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What can we still learn from Hannah Arendt's political categories and reflections on the public realm in an era that sees the growing spread of populisms? Among the large number of current debates, in the age of populist simplification and of the so-called "post-truth", Arendt's relationship between truth, lying and politics seems to assume particular relevance. The most important consequence for the purpose of the reflections we are proposing here can be probably found in the impact that the strategies of simplification and polarization of the public – political and mediatic – discourse adopted by contemporary populisms can exert upon the publics who are less "equipped" for contextualizing those distorted or simplifying messages which are better known at nowadays as "fake news". The weakening of the critical sense seems to find broad consonance not only with the foreseeable reduction of political and social pluralism, but also with such phenomena as the growth of perceived insecurity and individualism, stigmatization of "the different", erosion of social capital and political participation.

Considering the importance of active citizenship, the goal of the present research was to identify meaningful predictors of intentions to participate in politics in adolescence (Study 1) and young adulthood (Study 2). Based on the assumptions of the civic voluntarism model, three main predictors were examined: Resources (educational level), experiences in social networks (club membership, important others' attitudes toward political behaviors, political discussions), and individual characteristics (attitudes toward political behaviors, internal political efficacy). Despite the differences in age, both studies identified a strikingly similar pattern of results: Especially experiences in social networks predicted changes in young people's intentions to participate in politics. These effects, however, were mediated by the examined individual characteristics. While the effect of political discussions was largely mediated by the young people's sense of internal political efficacy, the effect of important others' attitudes was mediated by their own attitudes toward political behaviors

Introduction : Congress befriends the court -- Members of Congress as "friends of the court" -- Choosing when to file -- Congressional motivations for filing amicus curiae briefs before the U.S. Supreme Court -- When Congress speaks, does the Supreme Court listen? -- Congressional amici and the future of Congress-court relations.

Introduction : Congress befriends the court -- Members of Congress as "friends of the court" -- Choosing when to file -- Congressional motivations for filing amicus curiae briefs before the U.S. Supreme Court -- When Congress speaks, does the Supreme Court listen? -- Congressional amici and the future of Congress-court relations.

Introduction : Congress befriends the court -- Members of Congress as "friends of the court" -- Choosing when to file -- Congressional motivations for filing amicus curiae briefs before the U.S. Supreme Court -- When Congress speaks, does the Supreme Court listen? -- Congressional amici and the future of Congress-court relations.

The current study highlights the multiplicity of Kurdish diasporic identity construction in relation to distant conflict, the Afrin conflict in particular. It first distinguishes between different reference points for identity construction: national Kurdish identity, ethnic Kurdish identity, and politicized Kurdish identity. Second, it explains diasporic identity construction by means of collective action variables: perceived injustice, perceived efficacy, and past online/offline participation. By means of a quantitative survey of members of the Kurdish diaspora in Germany (N = 94) and subsequent regression analyses, the findings show that past online/offline political participation represents a vital factor in the construction of a politicized Kurdish identity, while perceived injustice and perceived collective efficacy represent key predictors of identifying with a Kurdish national identity. Identifying with an ethnic Kurdish identity is not meaningfully explained by the chosen collective action predictors in this study. The study aims to connect diaspora communication and social psychology literatures by using the above-mentioned identity and collective action variables.

The current study highlights the multiplicity of Kurdish diasporic identity construction in relation to distant conflict, the Afrin conflict in particular. It first distinguishes between different reference points for identity construction: national Kurdish identity, ethnic Kurdish identity, and politicized Kurdish identity. Second, it explains diasporic identity construction by means of collective action variables: perceived injustice, perceived efficacy, and past online/offline participation. By means of a quantitative survey of members of the Kurdish diaspora in Germany (N = 94) and subsequent regression analyses, the findings show that past online/offline political participation represents a vital factor in the construction of a politicized Kurdish identity, while perceived injustice and perceived collective efficacy represent key predictors of identifying with a Kurdish national identity. Identifying with an ethnic Kurdish identity is not meaningfully explained by the chosen collective action predictors in this study. The study aims to connect diaspora communication and social psychology literatures by using the above-mentioned identity and collective action variables.

Problem statement: 40-year history of agricultural production cooperatives in the country shows that this type of exploitation system has faced many ups and downs during this period. First, despite the help and support by the government, the cooperative sector has not been able to play a major role in the development of the country and its share has not exceeded 3% of development program. The main aim of this study is identifying the factors affecting the participation of Shirvan-Chardavol township's agricultural cooperatives' members. Approach: This casual comparative applied research which uses survey method for data accumulation, is of Quasi-experimental research type because of impossibility of controlling the research variables. A researcher-made questionnair was used as the main tool for gathering data. The face and content validity of the questionnaire were confirmed by a group of university professors and cooperative experts; also the reliability of the questionnaire was confirmed through calculating the Kronbach alfa coefficient (a = 0.80). Results: The statistical society of the research included 751 active members of Shirvan-Chardavol township's agricultural cooperatives, among which 260 people were selected for the study using classified proportional random sampling method and with the aid of Morgan sample-volume table. Data processing was performed using SPSS estatistial software, as well as descriptive estatistics (central and inferential indexes) and analytical estatistics (correlation coefficients and stepwise multiple regression analysis). Conclusion: The correlation coefficient results show that there is significant relationship between the variables like age, background history of membership in cooperatives, the members' agricultural land areas, annual income of the members, socio-cultural features, economical features, educational-extensional features, managerial factors, psychological features, political factors and communicational-informational factors from the one hand and the dependent variable of agricultural cooperatives' members' level of participation from the other. The multiple regression analysis results showed that variables like political, economic, managerial and social factors have positive effect on the dependent variable of agricultural cooperatives' members' participation, describing 65% of the changes of the mentioned dependent variable.

This article reviews subnational participatory policy making and considers the extent to which participation—which seeks to breach the divide between citizen preference and political behavior—can be seen as deliberative practice. The process examined, TasmaniaTogether, is Australia's most participatory subnational planning and policy instrument, and is unique in that country, as well for directly linking public preference to policy design. Deliberative theory frames the examination of TasmaniaTogetherhere because it is in part concerned with exploring and overcoming the failing representative mandate that has inspired many such local participatory experiments. The study explores the tensions between deliberative theory and participatory practice, to identify common themes and forge greater relevance between the two. It considers the legitimacy of the process, its quest for community consensus, its link to policy‐setting contexts, its high level of institutionalization, and the lessons that can be learnt from it, which may in turn inform deliberative theory.Este artículo examina el grado de participación sub‐nacional en el diseño de políticas y considera el grado en el que la participación—la cual busca superar las divisiones entre las preferencias ciudadanas y comportamiento político—puede ser vista como una práctica deliberativa. El ejemplo examinado, TasmaniaTogether, es el mayor instrumento político Australiano de planeación y de participación sub‐nacional, y es también único en dicho país al vincular directamente las preferencias del público con el diseño de políticas. La teoría deliberativa enmarca aquí el estudio de TasmaniaTogetherporque está en parte preocupada con la exploración y la superación del mandato representativo cuyas deficiencias han inspirado muchos tipos de experimentos de participación locales. El estudio explora las tensiones entre la teoría deliberativa y la práctica en la participación, para identificar temas comunes y forjar una mayor relevancia entre ambas. El estudio considera la legitimidad del proceso participativo deliberativo, su búsqueda de consenso comunitario, su conexión con contextos de definición de políticas, su alto nivel de institucionalización y las lecciones que puedan ser aprendidas en dicho proceso que podrían a su vez informar a la teoría deliberativa.

Tourism has the ability to generate numerous economic and employment opportunities but, alongside these, it appears necessary to also investigate the negative externalities connected to this phenomenon. In fact, tourism tends to profoundly modify a territory and the quality of life of those who reside there, sometimes positively. From this perspective, sustainable tourism is a form of tourism aimed at reducing the environmental, social and economic impact caused by tourist activities, to encourage the protection of the natural and cultural resources of the destination places. Through the review of the literature and the analysis of a case study, the contribution investigates the need to encourage models of participation and involvement of local communities as a tool to protect themselves and their territory, since tourism shared by the local community is more sustainable, ethical and responsible.

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By Alvaro Oleart


To legitimise itself, the EU is increasingly relying on disintermediated citizen participation. But a vibrant democracy is impossible without political contestation.

The EU has recently organised a series of 'citizen-centred' processes that may be indicative of a new pattern in terms of democracy and participation. The main 'democratic innovation' has taken place

Provides a participant profile from a political education project conducted by the Friedrich Ebert Foundation (Freudenberg, Federal Republic of Germany). Political education is described as an intentional, organized form of political learning that encompasses the three dimensions of polity, politics, & policy. A survey of volunteer participants (N unidentified) in the project found that 33+% were under age 35, 40% were females, 25% were first-time attendees of a political education seminar, & 60% came from a nontraditional value milieu (eg, technocratic-liberal, hedonistic, alternative); educational levels varied. Participants expressed a preference for a location removed from the everyday, short seminars & day & evening events, & education stressing communication. Focus groups (N = 26) stressed the importance of the political-pedagogical relevance & structure of political education efforts. 32 References. E. Blackwell

The Europeanization of National Polities? studies the levels and evolution of EU citizens' attitudes toward the EU by answering 3 key questions: How widespread is the sense of European citizenship? What are its core drivers? And what consequences does citizenship have, if any, for EU support and for active political participation in EU politics?.