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AbstractFocusing on funding in culture and the arts, the author identifies a distinctive logic of company support for nonprofit organizations. Business giving is increasingly disciplined around company objectives, giving levels are driven by pretax earnings, and giving decisions are the province of managers who draw advice less from the arts community or public agencies than from other companies. At best, turbulence in government funding has modest effect on corporate support. In turn, change in corporate support has little impact on public backing. The separate logics of corporate and government support imply separate and distinctive long‐term development strategies for nonprofit organizations.

This article reviews various approaches to analyzing the contracting‐out decision and distills a set of cost/benefit considerations which each analysis must address in order to properly ascertain whether there is any advantage to contracting out as compared to performing the work in‐house. The author describes an approach to analyzing the contracting‐out decision that begins with an unambiguous, comprehensive statement of service goals to facilitate the measurement of outcomes and is followed by an examination of the other considerations on the cost side of the equation which are basic to the proper measurement of all direct costs, indirect costs, and social costs.

The author presents some results of a study of organized neighborhood integration maintenance efforts in 15 urban communities across the country since 1956. Theoretical insights from three sociological fields are interwoven: race relations, social movements, and urban communities. Based on field research, sociohistorical review, and census data, three analytical models are described and contrasted representing success, failure, and conditional attempts in this movement effort. Factors of success and failure indicate the critical role of external forces and institutional processes in this social movement. Successful movement programs that maintain neighborhood integration while expanding regional housing choices are reviewed, and policy implications are presented.

As the author sees it, the Persian Gulf crisis, which erupted with Iraq's 2nd August 1990 invasion of Kuwait and ended with Iraq's defeat in a war with U.S.-led forces, has to be understood within the context of the emergent world order following the end of the cold war. Likewise, a workable solution for regional peace in the Middle East must also be sought within the context of the new world conditions. He discusses how the whole Gulf crisis, from its inception to its ending on the battlefield, originated in the conditions attendant to the end of the cold war. (DÜI-Sen)

HISTORY SO FAR HAS PROVIDED NO CLEARCUT EXAMPLE OF HOW A GRASS-ROOTS CHALLENGE TO THE MILITARY, LEADING TO ITS REPLACEMENT BY SOCIAL DEFENSE MIGHT OCCUR. THIS AUTHOR TAKES A LOOK AT THE RISE OF MASS WARFARE AND REVOLUTIONARY SOCIAL DEFENSE AND ASSESSES SOME OF THEIR IMPLICATIONS. HE CONCLUDES THAT THE KEY TO SOCIAL DEFENSE MAY BE ITS LINK WITH SOCIAL MOVEMENTS WITH THE POTENTIAL FOR REVOLUTIONARY CHANGE IN SOCIAL STRUCTURE, AND THAT IN SOME CIRCUMSTANCES, THE SURVIVAL OF SOCIAL DEFENSE MAY DEPEND ON THE CAPACITY AND WILLINGNESS FOR UNDERTAKING SOCIAL OFFENSE--THE CONCERTED USE OF NON-VIOLENT TECHNIQUES TO UNDERMINE POTENTIAL AGGRESSOR REGIMES.

THE SALIENCE OF LANGUAGE IN HOBBES'S WORK HAS BEEN RECOGNIZED, BUT INTERPRETATIONS OF HIS IDEAS ON THIS SUBJECT HAVE BEEN REMARKABLY DISCORDANT. THE PRINCIPAL REASON, THIS ARTICLE ARGUES, IS THAT HOBBES IS INTERPRETED IN THE LIGHT OF MODERN THEORIES OF MEANING IN LANGUAGE, WHEREAS A COHERENT ACCOUNT CAN ONLY BE GIVEN BY UNDERSTANDING THE SIGNIFICATION CURRENT IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. THE AUTHOR CONTENDS THAT AN APPROPRIATELY CONTEXTUAL EXPLICATION OF SIGNIFICATION SHOWS NOT ONLY THAT HOBBES'S IDEAS ON LANGUAGE ARE VERY NEARLY THE REVERSE OF THOSE AT WORK IN MOST TWENTIETH-CENTURY PHILOSOPHY OF LANGUAGE, BUT ALSO SHEDS LIGHT ON SEVERAL IMPORTANT ASPECTS OF HOBBES'S WORK.

THE WORDS USED IN THE TITLE ARE CHOSEN DELIBERATELY FROM THE CHARTER OF THE UNITED NATIONS. IT WAS DESIGNED TO EMPHASIZE THE NEED TO BASE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE POST-COLD WAR ERA NOT ON CALCUATIONS OF THE RELATIVE STRENGTHS OF INDIVIDUAL COUNTRIES OR ALLIANCES BUT ON THE PRINCIPLES OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. AS A FORMER DIPLOMAT, AND BEFORE THAT A SOLDIER, THE AUTHOR FINDS THE CONCEPT OF THE RULE OF LAW EXHILARATING. IT IS ON THE BASIS OF THAT CONCEPT THAT HE EXAMINES THE USED OF FORCE AGAINST CYPRUS. HE CONCLUDES THAT TODAY THE CHANCES THAT JUSTICE MAY BE DONE TO CYPRUS ARE PLAINLY IMPROVED.

THIS ARTICLE IS PRINTED IN FRENCH. IT COMPARES THE LEXICAL PERFORMANCES OF CANADIAN POLITICAL LEADERS IN THE FRENCH-LANGUAGE LEADERS' DEBATE BROADCAST DURING THE FEDERAL ELECTION OF 1988, IN ORDER TO TEST SOME HYPOTHESES CONCERING THE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE COMMUNICATION STRATEGIES ADOPTED BY THE LEADERS AND THEIR RESPECTIVE ROLE IN THE PARTY SYSTEM. THE AUTHOR SHOWS THAT THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE OF THE LEADER OF THE GOVERNMENT PARTY DOES NOT FOLLOW THE SAME LINE OF ARGUMENTATION AS THOSE DEVELOPED BY THE LEADERS OF OPPOSING PARTIES. IT CONCLUDES WITH ESTIMATES OF THE IMPORTANCE GRANTED TO THE CRITIQUES OF THE RESPECTIVE ADVERSARIES AND SPECIFIC PROSITIONS FOR THE FUTURE.

THE TERM "LOW-INTENSITY CONFLICT" (LIC) FIRST APPEARED IN THE LEXICON OF THE U.S. NATIONAL SECURITY COMMUNITY IN THE LATTER HALF OF THE 1970'S. DURING THE 1980'S, THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION AND THE CONGRESS UNDERTOOK SEVERAL INITIATIVES TO PREPARE THE UNITED STATES TO RESPOND TO VARIOUS TYPES OF LIC. FOLLOWING A BRIEF COMMENTARY ON THESE DEVELOPMENTS, THE AUTHOR ADDRESSES THREE INTERRELATED SUBJECTS: (1) THE CONCEPTUAL DEBATE SURROUNDING LIC AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO THE AMERICAN APPROACH TO STRATEGY; (2) THE TYPES OF LIC THAT ARE LIKELY TO OCCUR IN THE 1990'S; AND (3) THE IMPLICATIONS AND REQUIREMENTS FOR U.S. NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY.

IN HIS BOOK "LIBERALISM, COMMUNITY, AND CULTURE" WILL KYMLICKA EXPLORES THE ROLES OF SELF, COMMUNITY, AND CULTURE IN LIBERAL THOUGHT. THE AUTHOR OF THIS ARTICLE STATES THAT KYMILICKA'S TREATMENT, WHILE RATHER ORIGINAL, IS SO WEAK AS TO UNJUSTLY DISCREDIT THE LIBERAL VIEW OF CULTURE IN GENERAL. THE ARTICLE ARGUES THAT EITHER KYMLICKA'S DEFENSE OF MINORITY RIGHTS FAILS TO PROVIDE ADEQUATE PROTECTION FOR ABORIGINAL GROUPS, SINCE THEY ARE TREATED ON A PAR WITH OTHER CULTURAL MINORITIES TO WHOM THE WORLD ASCRIBES NO SPECIAL RIGHTS, OR IT SERVES TO PROTECT ABORIGINAL RIGHTS ONLY THROUGH ASCRIBING RIGHTS TO MANY OTHER CULTURAL MINORITIES, AN EXTRAORDINARILY COUNTERINTUITIVE IMPLICATION WHICH HE WISELY SEEKS TO AVOID.

LEBANON WAS ONE OF THE DEVELOPING WORLD'S SUCCESS STORIES FOR MORE THAN A GENERATION AFTER IT GAINED ITS INDEPENDENCE FROM FRANCE. WHAT IS MOST STRIKING IS THAT THE RIGIDITIES AND PROBLEMS IN THE SYSTEM HAD ALL BEEN IDENTIFIED AND MODERATE SOLUTIONS FOR THEM LAID OUT AS EARLY AS THE MID-1960S, TEN YEARS BEFORE THE KILLING BEGAN. LACK OF POLITICAL WILL TO FOLLOW THROUGH IS DEFINED AS THE REASON FOR THE FAILURE OF THE SYSTEM. THE AUTHOR EXPLORES HIS CONVICTIONS THAT THERE WAS AN ABIDING CONSENSUS AMONG LEBANESE IN FAVOR OF THE PRESERVATION OF THER STATE AND THAT REFORM HAD A REAL CONSTITUENCE.

THE AUTHOR SPECIFIES A CONCEPTUAL MODEL THAT EXPRESSES GAINS FROM POLICY AS A FUNCTION OF INTEREST GROUP POLITICAL EXPENDITURES. THE MODEL IS USED TO DERIVE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN MARKET STRUCTURE AND NOMINAL PROTECTION FOR AGRICULTURAL COMMODITIES. IT ACCOUNTS FOR VARIABLES THAT AFFECT THE RELATIVE POLITICAL POWER AND THE DEADWEIGHT COSTS ASSOCIATED WITH POLICY TO TAX OR SUBSIDIZE FARM PRODUCTS. REDUCED-FORM EQUATIONS ARE TESTED TO EXPLAIN ADJUSTED NOMINAL PROTECTION IN A POOLED SAMPLE OF COMMODITIES FROM 34 COUNTRIES. MEASURES OF MARKET STRUCTURE, NET TRADE WITH THE REST OF THE WORLD, GOVERNMENT CONSUMPTION, AND THE LEVEL OF DEVELOPMENT OF EACH COUNTRY ARE INCLUDED AS EXPLANATORY VARIABLES.

THOMAS MCCARTHY HAS PROVIDED A CRITIQUE OF THE DECONSTRUCTIONIST TURN IN RECENT PHILOSOPHY AND HAS OUTLINED A PROGRAM OF RECONSTRUCTION IN ITS AFTERMATH. HIS DESIGN IS NOT SIMPLY AN APPROPRIATION AND DEFENSE OF HABERMAS. HE PROVIDES A CRITICAL REFORMULATION OF THE HABERMASIAN POSITION, USING HABERMAS AGAINST HIMSELF. THE AUTHOR OF THIS ARTICLE DISTANCES HIMSELF FARTHER THAN DOES MCCARTHY FROM THE CRITERIOLOGICAL CONCEPT OF RATIONALITY THAT WAS PROPOSED BY KANT AND WHICH CONTINUES TO INFORM HABERMAS'S REQUIREMENT FOR THE GROUNDING OF VALIDITY CLAIMS. HE PROPOSES A NEW APPROACH TO THE RESOURCES OF REASON ALONG THE LINES OF WHAT HE HAS COME TO CALL THE DYNAMICS OF TRANSVERSAL RATIONALITY.

PEOPLE EVERYWHERE ARE TURNING TOWARD TO SWELLING BEAT OF THE AGE OF 'THE PEOPLE;S WILL' AND A WAVE OF DEMOCRACY: YET EVEN AS WE WITNESS THE END OF ONE ERA, THIS AUTHOR SUGGESTS THAT WE ARE OVERCOME WITH THE AWESOME UNCERTAINTY OF NOT BEING ABLE TO SEE WHAT LIES AHEAD, FOR WE ARE NOW IN ONE OF THE GREAT PERIODS OF TRANSITION IN HISTORY. HE SUGGESTS THAT HUMAN RIGHTS ARE UNIVERSAL AND STRESSES THE IMPORTANCE OF SELF-RESTRAINT. HE CONCLUDES THAT THE BUILDING OF LASTING PEACE DEPENDS ON HOW MANY PEOPLE CAPABLE OF SELF-RESTRAINT CAN BE FOSTERED THROUGH RELIGIOUS GUIDANCE.

On 20 September 1991, at the General Assembly meeting in New York, Cambodian leader Prince Norodom Sihanouk announced that the four contending Cambodian factions had reached agreement on all remaining outstanding issues standing in the way of a peace settlement in their war-torn country. A formal peace accord, Sihanouk said, would be signed in Paris by all 19 members of the so-called Peace Conference of Cambodia. However, Sihanouk's confidence contrasted sharply with the reality of the frequent flare-ups of sharp disagreement among the Cambodian factions during the peace discussions. The author explores the problems and prospects of peace in Cambodia. (DÜI-Sen)