Suchergebnisse

This Sustainable Built Environment National Research Centre (SBEnrc) project, Mapping the Social and Affordable Housing Network aims to contribute to improvement in the productivity, effectiveness and efficiency of this network in Australia. Through providing a high level, graphical representation across 13 elements these maps, and associated findings cast light on current complexity, challenges and opportunities. The maps, findings and supporting materials have been brought together to facilitate a strategic yet pragmatic understanding of of this network. This has been done to help organisations better leverage outcomes for those in need of social and/or more affordable housing. These maps are a snapshot in time, at July 2019. As such they are intended to provide a base-line overview of this network, to inform current understanding, and future analysis and decision-making. They cannot be comprehensive due to the expansive nature of the network (and limited project resources), but aim to provide a foundation for decision-making. For example, they could help guide a living process to assist organisations identify and engage with partners and stakeholders, to better address the changing nature of the housing need. The intent has been to identify all participants for the three tiers of government and for peak bodies/industry associations, whilst providing examples only for the remaining groups of participants involved in the network. Network maps have been developed for two focal participants, the WA Department of Communities, and the Queensland Department of Housing and Public Works. ; Full Text

Abstract
Much research has sought to map the spread of extreme and populist political ideologies across Western Europe. Despite this, it often fails to explain how these ideologies move from the political fringes to positions of influence, subverting the traditional cordon sanitaire around extreme views. As a result of recent successes by populist actors, a more nuanced understanding of this process is required.
This paper posits an explanation for this success, suggesting that the growing pluralisation of the online media environment and the impact of social media content sharing are key to understanding how fringe political actors avoid both overt and implicit barriers to popularising extreme positions. Using data from the British Election Study, this paper offers a quantitative test of this approach, finding an inconsistent relationship between social media use and extreme political opinions. Potential explanations for this are discussed alongside possible directions for future research.

Organizations increasingly offer work-family programs to assist employees with balancing the competing demands of work and family life. Existing scholarship indicates that the consequences of work-family programs are heterogeneous across different socio-demographic groups, but limited research examines when and why workers within the same group may benefit differently from such programs. Understanding these differences may illuminate important mechanisms driving the effectiveness of work-family policies. We theorize that one key driver of within-group variation in the effectiveness of work-family programs is the extent to which workers' nonwork social networks activate resources to support them. Specifically, we argue that workers whose nonwork networks are less likely to activate supportive resources will benefit more from organizational programs. We further posit that the status characteristics of workers' dependents may shape the activation of resources among nonwork networks. Drawing on novel data from an Indian garment factory and a quasi-experimental research design, we examine how a work-family program, employer-sponsored childcare, affects the daily work attendance of a socio-demographically homogenous group of working mothers. We find that women whose nonwork networks are less likely to activate informal childcare support—specifically, women with daughters—benefit more from employer-sponsored childcare. Supplemental interview data supports our theoretical claims. We conclude by discussing the contributions of our argument to scholarship on work-family policies and social networks.

Celem artykułu jest omówienie problematyki metodyczno-dydaktycznej związanej z zastosowaniem gamifikacji podczas zajęć z języka obcego w formie zdalnej oraz ukazanie potencjału, który tkwi w wykorzystywaniu narzędzi internetowych takich jak gry i aplikacje w nauce języka obcego on-line. Podstawowe pytanie, jakie przyświeca podjętym tu rozważaniom, odnosi się do skuteczności i jakości gier tworzonych za pomocą platform i aplikacji internetowych (m.in. Wordwall, Learningapps, Padlet, Jamboard, Kahoot, Quizlet, Mentimeter), których uczeń może używać samodzielnie oraz takich, które wymagają asysty nauczyciela. Autorka poddaje analizie specyfikę gier na zajęciach online i wskazuje, na co trzeba zwracać szczególną uwagę podczas ich przeprowadzania.

AbstractPolicy implementation is an interactive process between citizens and street‐level bureaucrats. Although the literature has already addressed different factors that influence discretion, there is still a gap in understanding if and how bureaucrats' relational profiles affect policy implementation. This article analyses bureaucrats' interactions and the relational environments in which they exercise their discretion. The hypothesis is that bureaucrats' different relational profiles specify policy implementation at the street level. We study bureaucrats in a Brazilian health care programme involving community workers that requires regular visits to beneficiary families' homes. The research departs from ethnography and network analyses with workers from three very different contexts. We analyse bureaucrats' practices, the discursive styles mobilized in their interactions, and their personal networks. The results show that organizational factors are central to explain variations in practices, and their relational profiles highly influence the discursive styles used by bureaucrats in their interactions with citizens. The article concludes that relational elements can affect the exercise of discretion and influence interactions at the street level and should be incorporated more systematically in the implementation literature.

Western liberal governments increasingly seek to improve the performance of the public sector by spurring innovation. New Public Management reforms from the 1980s onward viewed strategic entrepreneurial leadership and public–private competition as key drivers of public innovation. By contrast, the current wave of New Public Governance reforms perceives collaboration between relevant and affected actors from the public and private sector as the primary vehicle of public innovation, and tends to see governance networks as potential arenas for collaborative innovation. The new focus on collaborative innovation in networks poses a fundamental challenge for public managers, elected politicians, and others aiming to metagovern governance networks. Hence, we claim that a specific metagovernance strategy is needed when the purpose of governance networks is to stimulate efficiency, effectiveness, and democratic legitimacy through innovation rather than incremental improvements. The article aims to sketch out the contours of such a strategy by comparing it with more traditional metagovernance strategies. The argument is illustrated by an empirical analysis of an example of collaborative innovation in Danish elderly care.

AbstractIn the aftermath of the war on terror, mosques have become targets for hate groups, leveraging online platforms to amplify global anti‐mosque campaigns. These groups link local protestors with international hate networks, fuelling both online and offline (i.e., onsite) anti‐mosque campaigns. Thoroughly reviewing the literature addressing the interaction between online and offline Islamophobia and introducing an anti‐mosque social media page instilling the public with online and offline anti‐mosque hate, this article suggests a strong interaction between online and offline Islamophobia. In the provided case study from the Stop Mosque Bendigo (SMB), purposeful sampling was used to collect postings before and after the Christchurch Mosque attacks to analyse the evolution of online anti‐mosque campaigns in tandem with real‐life hate cases. The literature and the case study reveal the interaction between local and global, digital, and physical realms, as well as the convergence of everyday racism with extremist far‐right ideologies like the Great Replacement theory. Relying on the present literature and indicative findings, the article advocates for systematic investigations to uncover the direct connection between online hate and physical attacks and urges closer monitoring and accountability for those online platforms and social media pages apparently contributing to onsite hate‐driven actions.