of federal funding for institutions that failed to respond to sexual harassment claims aggressively. Hundreds of lawsuits followed in the wake of the DCL's issuance. Specifically, the flood of litigation was initiated by males contending they were briskly expelled, suspended, or otherwise disciplined upon collegiate tribunals' findings of guilt on claims of sexual harassment. The lawsuits portrayed collegiate systems that readily found accused males responsible on claims of sexual harassment through denial of fundamental due process rights and predetermined conclusions that equated the claim of sexual harassment with guilt on the charge. The majority of these lawsuits resulted in recognizing the deprivation of rights for the accused males in the universities' rush to judgment on sexual harassment claims. In May 2020, the DOE, under the Trump administration, released its Title IX Final Rule comprehensively addressing all aspects of publicly funded educational institutions' obligations in responding to claims of sexual harassment. The Final Rule's eighty-two sections created a procedural framework for adjudicating Title IX sexual harassment claims based solely on the determination of the factual validity of the complainant's allegations. Academia has unceasingly opposed the Final Rule from its original November 2017 publication for public comment. Repeatedly, the charge is made that the Final Rule will inevitably unleash a pandemic of sexual violence against collegiate women. Joseph Biden campaigned for the presidency with a commitment that the Final Rule would be swiftly and surely rescinded. Accordingly, President Biden issued an executive order in March 2021 as the administration's first step in eradicating the Final Rule. However, the Final Rule has proved to be a law immune to swift elimination. A series of lawsuits seeking to overturn the Final Rule failed. Moreover, the Biden administration's actions have acknowledged that the Final Rule can only be rescinded and replaced through compliance with the Administrative Procedures Act and its public comment requirement. DOE has indicated a proposed replacement or drastic revision of the Final Rule will be published for public comment in April 2022. Thus, the Final Rule will likely remain an enforceable law throughout 2022. The public comment period will inevitably be contention as the Final Rule is one of the many issues on which America is deeply divided. This article undertakes a history from the 1972 enactment of Title IX through the present setting forth the administrative, legislative, and judicial events that have led to the nation's deep division over the role of government in pronouncing and enforcing permissive sexual practices on college campuses. It concludes with considering the motivations underlying academia's consistent hostility to the Final Rule.

El objeto de este artículo es analizar las políticas de Naciones Unidas en relación a la Seguridad Internacional y a la prevención de conflictos armados, y de sus efectos sobre la población femenina. Los datos de la conflictividad en los últimos cinco años muestran un rebrote de la violencia que hace necesario que la agenda internacional tenga en consideración la intervención exterior, la mediación y las políticas de recuperación. Desde los años noventa la violencia contra las mujeres en los conflictos armados ha dejado de ser considerada un asunto privado. Los informes ponen al descubierto las masacres indiscriminadas, las mutilaciones, violaciones, agresiones sexuales. que sufre la población civil, especialmente las mujeres, y autores como Nicole Detraz, Cyntia Enloe, Catia Confortini, Laura Sjoberg and Jan Pettman han desarrollado conceptos como el de la violación como arma de Guerra. La Resolución 1325 de Naciones Unidas es el primer texto legal que exige que las partes en conflicto prevengan la violación de los derechos de las mujeres y que apoyen su participación en las negociaciones de paz, así como la consiguiente reconstrucción, y ha orquestado líneas de acción en Naciones Unidas además de en los estados concernidos. La sociedad civil y las ONGs han jugado al respect un papel muy activo también en los últimos veinte años, de tal manera que el impacto de la Resolución 1325 es reflejado en los cambios legislativos de muchos países tal como indica el Informe Anual de la Secretaría General. ; The aim of this article is to analyse United Nations policies regarding International Security and the prevention of armed conflicts and their effects on the female population. Conflictivity data for the current five-year period show an upsurge in violence, making it necessary for exterior intervention and mediation or recovery policies to feature as central issues on the international agenda. Since the 1990s, violence against women in armed conflicts has ceased to be considered a private issue. Reports highlight the indiscriminate massacres, mutilations, rape, sexual aggression imposed on the civilian population, suffered mainly by women. Nicole Detraz, Cyntia Enloe, Catia Confortini, Laura Sjoberg and Jan Pettman have developed concepts such as rape as a weapon of war. UN Resolution 1325 is the first legal text that demands that the parties in conflict prevent violations of women's rights and that supports their participation in the peace negotiations and subsequent reconstruction, and has led to lines of action within the United Nations as well as in the states involved. Civil society and NGOs have played a very active role in raising states' awareness over the last 20 years and the impact of Resolution 1325 can be seen in the Secretary General's Annual Reports, which reflect the advances through legislative changes in many countries.

La trata de personas constituye una violación masiva de los Derechos Humanos, una forma de violencia contra las mujeres y una manifestación contemporánea de la esclavitud que degrada a los seres humanos a la condición de objetos y los somete a diferentes formas de explotación y violencia. Varios estudios muestran que las víctimas de la trata de personas son principalmente mujeres, niñas y niños. El hecho que las mujeres sean las más afectadas evidencia la confluencia de estereotipos y prácticas discriminatorias de género, exacerbadas por otras desigualdades como la etnia, la clase social, el lugar de origen y la orientación sexual, entre otras. El objetivo de esta tesis es analizar si la perspectiva de género es utilizada –y de qué manera-, en los modelos de atención dirigidos a mujeres que han vivido una situación de trata para plantear la incorporación de la perspectiva de género como un eje fundamental de la atención integral que garantice la restitución de los Derechos Humanos y el fortalecimiento de la autonomía de las mujeres. Se realizó un análisis cualitativo acerca de la incorporación de la perspectiva de género en los modelos de atención a través de entrevistas semiestructuradas con un total de ocho (8) profesionales y funcionarias encargadas de la atención a mujeres que han vivido una situación de trata tanto de la entidad que coordina la atención desde el Estado colombiano, como de organismos de cooperación internacional, ONG y comunidades religiosas que tienen mayor experiencia en el abordaje de la trata de personas. ; Trafficking in persons constitutes a massive violation of Human Rights, a form of violence against women and a contemporary manifestation of slavery which degrades human beings to the condition of objects and submits them to different forms of exploitation and violence. Several studies show that victims of trafficking in persons are mainly women, girls and boys. The fact that women are most affected makes evident the confluence of stereotypes and discriminatory gender practices, exacerbated by other inequalities such as ethnicity, social class, place of origin and sexual orientation, among others. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze if a gender perspective is used –and how- in the models of attention for women who have lived a trafficking situation in order to posit incorporating a gender perspective as a basic axis in integral attention so that Human Rights restitution is guaranteed and women´s autonomy is strengthened. A qualitative analysis was carried out regarding the incorporation of a gender perspective in attention models using semistructured interviews with eight (8) professionals and staff members in charge of attending women who have lived a trafficking situation, and who work either with the Colombian government institution which coordinates these services or with international cooperation agencies, NGOs and religious communities that have ample experience on how to deal with matters concerning trafficking with persons. ; Maestría