Suchergebnisse

The Country Opinion Survey in Myanmar assists the World Bank Group (WBG) in gaining a better understanding of how stakeholders in Myanmar perceive the WBG. It provides the WBG with systematic feedback from national and local governments, multilateral/bilateral agencies, media, academia, the private sector, and civil society in Myanmar on 1) their views regarding the general environment in Myanmar; 2) their overall attitudes toward the WBG in Myanmar; 3) overall impressions of the WBG's effectiveness and results, knowledge work and activities, and communication and information sharing in Myanmar; and 4) their perceptions of the WBG's future role in Myanmar.

The Country Opinion Survey in Ghana assists the World Bank Group (WBG) in gaining a better understanding of how stakeholders in Ghana perceive the WBG. It provides the WBG with systematic feedback from national and local governments, multilateral/bilateral agencies, media, academia, the private sector, and civil society in Ghana on 1) their views regarding the general environment in Ghana; 2) their overall attitudes toward the WBG in Ghana; 3) overall impressions of the WBG's effectiveness and results, knowledge work and activities, and communication and information sharing in Ghana; and 4) their perceptions of the WBG's future role in Ghana.

Report of the Legislative and Regulatory Advisor ; This report documents the activities and findings the legislative and regulatory advisor during his visits made between 19th October and 17th November 2009 to the Ministry of energy of the Republic of Ghana. The purpose of the visits was to meet the officials of the Ministry of energy in Accra and obtain a first-hand brief of the requirements of the Ministry for their review of their draft legislative and regulatory documents for the Ghana oil and gas industry. In June 2007, Ghana discovered commercial quantities of light crude oil with significant amount of associated natural gas in its offshore area. The discovered oil and gas lies in the Jubilee Field, which straddles the offshore Deepwater Tano and the Deepwater West Cape three Points Block, and is located some 50 kilometres from the Ghanaian coast in water depths of between 1020 to 1720 metres. Associated gas is reported to have been tested at a gas-to-oil ratio of 1,058 standard cubic feet per barrel of oil. Oil production of 120,000 barrels per day would therefore provide produced associated gas production of about 127 million standard cubic feet per day. To optimise the benefit of having indigenous supplies of oil and gas, the Government of Ghana now has to effect an administrative and management transition with respect to its petroleum industry. It has to move from simply encouraging investment in exploration to that of managing petroleum production, the enormous values arising from such, and the wise utilisation of the produced oil and gas to drive economic development.

On March 8, a Manhattan federal court found Juan Orlando Hernández, president of Honduras from 2014 to 2022, guilty of conspiracy to import large amounts of cocaine into the United States over nearly two decades. Mainstream U.S. media generally framed the ex-president's trial and conviction as a triumph of justice, a service rendered by the impartial U.S. justice system to the people of Honduras.The great majority of such accounts, however, ignored and obscured context crucial for understanding Hernández's rise and rule; in particular, how Washington contributed to both. Though the mainstream narrative around the ex-president rightly connects his tenure in office with massive emigration from Honduras, it has elided the degree to which U.S. influence enabled Hernández's career and thus partially drove the migration that arose in response. For roughly two centuries, Honduras, the original "banana republic," has suffered a deeply unequal relationship with the far more powerful United States. One of the poorest countries in the Western Hemisphere, Honduras and its people have endured frequent American military interventions, U.S.-backed coups, and a corrupt, rapacious local oligarchy closely tied to U.S. corporate interests.Despite Hernández's ultimate conviction on U.S. soil, he served Washington for many years as a loyal client. The single most important event in the ex-president's political career was a 2009 coup, which overthrew center-left president Manuel Zelaya (whose wife, Xiomara Castro, won election in 2021 and currently occupies the presidency). Zelaya raised the minimum wage, subsidized small farmers, and authorized the morning-after pill, infuriating the country's business elite and, in the last case, ultra-conservative religious leaders. Moreover, to Washington's consternation, he made overtures toward Hugo Chavez's socialist Venezuela and sought to convert a crucial U.S. airbase entirely to civilian use.Joint action by Honduras' military and judiciary — in a manner the U.S. ambassador called "clearly illegal" and "totally illegitimate" at the time — forced Zelaya to pay for these sins in late June 2009. While the White House's reaction to the coup initially appeared confused, Washington soon recovered its footing. Even as huge protests raged, the Obama administration played a key role in ultimately compelling Honduras' people and the region's governments to acquiesce to the regime change as a fait accompli. Despite widespread repression by the post-coup de facto government, accounts of fraud, and the condemnation of many countries and international organizations (including the normally deferential Organization of American States), U.S.-endorsed elections in November 2009 received Washington's imprimatur. In her memoirs (the passage excised from the book's paperback edition with no explanation), then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton explained that the U.S. sought to "render the question of Zelaya moot and give the Honduran people a chance to choose their own future."It was in this context that Hernández catapulted into power. After Porfirio Lobo won the 2009 presidential race, Hernández became President of the National Congress as a member of Lobo's National Party — an institution historically closely linked to U.S. agribusiness. Lobo was Hernández's mentor and groomed his protege to succeed him. But while Hernández enjoyed success, the coup's consequences constituted disaster for ordinary Hondurans.Political violence and repression became routine. The murder rate, much of it due to cartel-related gang violence, soared — it was the world's highest for three years running. As the economic situation also deteriorated, and Lobo and his son allied with major narcotics syndicates, a huge surge of emigration swelled out of Honduras, with desperate citizens flooding northward. The total number of Hondurans apprehended at the U.S. border exploded — from less than 25,000 in 2009 to nearly 100,000 in 2014 — reaching 250,000 by 2020. In Washington's eyes, however, such concerns took a back seat to longstanding strategic needs: above all, Honduras' openness to foreign investment and its role as a base for American military power. And, as head of the National Congress, Hernandez was seen as particularly amenable to U.S. desires. "The State Department loved Hernandez," according to Dana Frank, an expert on Honduras at UC Santa Cruz. As Lobo's heir apparent, "he was young and could stay in power for a long time." Frank cites a 2010 cable from the U.S. embassy in Tegucigalpa asserting that "He has consistently supported U.S. interests."The depth of American support for Hernández became clear after his 2013 election to the presidency. Despite credible reports of fraud, his National Party's control over the counting process, and a wave of threats and sometimes lethal violence against opposition candidates and activists during the campaign, the State Department commended the election as "transparent, free, and fair." In 2015, a major corruption scandal centered on the misappropriation of funds from Honduras' Social Security Institute exploded, prompting unprecedented popular demonstrations against Hernandez and calling for his resignation, "There was a real sense that Hernández could fall," according to Alexander Main, a Latin America expert at the Washington-based Center for Economic and Policy Research. Fortunately for Hernández, however, the U.S. swooped in, helping to defuse the unrest by prodding the OAS to organize a local anti-corruption body known as MACCIH. In that same year, according to Frank, Washington gave an "official green light" to a "completely criminal" power grab by Hernández whereby his hand-picked Supreme Court ruled that he was eligible to run for a second term in clear violation of Honduras' constitution. Washington's complacent reaction — "It is up to the Honduran people to determine their political future" — stood in remarkable contrast to 2009, when Zelaya's mere suggestion that the constitution might be amended to permit a second term served as the pretext for the coup that the U.S. subsequently legitimized. In Hernández's 2017 reelection bid, the fraud was so blatant and widespread that even the generally conservative OAS declared the incumbent's victory an example of "extreme statistical improbability" and called for new elections. The State Department, however, stood by Hernández, prodding Mexico and other OAS members to recognize the results, even as security forces suppressed massive and prolonged protests with live ammunition.Indeed, U.S. training and funding also proved crucial in the creation of the brutal special operations units Hernández's government used to terrorize opposition and environmental activists. Particularly significant in the military sphere was the role of U.S. Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), the American combatant command responsible for Latin America. Hernández was a particular favorite of John Kelly, SOUTHCOM's head during Obama's second term (and then White House chief of staff for Donald Trump), who, as Dana Frank noted, once referred to the convicted drug trafficker as a "great guy" and "good friend."Considering the U.S. relationship with Hernández, it is perhaps unsurprising that U.S. officials seemingly turned a blind eye to his deep involvement in narcotics trafficking. As both Hernández's recent trial — during which a witness claimed Hernandez had privately vowed to "stuff drugs up the noses of the gringos" — and that of his brother in 2019 showed, the drug trade's reach into the Honduran government was unmistakable, with numerous high-ranking security officials repeatedly implicated. CEPR's Main argues that it was "highly unlikely American officials were unaware" of Hernández's criminality. Indeed, as a document from his brother's trial revealed, the DEA began investigating the ex-president as early as 2013. As noted in Hernández's trial, just weeks after his inauguration in 2014, the agency reportedly obtained video evidence indicating his involvement with major drug traffickers. Even after his brother's 2019 conviction, when it became apparent that millions of dollars in drug money helped underwrite Hernández's political career, President Donald Trump publicly praised him for "working with the United States very closely" and for his help in "stopping drugs at a level that has never happened."Given all this, the U.S. media's failure to probe the influence of American policy on Hernández's career begins to look less like an anomalous oversight and more like a manifestation of structural dynamics that tend to reinforce the notion of American innocence. We can see the same logic apply to the frenzied media accounts detailing "caravans" of Central American migrants headed to the U.S. While mainstream news outlets rightly note the relationship between Hernández's presidency and increased migration from Honduras, they nevertheless fail to connect the two to the impact of U.S. policymaking. Without Washington's complicity and assistance, Hernandez might have spent 2014 to 2022 in prison, rather than the presidency. Unfortunately, it was the Honduran people who paid the price.

The UK nuclear strategy today is a muddle. After a brief description, this blog suggests what it should be. The Government claims that it ensures "that any new nuclear power station built in Great Britain meets high standards for:safetysecurityenvironmental protectionwaste management"The process is called the Generic Design Assessment (GDA) which is claimed to take four years, though insiders say the average is nearer six. But that is less than half the time taken to approve the National Grid Electricity System Operator (ESO) plans to connect up to 86 gigawatts (GW) of offshore wind by 2035. If one is building just one nuclear power plant every 20 years, these bureaucratic delays may not matter much, but the new small modular reactor (SMR) technology means, if we are to achieve net zero by 2050, building five a year over the next 20 years. No chance of that unless the bureaucrats mend their ways.The three stages of the GDA are: "Step 1 (initiation) which can take around 12 months. At its conclusion, ONR will publish a GDA Step 1 Statement setting out its regulatory position at this point. Step 2 (fundamental assessment) can take around 12 months, after which a GDA Step 2 Statement sets out ONR's regulatory position at this point. Step 3 (detailed assessment) can take around 24 months. ONR will then publish one or both GDA Step 3 Statement and Decision Document."If a developer requires a GDA for the building of an SMR at one site only in the UK then the process can be halted after the successful conclusion of Step 2 followed by a Site Licence application. If the deployment of a particular SMR design is envisaged for multiple sites in the UK then Step 3 needs to be successfully concluded.Although the four issues are supposed to be considered as an integrated whole, they can really be considered as two: safety determined by the Office for Nuclear Regulation and site approval determined by the Environment Agency.  Good progress was made on the former issue by the nuclear regulators in the US, Canada and UK agreeing that safety clearance in any one of the three would be regarded as approval by all three.  The two-way (and hopefully now three-way) transatlantic agreement to harmonise the licensing process has thus far only tackled the administrative landscape work that occupies much of the first 2 years. There are few safety aspects to Stage 1 which could be reduced to 4 months in all 3 countries if a standardised and transportable approach is agreed. Note that activities covered by the various steps and/or stages of the UK, US and Canadian systems do not match precisely at this stage, and some harmonisation is still required. Stage 3 is where the actual design is critically scrutinised and an iterative dialogue with design teams is established. This work can take around 12-18 months depending upon the lineage and degree of novelty in the reactor design. If the applicant has a well-resourced design team that can respond quickly to regulator questions and design modifications, it can proceed quickly. In the case of the AP1000, there were still almost 1,000 issues raised by the ONR that remained (and still remain) unresolved. This is where delays can become significant and where developers may be to blame. Trying to design and license a new reactor on a shoestring budget can result in developers complaining to their shareholders that the regulator is being unreasonable. Institutional shareholders then lobby politicians to influence regulators to be more accommodating of the newcomers.Terrapower has realised the importance of having an FOAK (First Of A Kind) site under development and adequate financial resources to quickly design, build and commission their first reactor. They are now putting pressure on the US NRC to bring the same urgency to their licensing application. There is one other point worth noting. The history of nuclear safety thus far, together with the accidents that have happened, have largely surrounded the use of water/steam as a coolant and transporter of heat energy from the reactor to where it is converted into mechanical and electrical energy. But when it comes to HTGRs and MSRs there is no high temperature and pressurised water in or around the reactor. These advanced SMRs have  much simpler and safer systems and this needs to be reflected in their design processing time.How should it work? We need to distinguish, as the current system does not, between the traditional gigawatt reactors such as proposed for Sizewell C and small or advanced modular reactors (SMRs) which are rapidly coming onto the market. But more importantly we need to distinguish between an FOAK reactor that has never been licensed before and an NOAK (Nth Of A Kind) reactor for which design approval has already been awarded in either the US or Canada, or indeed another country that meets the UK's exacting standards for nuclear licensing. With more than 20 SMR designs likely to make it to the licensing and construction stages in the next decade, the US, Canada and the UK can ill-afford to repeat the administrative and technical procedures given the time, staffing and financial constraints that each regulator is experiencing or is likely to experience once these designs are submitted. The US and Canadian regulators are already facing political pressure to speed up SMR design assessments and to be proportional given the size of these reactors when compared to giga scale reactors. The UK is limiting SMRs to a small number deemed most useful for the UK situation. However, adopting this line risks excluding exciting new technologies and applications from both the UK nuclear industry and the nation's effort to decarbonise industry and power generation.Of the possible new nuclear plants going through the mill in 2010, it was deemed necessary for their sile locations to be approved by 51 separate quangos. It was all a complete waste of time as in March 2011, Energy Secretary Huhne says Britain may back away from the use of nuclear energy because of safety fears and a potential rise in costs after the Fukushima disaster. No new nuclear plants were approved after  Sizewell B and Hinkley Point B in 1967. In other words, the process had become disapproval, not approval.Future strategy: NOAK for NuclearThe UK would be much better off if we abandoned trying to be first of a kind (FOAK) but aimed for Nth (NOAK). The advantages would be:The GDA process could be immensely streamlined as the environmental issues could mostly be taken from predecessor countries and, if Canada and/or the US had already given approval, the safety aspects could be eliminated altogether. Instead of starting from scratch, new GDAs should only have to look at environmental issues that differ from GDAs already approved.  For example, if the radioactive elements of SMRs were sited underground, approval of one should automatically apply to another similarly sited. Hinkley Point C is a glaring example of the risks and costs of trying to be first. The French utility EDF, which is developing Hinkley Point C, has reported a cost increase to £33 billion (30% higher than initial estimates) and potential delays in its start date.Construction and operating skills would have been developed elsewhere first. A Science Direct paper took NOAK build time to be 6 years versus 10 for FOAK.The market would have had time to grow, be competitive and both capital and running costs reduce."The average capital cost of SMR NOAK plants currently under development worldwide is approximately $5,130 per kilowatt electric (kWe), which is estimated to be 30% less than FOAK plants. However, it's essential to note that specific costs can vary based on factors such as design, location, and technology."From these comparisons, we should conclude that both for large Giga Watt reactors and SMRs, the UK should abandon its enthusiasm for being the world leader. NOAK is quicker, cheaper and more reliable. Nuclear skills can be the better learned from other countries as well as developing our own. The car industry has proved not just to be a UK success story, but a NOAK success story too.  Nuclear should learn from that. 

Ties between big finance and the weapons industry are not new. The first venture capital firm in the U.S. was founded to profit from new technologies developed for use in WWII, and the role of military spending in turning Silicon Valley into a tech hub is well documented.But today's biggest VC titans are making transformative investments in military technology that pose serious consequences far beyond another hype-driven tech bubble. Weaponizing their financial assets to expand the production of war material will not only divert technological resources away from other critical domestic priorities, but also forge novel devices of warfare that will generate demand for battlefield testing grounds both at home and abroad. But before the defense tech evangelists can resurrect the age of American global supremacy, they must transform the way the Pentagon does business. This involves seducing Pentagon planners with exotic promises ranging from "attritable autonomous systems" (or swarm) technology to subscription models for weapons systems — not because these fit some strategic framework but because they align with the VC business model. Venture capital and private equity is about making limited investments in mobile assets (technologies, engineers) to get a startup to the IPO stage (or trim the fat from an existing operator) and cash out. This is at odds with a military industrial complex that boasts millions of employees and a handful of oligopolistic firms with billions of dollars of permanent infrastructure, huge up-front costs, long time horizons, and extremely complex procurement processes. The fingerprints of VC priorities are everywhere: from the Pentagon's Office of Strategic Capital and the Small Business Investment Company/SBIC initiative to the Defense Innovation Board, a collection of Silicon Valley scions elevated to a permanent department under the Secretary of Defense in October 2023. Typically, the Pentagon acquires technologies or equipment through private contracts with a company or by supplying grants to provide funds for research and development. The new Office of Strategic Capital, established in December 2022, lets the Pentagon behave less like a public agency and more like a VC investor. It was in this new spirit that Silicon Valley investors in March 2023 lobbied the Pentagon to bail out Silicon Valley Bank (where many of them had hundreds of millions deposited) by claiming that they would be damaged (thereby losing the Pentagon critical capabilities) if they weren't rescued. Deploying the argument that a run on SVB would be a "national security risk," the Pentagon and its supporters advocated for federal government intervention, according to The Intercept, and the Treasury Department ultimately interceded to bail out SVB on March 12, protecting investors.*The financial services sector is likewise providing innovative products to facilitate the expansion of VC-backed defense tech in Pentagon contracting. One example is Leonid Bank, which is an invoice factoring company that basically lends to defense tech startups based on the DOD invoices that those startups have for future projects, to provide them with more money (over and above the contract value) which is not something that has ever existed for Pentagon contracts. Much of the VC discourse emphasizes the benefits of reforming the procurement system to acquire more "commercial" off-the-shelf items not custom built just for the Pentagon. This transformation is marketed as a way of matching the production methods of global adversaries, because development is faster and cheaper; if there are venture investors and other funds involved then the government is footing less of the upfront bill. However, if the success of the product and the firm that develops it is dependent on the widespread adoption of that technology commercially this will introduce a new range of militarized technologies into a global system that is already awash with lethal tech, dystopian surveillance products, and an ideology that depicts weapons production as the primary avenue to innovation, economic growth, decent industrial jobs, and infrastructure spending. The stated desire of venture capital (and the increasing number of private equity funds focused on military tech) is to disrupt an industry they see as monopolistic, inefficient, and too close to government bureaucracy. This rationale is easy to understand, as the path to innovation for the prime contractors has for decades been external: find small firms developing marginally improved technologies or hardware parts, acquire them and integrate their products into existing large weapons platforms. The financial industry – VC firms, asset managers, PE fund managers – have observed (correctly) that if they can find the small tech firms first (or fund them into existence) then the potential profits are enormous. VCs also identify startups working on civilian technologies and steer them toward developing military applications. Startups working on technologies to improve navigation in driverless vehicles may find that after a new round of investment their objective is to apply those technologies to weapons targeting systems. Individual engineers working on civilian tech are also being lured away by the promise of better funding and broader impact from defense investors. If startups want to see their technologies advance they're much more likely to find the necessary funding if they pivot to military applications. Venture capitalists are eagerly supplying geostrategic justifications and policy blueprints to the Pentagon on how to reshape its contracting ecosystem to facilitate this shift. An example from one of the most well-known VC funds, Andreesen Horowitz, focuses on the promise of "attritable" warfare – specifically a model of warfare that uses technology to develop cheaper, simpler weapons in large quantities. One example of this style of warfare is the Pentagon's "Replicator" initiative to develop drone swarm capabilities — basically the capacity to field literally thousands (maybe tens of thousands) of drones simultaneously. And this is "attritable" because each individual drone unit is cheap and simple to deploy, so that the moment it's knocked out of the sky it's already been replaced by two more. But this requires an enormous amount of coding, and constant re-coding and re-writing which is not necessarily a capability that exists in the big primes. Predictably, the response from major think tanks (whose primary funders are the primes) is that these kinds of initiatives are "crowding out" the focus on "long-range precision fire programs" — which is code for the huge range of super expensive fighter jets and missile systems that are the bread and butter of firms like Lockheed and Northrop Grumman. So VC firms like Andreesen Horowitz kindly offer guidance for this transition: "As general computing platforms become applicable to a host of defense applications, from programming autonomous behavior to conducting live targeting analysis, sweeping advances in software and other technologies not originally designed for defense have unintentionally compounded computing's impact on war…..Responding to the paradigm shift requires reengineering the Pentagon's DNA for a new era." [author's italics] The AH authors emphasize that this reengineering will allow for a "reduction in operational complexity, driving lower costs through commoditization" with "smaller" "modular modern production" that uses "'just-in-time' manufacturing techniques like 3D printing to cut latency" allowing for "decentralizing a military's industrial footprint."This reads a lot like outsourcing the military industrial supply chain, which may sound revolutionary. But the huge weapons platforms in use by the U.S. military already incorporate parts and materials from all over the world, including a lot of stuff from China. So this modification is more about transforming production so VC-backed firms have an entry point into production chains currently dominated by the primes.To achieve this, Andreesen Horowitz advocates what they call "Broad and open API standards" that would presumably enable startups to propose the use of cheaper/more widely-available materials and technology for incorporation into the expensive platforms built by the primes. This would mean that some material the primes consider proprietary would have to be opened up to tinkering. Not to be outdone, the primes are putting their own pressure on the Pentagon to counter the challenge from VC-backed startups. Their latest efforts focus on speeding up and expanding the scope for foreign military sales by allowing overseas customers to purchase research and development services to design new weapons. And they're pushing for other modifications that would turbocharge technology transfer and joint ventures to help lock-in future exports.In the battle between the primes and the VC-backed tech firms to expand the U.S. arsenal, the Pentagon is ill-equipped to responsibly navigate the competing interests, least of all since its senior members are routinely bought off with (entirely legal) sinecures. It's a battle with a sadly predictable outcome, because no matter which side wins, we all will pay the cost. Editor's Note: The story has been edited to accurately reflect the timeline of when and how defense tech investors lobbied the Pentagon for SVB bailout in March 2023.

The main motivation that guides this article is the need to contribute to broadening and deepening the objects of study addressed by feminist perspectives in international relations. This is for two related reasons: firstly, to contribute to the process of ontological revisionism of the discipline that has been inaugurated by these kinds of approaches; and, secondly, to contribute to the visibility of international practices and dynamics that perpetuate logics of subordination and exclusion towards different corporeality based on the matrix of colonial, capitalist and patriarchal domination. This article departs from the premise that international cooperation is a complex and multidimensional object of study that has historically been approached by the liberal tradition of international relations (Pereyra Rodríguez, 2014). Gradually, different approaches to the discipline began to inquire about the motives, procedures and outcomes as a result of the growing importance that these interactions acquired as fundamental dynamics of international relations. In the framework of the academic literature on feminisms, international cooperation has received less attention with respect to another set of processes associated with development, conflicts, and peace and security. In this sense, the purpose of this article is to contribute to the problematization of international cooperation from feminist perspectives broadly, and from decolonial feminism in particular. This will be done in a systematic way based on the methodology of documentary review. It is important to state that in the field of international relations, feminist perspectives express a "set of ideas woven around the critique of patriarchal values and dynamics on which states and global societies were structured" (Villarroel Peña, 2007, p. 66). According to the author, the new approaches implied a series of disruptions in the ontological, epistemological and methodological dimensions that, consequently, motivated the formulation of new models of knowledge production. In such context of emergence, feminist perspectives were considered dissident proposals in relation to the traditional mainstream theoretical schools because they aimed to highlight the insufficiency of paradigmatic investigations of the discipline that had been based on a partial and not neutral approach of international dynamics and practices (Villarroel Peña, 2007; Salomón, 2002). In order to achieve the proposed aim, in the first section of this article, the general panorama in which gender studies in the Social Sciences was inserted shall be described. Likewise, the conditions of emergence and enunciation of feminisms in the discipline of international relations will be addressed, and their main ontological, epistemological and methodological contributions will be made explicit. In the second section, the specificity of the situated narrative of decolonial feminisms, understood as a disruption of the homogenizing and falsely universalistic postulates of hegemonic feminisms, will be analyzed. Based on the guidelines offered by the first two sections, the third section will inquire into the implications of international cooperation for feminisms in general, and decolonial feminisms in particular. The goal here is to elucidate to what extent a perpetuating mechanism of asymmetries is expressed, and how it is possible to overcome patriarchal logics from an emancipatory perspective. Finally, brief conclusions will be shared. In summary, some relevant conclusions have been found through the elaboration of the article. In the first place, it is important to note that, although international cooperation does not represent the object of study most in-depth analyzed by feminist perspectives in international relations, this focus is fundamental for the same two reasons that justify this article. That is, due to the need to contribute to the ontological revisionism of the discipline, and the need to make visible the ways in which international practices and dynamics perpetuate logics of subordination and exclusion towards different corporeality based on the matrix of colonial, capitalist and patriarchal domination. Secondly, the study of international cooperation from perspectives –like feminism- that seek to contribute to the transformation of unequal and hierarchical gender social relations is fundamental not only in academic terms, but also in a practical way. Indeed, the combination of research and political activism promulgated by feminisms should radiate in the elucidation of the practices and dynamics of international cooperation because it is precisely in this field that important opportunities can be detected to make visible and socialize conditions of existence, resistance and struggle shared between different social groups located in different places. In effect, research must be thought of as an inessential component of political practices inasmuch as it offers horizontal action guidelines, and as it contributes to identifying the perpetuation of mechanisms that reproduce asymmetric logics in an androcentric, cisgeneric and colonial way. Thirdly, intersectionality -such a significant category for feminist approaches- can become a central hermeneutical perspective to formulate instances of international cooperation that are devised in a respectful way with the particularities of local identities, interests and expectations. Likewise, it can be shown that it allows for the provision of pragmatic content to the decolonial strategy of building alliances between social groups to promote demands that were historically invisibilized. In short, it has been demonstrated that international cooperation itself does not represent a sign of progress, evolution or emancipation. On the contrary, we state that it is a mere interaction whose content and planning must be based on the capacity of agency of local actors, and whose development must be in accordance with the particularities expressed by each social group. In addition, feminist criticisms of the ways in which international cooperation was traditionally conducted should not be limited to advocating a greater incorporation of female officials as the ultimate goal of the demands. Indeed, recovering the criticism directed towards hegemonic feminism, particular attention should be paid to promoting pinkwashing initiatives that in no way contribute to dismantling the underlying problems that emerge from the matrix of colonial, capitalist and patriarchal domination. On the contrary, it is emphasized that international cooperation should only be a possibility in so far as it is structured on the basis of the demands of the groups involved. In this sense, initiatives must be bottom-up, and should be respectful of local identities and expectations. Lastly, we can conclude that as long as international cooperation initiatives are not structured in a situated and contextual way, it will be very unlikely that collective emancipation strategies can be articulated. Moreover, this will only contribute to reaffirming the reproductive mechanisms of gender asymmetries in the international system. Contributions from decolonial feminisms, therefore, are essential to generate limitations to the reproduction of unequal and hierarchical gender social relations both in the areas of international cooperation policy formulation, and that of theory formulation. ; La motivación principal que orienta el presente artículo está justificada por la necesidad de contribuir a ampliar y profundizar los objetos de estudio abordados por las perspectivas feministas en Relaciones Internacionales por dos motivos: en primer lugar, para coadyuvar al proceso de revisionismo ontológico de la disciplina inaugurado por esta clase de enfoques; y, en segundo lugar, para aportar a la visibilización pragmática de prácticas y dinámicas internacionales que perpetúan lógicas de subordinación y exclusión hacia distintas corporalidades en base a la matriz de dominación colonial, capitalista y patriarcal. Se parte de la premisa de que la cooperación internacional representa una interacción básica de las relaciones internacionales y que, en el marco de la literatura académica de los feminismos recibió menor atención con respecto a otro conjunto de procesos asociados con el desarrollo, los conflictos, la paz y la seguridad. En tal sentido, el propósito del presente artículo consiste en contribuir a la problematización de la cooperación internacional desde las perspectivas feministas de manera general y de los feminismos decoloniales de modo particular de forma sistematizada a partir de una metodología de revisión documental. Para poder dar cuenta de ello, en la primera sección se describirá el panorama general en el que se insertaron los estudios de género en las Ciencias Sociales. Asimismo, se abordarán las condiciones de emergencia y enunciación de los feminismos en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales y se explicitarán sus principales aportes ontológicos, epistemológicos y metodológicos. En la segunda sección, se analizará la especificidad de la narrativa situada de los feminismos decoloniales entendida como una ruptura hacia los postulados homogeneizantes y falsamente pretendidos universalistas de los feminismos hegemónicos. En base a los lineamientos ofrecidos por las dos primeras secciones, en la tercera sección se indagará acerca de las implicancias de la cooperación internacional para los feminismos de manera general y de los feminismos decoloniales de modo particular con el propósito de dilucidar en qué medida se expresa un mecanismo perpetuador de asimetrías y de qué forma es posible lograr una superación de las lógicas patriarcales en clave emancipatoria. Finalmente, se compartirán unas breves conclusiones.

Additive manufacturing (AM), also known as 3D printing, is a general concept of building a three-dimensional object layer-by-layer. AM breaks through the manufacturing limitations in conventionally subtractive manufacturing, leading to a great design freedom of components with complex geometries. The potential of integrating AM into existing manufacturing process with additional functionality raises interest in various fields, such as aerospace, automotive and medical applications. To ensure robust AM applications, this PhD project has carried out investigations on the mechanical behaviours of AM components with respect to the characteristic microstructure and the geometrical effects. The investigated materials include Hastelloy X (HX, a solid-solution strengthened Ni-based superalloy) and stainless steel 316L (SS 316L, a solid-solution strengthened austenitic stainless steel) manufactured by laser powder bed fusion (LPBF). The high temperature tensile behaviours, short-term creep resistance and low cycle fatigue performance have been examined. The aim of this thesis is to conduct a fundamental studies that can be applied to different material grades with single phase face-centred cubic (FCC) crystallographic structure. LPBF HX shows a great potential for the burner tip repair application in gas turbines. Due to the complex geometry of the burner and the requirement of high temperature mechanical performance, the tensile properties have been systematically examined. Multiple testing variables have been applied, including the specimen geometry, the elevated temperature, the strain rate and the loading direction (LD). Combined with the prior and post microstructural analysis, the deformation and fracture mechanisms have been investigated. For the thin-walled specimens, a clear texture transition is found when it comes to the thinner specimen, and it leads to the lower yield strength as a result. In addition, as the high surface roughness of the LPBF as-built specimen can cause inaccuracy of the yield strength determination due to the overestimated loading cross section, especially for the thin-walled specimen, a calibration method based on the crystallographic texture results has been proposed. Meanwhile, anisotropic tensile behaviours are observed at all the testing conditions due to the elongated grain structure and the characteristic texture along the building direction (BD). At elevated temperatures, the grain boundary embrittlement takes place at 700 °C that leads to the ductility loss in the horizontal loading (LD ⊥ BD). Slow strain rate tensile testing (SSRT) has been performed to probe the short-term creep resistance at 700 °C, since it is a useful tool to address the strain rate dependent in elastic strain accumulation. Surprisingly, the ductility of the vertical loading (LD // BD) remains at a high level not only at 700 °C but also at SSRT condition, and the high ductility results from the evident texture evolution and crystallographic orientation dependent deformation twinning. The good ductility of the vertical loading indicates a better creep performance compared to the horizontal loading. In-situ and ex-situ neutron diffraction measurements upon loading have also been applied for a full-length investigation on the anisotropic tensile behaviours. Thin-wall effects on strain-controlled low cycle fatigue (LCF) behaviours of LPBF SS 316L have been investigated by using the tubular fatigue specimens with different wall thicknesses. The comparison between the machined and as-built surface conditions have been drawn. The fully reversed LCF tests were successfully performed without the buckling problem in thin-walled structures owing to the tubular geometry. The surface roughness and the distinct microstructure at the surface region lead to the inferior fatigue strain-life, especially with the low applied strain range. The combined effects have been quantified by estimating the fatigue notch factor, Kf . The LCF tests have also been performed on the regular cylindrical specimens and compared to the wrought SS 316L. A comparable fatigue strain-life is found between the LPBF and the wrought SS 316L. Yet, the secondary hardening caused by strain-induced martensitic phase transformation is only observed in the wrought SS 316L, while continuous cyclic softening is shown in the LPBF SS 316L. In addition, as high level of residual stress (RS) is commonly found in the as-built specimen, the effect of stress relief heat treatment (600 °C /4 hours) on the LCF behaviours has been examined. A great reduction of RS is found after the heat treatment, and higher responding stresses are shown in the stress relieved specimen, which indicates a better fatigue stress-life. In summary, the deformation and fracture mechanisms of LPBF HX and SS 316L under different loading conditions have been systematically investigated. Via increasing deeper knowledge of LPBF material behaviours, the LPBF applications can be expanded to a greater extent. ; Additiv tillverkning (AM), även kallat 3D-printning, är ett allmänt koncept där man bygger ett tredimensionellt objekt lager för lager. AM bryter igenom tillverkningsbegränsningar i konventionell subtraktiv tillverkning, vilket leder till stor designfrihet för komponenter med komplex geometri. Potentialen med att integrera AM i befintliga tillverkningsprocesser med ytterligare funktionalitet väcker intresse inom flera olika områden, såsom flyg-, fordons- och medicinska tillämpningar. För att säkerställa robusta AM-tillämpningar har det i detta doktorandprojekt genomförts undersökningar av de mekaniska egenskaperna hos AM-komponenter med avseende på den karakteristiska mikrostrukturen och de geometriska effekterna som uppstår vid tillverkningen. De undersökta materialen inkluderar Hastelloy X (HX, en lösningshärdad Ni-baserad superlegering) och rostfritt stål 316L (SS 316L, ett lös-ningshärdat austenitiskt rostfritt stål) tillverkat med laser-pulverbäddsomsmältning (LPBF). Dragprovning vid förhöjd temperatur, korttidskrypmotstånd och lågcykelutmattning har studerats. Syftet med denna avhandling är att genomföra grundläggande studier som kan tillämpas på olika materialtyper med en yt-centrerad kubisk (FCC) kristallstruktur. LPBF av HX visar en stor potential för reparation av brännarmunstycken i gasturbiner. På grund av brännarmunstyckenas komplexa geometri och kravet på mekanisk prestanda vid hög temperatur har dragegenskaperna systematiskt undersökts. Flera testvariabler har undersökts, inklusive provets geometri, den förhöjda temperaturen, töjningshastigheten och belastningsriktningen (LD). I kom-bination med mikrostrukturanalys före och efter testerna har deformations- och brottmekanismerna undersökts. Med avseende på väggtjocklek finner man en tydlig förändring i kristallografisk textur när man går mot tunnare provstavar vilket leder till lägre sträckgräns. Eftersom den höga yt-ojämnheten hos LPBF-material kan orsaka en felaktig bestämning av sträckgränsen, särskilt för tunnväggiga strukturer, har en kalibreringsmetod baserad på texturresultaten föreslagits. Dock så ob-serveras anisotropa dragprovsegenskaper vid alla testförhållanden på grund av den utsträckta kornstrukturen och den karakteristiska kristallografiska texturen längs byggriktningen (BD). Vid förhöjda temperaturer sker en korngränsförsprödning vid 700 °C vilket leder till en duktilitetsförlust i den horisontell belastningsriktning (LD ⊥ BD). Slow strain rate tensile testing (SSRT) har utförts för att undersöka det korttidskrypmotståndet vid 700 °C eftersom det är ett användbart verktyg för att hantera den töjningshastighetsberoende oelastiska töjningsackumuleringen vid förhöjda temperaturer. Överraskande nog förblir duktiliteten hög för den vertikala belastningen (LD //BD), inte bara vid dragprov vid 700 °C utan även vid den långsammare SSRT-provningen. Den höga duktiliteten är ett resultat av den utpräglade texturutvecklingen och en kristallografiskt orienteringsberoende tvilling-bildning. Den höga duktiliteten för den vertikala belastningsriktningen indikerar ett bättre krypmotstånd jämfört med den horisontella belastningsriktningen. In-situ och ex-situ neutrondiffraktionsmätning vid belastning har också använts för en mer djupgående undersökning av de anisotropa egenskaperna. Inverkan av väggtjocklek vid töjningskontrollerad lågcykelutmattning (LCF) har undersökts för LPBF SS 316L genom att använda rörformiga utmattningsprovstavar med olika väggtjocklekar samt genom en jämförelse mellan bearbetade och icke-bearbetade ytförhållanden. De i drag/tryck-last symmetriska LCF-testerna kunde genomföras framgångsrikt utan bucklingsproblem tack vare den rörformiga geometrin. Ytojämnheten och den distinkta mikrostrukturen i de ytnära områdena ledde till sämre utmattningslivslängd, speciellt vid låga applicerade töjningsomfång, och de kombinerade effekterna har kvantifierats genom att uppskatta anvisningsfaktorn, Kf . LCF-tester har även utförts på konventionella cylindriska provstavar samt så har en jämförelse gjorts med konventionellt (smidd) SS 316L. En jämförbar livslängd i termer av töjningskontrollerad utmattning finns mellan LPBF och kon-ventionell SS 316L. Dock observerades ett sekundärt hårdnande för konventionell SS 316L som orsakas av töjningsinducerad martensitisk fastransformation, medan LPBF SS 316L uppvisade ett kontinuerligt cyklisk mjuknande. Dessutom, efter-som en hög nivå av restspänningar (RS) vanligtvis förekommer i LPBF-material, har effekten av avspänningsglödgning (600 °C /4timmar) på LCF-beteendet undersökts. En stor minskning av RS noterades efter värmebehandlingen och de avspänningsglödgade proverna hade en högre spänningsrespons, vilket indikerar bättre utmattningsegenskaper i termer av spänningsomfång mot livslängd. Sammanfattningsvis har deformations- och brottmekanismerna för LPBF HX och SS 316L under olika belastningsförhållanden systematiskt undersökts. En djupare kunskap om materialbeteenden hos LPBF-legeringar kan leda till att tillämpningsområdet för LPBF-tekniken breddas. ; Funding agencies: This research is financially supported by the Swedish Governmental Agency for Innovation Systems (Vinnova grant 2016-05175) and the Center for Additive Manufacturing-metal (CAM2). The support also comes from AFM at Linköping University and the faculty grant SFO-MATLiU2009-00971.

Funding Information: The World Health Organization World Mental Health (WMH) Survey Initiative is supported by the United States National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH; R01 MH070884), the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Pfizer Foundation, the United States Public Health Service (R13-MH066849, R01-MH069864 and R01 DA016558), the Fogarty International Center (FIRCA R03-TW006481), the Pan American Health Organization, Eli Lilly and Company, Ortho-McNeil Pharmaceutical Inc., GlaxoSmithKline, and Bristol-Myers Squibb. We thank the staff of the WMH Data Collection and Data Analysis Coordination Centres for assistance with instrumentation, fieldwork and consultation on data analysis. None of the funders had any role in the design, analysis, interpretation of results or preparation of this paper. The views and opinions expressed in this report are those of the authors and should not be construed to represent the views of the World Health Organization, other sponsoring organisations, agencies or governments. The 2007 Australian National Survey of Mental Health and Wellbeing is funded by the Australian Government Department of Health and Ageing. The Argentina survey – Estudio Argentino de Epidemiología en Salud Mental (EASM) – was supported by a grant from the Argentinian Ministry of Health (Ministerio de Salud de la Nación) – (Grant Number 2002–17270/13−5). The São Paulo Megacity Mental Health Survey is supported by the State of São Paulo Research Foundation (FAPESP) Thematic Project Grant 03/00204-3. The Bulgarian Epidemiological Study of common mental disorders, EPIBUL, is supported by the Ministry of Health and the National Center for Public Health Protection. The Colombian National Study of Mental Health (NSMH) is supported by the Ministry of Social Protection. The Mental Health Study Medellín – Colombia was carried out and supported jointly by the Center for Excellence on Research in Mental Health (CES University) and the Secretary of Health of Medellín. The ESEMeD project is funded by the European Commission (Contracts QLG5-1999-01042; SANCO 2004123, and EAHC 20081308), the Piedmont Region (Italy), Fondo de Investigación Sanitaria, Instituto de Salud Carlos III, Spain (FIS 00/0028), Ministerio de Ciencia y Tecnología, Spain (SAF 2000-158-CE), Generalitat de Catalunya (2017 SGR 452; 2014 SGR 748), Instituto de Salud Carlos III (CIBER CB06/02/0046, RETICS RD06/0011 REM-TAP), and other local agencies and by an unrestricted educational grant from GlaxoSmithKline. Implementation of the Iraq Mental Health Survey (IMHS) and data entry were carried out by the staff of the Iraqi MOH and MOP with direct support from the Iraqi IMHS team with funding from both the Japanese and European Funds through United Nations Development Group Iraq Trust Fund (UNDG ITF). The Israel National Health Survey is funded by the Ministry of Health with support from the Israel National Institute for Health Policy and Health Services Research and the National Insurance Institute of Israel. The World Mental Health Japan (WMHJ) Survey is supported by the Grant for Research on Psychiatric and Neurological Diseases and Mental Health (H13-SHOGAI-023, H14-TOKUBETSU-026, H16-KOKORO-013, H25-SEISHIN-IPPAN-006) from the Japan Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare. The Lebanese Evaluation of the Burden of Ailments and Needs of the Nation (L.E.B.A.N.O.N.) is supported by the Lebanese Ministry of Public Health, the WHO (Lebanon), National Institute of Health/Fogarty International Center (R03 TW006481-01), anonymous private donations to IDRAAC, Lebanon, and unrestricted grants from, Algorithm, AstraZeneca, Benta, Bella Pharma, Eli Lilly, Glaxo Smith Kline, Lundbeck, Novartis, OmniPharma, Pfizer, Phenicia, Servier, UPO. The Mexican National Comorbidity Survey (MNCS) is supported by The National Institute of Psychiatry Ramon de la Fuente (INPRFMDIES 4280) and by the National Council on Science and Technology (CONACyT-G30544- H), with supplemental support from the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO). Te Rau Hinengaro: The New Zealand Mental Health Survey (NZMHS) is supported by the New Zealand Ministry of Health, Alcohol Advisory Council and the Health Research Council. The Nigerian Survey of Mental Health and Wellbeing (NSMHW) is supported by the WHO (Geneva), the WHO (Nigeria) and the Federal Ministry of Health, Abuja, Nigeria. The Northern Ireland Study of Mental Health was funded by the Health & Social Care Research & Development Division of the Public Health Agency. The Peruvian World Mental Health Study was funded by the National Institute of Health of the Ministry of Health of Peru. The Polish project Epidemiology of Mental Health and Access to Care –EZOP Project (PL 0256) was carried out by the Institute of Psychiatry and Neurology in Warsaw in consortium with the Department of Psychiatry – Medical University in Wroclaw and National Institute of Public Health-National Institute of Hygiene in Warsaw and in partnership with Psykiatrist Institut Vinderen–Universitet, Oslo. The project was funded by the European Economic Area Financial Mechanism and the Norwegian Financial Mechanism. EZOP project was co-financed by the Polish Ministry of Health. The Portuguese Mental Health Study was carried out by the Department of Mental Health, Faculty of Medical Sciences, NOVA University of Lisbon, with the collaboration of the Portuguese Catholic University, and was funded by Champalimaud Foundation, Gulbenkian Foundation, Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT) and Ministry of Health. The Romania WMH study projects 'Policies in Mental Health Area' and 'National Study regarding Mental Health and Services Use' were carried out by the National School of Public Health & Health Services Management (former National Institute for Research & Development in Health), with technical support of Metro Media Transilvania, the National Institute of Statistics-National Centre for Training in Statistics, SC Cheyenne Services SRL, Statistics Netherlands and were funded by the Ministry of Public Health (former Ministry of Health) with supplemental support of Eli Lilly Romania SRL. The South Africa Stress and Health Study (SASH) is supported by the US National Institute of Mental Health (R01-MH059575) and the National Institute of Drug Abuse with supplemental funding from the South African Department of Health and the University of Michigan. The Shenzhen Mental Health Survey is supported by the Shenzhen Bureau of Health and the Shenzhen Bureau of Science, Technology, and Information. The Psychiatric Enquiry to General Population in Southeast Spain – Murcia (PEGASUS-Murcia) Project has been financed by the Regional Health Authorities of Murcia (Servicio Murciano de Salud and Consejería de Sanidad y Política Social) and Fundación para la Formación e Investigación Sanitarias (FFIS) of Murcia. The Ukraine Comorbid Mental Disorders during Periods of Social Disruption (CMDPSD) study is funded by the US National Institute of Mental Health (RO1-MH61905). The US National Comorbidity Survey Replication (NCS-R) is supported by the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH; U01-MH60220) with supplemental support from the National Institute of Drug Abuse (NIDA), the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation (RWJF; Grant 044708), and the John W. Alden Trust. Dr Dan J. Stein is supported by the Medical Research Council of South Africa (MRC). A complete list of all within-country and cross-national WMH publications can be found at http://www.hcp.med.harvard.edu/wmh/ . Publisher Copyright: Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press. ; Abstract Aims Major depressive disorder (MDD) is characterised by a recurrent course and high comorbidity rates. A lifespan perspective may therefore provide important information regarding health outcomes. The aim of the present study is to examine mental disorders that preceded 12-month MDD diagnosis and the impact of these disorders on depression outcomes. Methods Data came from 29 cross-sectional community epidemiological surveys of adults in 27 countries (n = 80 190). The Composite International Diagnostic Interview (CIDI) was used to assess 12-month MDD and lifetime DSM-IV disorders with onset prior to the respondent's age at interview. Disorders were grouped into depressive distress disorders, non-depressive distress disorders, fear disorders and externalising disorders. Depression outcomes included 12-month suicidality, days out of role and impairment in role functioning. Results Among respondents with 12-month MDD, 94.9% (s.e. = 0.4) had at least one prior disorder (including previous MDD), and 64.6% (s.e. = 0.9) had at least one prior, non-MDD disorder. Previous non-depressive distress, fear and externalising disorders, but not depressive distress disorders, predicted higher impairment (OR = 1.4-1.6) and suicidality (OR = 1.5-2.5), after adjustment for sociodemographic variables. Further adjustment for MDD characteristics weakened, but did not eliminate, these associations. Associations were largely driven by current comorbidities, but both remitted and current externalising disorders predicted suicidality among respondents with 12-month MDD. Conclusions These results illustrate the importance of careful psychiatric history taking regarding current anxiety disorders and lifetime externalising disorders in individuals with MDD. ; publishersversion ; published

In 1957, Hyacinth Thrash, a fifty-five-year-old black woman living in Indiana, thought she had found her church. She joined a religious organization in Indianapolis that seemed to be free from racism, with a mission to help the poor and the needy. The church, called the Peoples Temple, was led by a charismatic white man, Jim Jones. From 1956 to 1978, Reverend Jim Jones led the Peoples Temple congregation in Indianapolis, Indiana (1956-1965), then in Ukiah and San Francisco, California (1965-1977), and finally in Jonestown, Guyana (1977-1978). Thrash described the first time her sister, Zipporah, saw the Peoples Temple on television: "She came running in from the other room, shouting, 'I've found my church!' She saw the integrated choir on TV and Jim standing so handsome, and wanted to go." Zipporah enticed Hyacinth to join her. Hyacinth appreciated how the church aligned with the principles of the early Civil Rights Movement; she engaged in social work in her community while her pastor, Jones, became the director of the Indianapolis Human Rights Commission. She also believed in the church's healing powers. In 1964, Thrash's doctors found a cancerous tumor. When she was deemed cancer free by several doctors in the months following her diagnosis, she claimed she had been cured through faith healing in her church. For Hyacinth Thrash, and hundreds of other followers, the Peoples Temple was a central force in their life, and an organization on which they depended spiritually, socially, economically, and politically. Yet, twenty-one years later and 2,947 miles away, Thrash awoke in Jonestown, Guyana to find that, while she slept, over 900 people died. Among the dead was her sister, Zipporah. On November 18, 1978, Peoples Temple members met a violent and news-making end when Jones and over 900 followers engaged in a murder/suicide by drinking Flavor Aid laced with cyanide. Called the Jonestown Massacre, this event represented the largest one-day loss of American civilian life prior to 9/11. The 918 human deaths in Guyana meant the metaphorical death of the community Thrash had dedicated herself to for over twenty years. When Thrash awoke and realized her community died, she recalled "I started screaming! I thought maybe I was dead too. I pinched myself. Was I alive? I couldn't believe it." Thrash's story gets to the heart of this thesis project, which examines the ideology of the Peoples Temple from a bottom-up perspective to asserts members' agency over the development of the Peoples Temple organization and settlement in Jonestown. I ask a series of historical research questions: How did the diversity in the Peoples Temple general membership compare to the diversity of the Peoples Temple's leadership? How did the experience of a new recruit compare to that of a more established member? What parts of the Peoples Temple story are most predominant in retellings of the organization's history? How do these works portray the victims of the massacre and the leader Jim Jones? How can artists create a narrative that is both compelling and historically accurate? Is fictionalization ever appropriate for historical interpretation, or should artists strive to maintain full historical accuracy? How do survivors or family of the victims feel about adaptations of the Peoples Temple story? And finally, how can a topic of this magnitude be handled in good taste and with proper respect? My research argues that many members of the Peoples Temple remained loyal to the organization for reasons beyond brainwashing or cult behavior. Rather, these members, including Hyacinth Thrash, Grace and Timothy Stoen, Deborah Layton, and many more, dedicated their lives to the organization because they shared a genuine belief in the Peoples Temple mission to end racial and economic inequality and bring about a socialist utopia. Peoples Temple leader Jim Jones capitalized on the social and moral connections of his membership to slowly radicalize the organization over its twenty-two-year history. Because of their love for their peers and their belief in the mission, many members became more dependent on the organization (and therefore on Jim Jones) as time went on. By the organization's demise in 1978, some members believed that the ultimate sacrifice—taking their own lives—served the greater good. However, not all members responded positively to the evolution of the Peoples Temple. For example, Timothy and Grace Stoen became the most outspoken antagonist for the Peoples Temple community. In the early 1970s, The Stoens joined the Peoples Temple when Timothy became the church's primary lawyer. In 1972, Grace gave birth to a son, John Victor, over whom Jim Jones claimed paternity. Grace defected from the Peoples Temple in 1976 after witnessing the brutal beating of Peter Wotherspoon at the direction of Jim Jones. After defecting, Grace began a legal battle with Jones and the Peoples Temple to regain custody of her son. Timothy defected in 1977 after the organization's move to Jonestown, Guyana. Their defections, coupled with their increased unease about Peoples Temple doctrine, instigated a rise in public scrutiny of the Peoples Temple and pushed members to radicalize the organization in its final year. Both Jones and general members claimed the case threatened the sanctity and strength of the community. This existential fear and paranoia caused mass murder and suicide to become what seemed to be the only way out for some of the organization's members. To get to the heart of member-focused stories, such as the Stoens' custody battle, I have had to reexamine the historiography of the Jonestown Massacre. Much of the existing scholarship on the Peoples Temple has analyzed how Jim Jones alone controlled his congregation through tactics like sexual coercion, love bombing (or the use of excessive affection as a manipulation tactic), financial dependency, and the breakdown of relationships outside the Peoples Temple. I explore first-hand accounts from members within the inner-circle of the Peoples Temple, including The Onliest One Alive by former Peoples Temple member Hyacinth Thrash, Seductive Poison by former Peoples Temple Planning Committee member Deborah Layton, Marked for Death by the organization's former lawyer Timothy Stoen, as well as assorted excerpts from other Peoples Temple primary sources and reflections. These sources illustrate how the decisions of Peoples Temple members influenced the organization's progression and development from its founding in 1956 to its end in 1978. The Peoples Temple evolved from a religious organization grounded in social work and a commitment to socialist ideology to one influenced by paranoia built on the relationship of Jim Jones and the Peoples Temple membership. Many members' dedication to the Peoples Temple stemmed from their belief in the group's social and economic mission. Therefore, my analysis explores how multiple contemporaneous movements and organizations influenced the causes the Peoples Temple members fought for. The Peoples Temple incorporated the philosophies of Father Divine's Peace Mission, the writings of Karl Marx, the Civil Rights Movement, and the writings of Black Panther Party founder Huey Newton to form a movement that justified ostracizing dissenting voices that members deemed capitalistic, racist, and invalid. As the group's ever-radicalizing ideologies pushed the organization further from mainstream society, it became more insular and paranoid. These sentiments and emotions reached their peak in the late 1970s, when 1,000 members chose to move halfway across the eastern hemisphere and fully sequester themselves within the Peoples Temple community in Jonestown, Guyana. My research paper is organized as follows: first, I analyze the historiography of the Peoples Temple to demonstrate how the historical narrative has expanded from an interpretation of the members as cultists to an interpretation in which they are shown as more complex historical actors—people dependent on the community, abused at the hands of Jim Jones, or genuinely committed to the stated goals of the organization. Then I place the Peoples Temple in its historical context and discuss how broader social and religious movements influenced the organization and affected the stated ideology of members. Next, I analyze the experiences of individual members as case studies, including Hyacinth Thrash, Deborah Layton, and Timothy and Grace Stoen, to explore the relationship between the Peoples Temple members and Jim Jones. I uncover how members and Jones became increasingly codependent overtime and took on the characteristics of an abusive relationship. Finally, this project culminates in the production of a full-length theatrical script drawn from this research and grounded in public historical best practices.

Il presente lavoro di tesi verte sull'analisi della teoria del programma, come strumento di valutazione, negli interventi di cosviluppo promossi dalla Regione Toscana. Il cosviluppo è stato identificato, in sintesi come il nesso che lega la migrazione allo sviluppo ovvero una pratica in cui vi è la partecipazione, nei progetti di sviluppo, del migrante come attore e protagonista dello sviluppo del proprio Paese di origine, mediatore tra i contesti locali del Paese di origine e quello d'immigrazione. Nel primo capitolo l'attenzione è stata posta, inizialmente, sulla relazione che intercorre tra migrazione e sviluppo analizzando la nascita del discorso ufficiale su migrazione e sviluppo in EU e in ambito UN, con particolare riferimento all'Agenda 2030 per lo sviluppo sostenibile dove, per la prima volta, la migrazione è stata inserita nella programmazione strategica delle politiche di sviluppo globale ed è stata riconosciuta come contributo allo sviluppo sostenibile, se adeguatamente gestita. In seguito, si è proceduto ad analizzare i concetti che sono stati ritenuti maggiormente significativi a favorire la comprensione del tema della migrazione e sviluppo e di conseguenza del cosviluppo, ovvero quelli di Cooperazione Internazionale allo sviluppo, Cooperazione Decentrata, transnazionalismo, agency dei migranti e ruolo delle diaspore. La migrazione, che è stata una costante nella storia del genere umano, è uno dei grandi temi del nostro tempo che ha effetti demografici, antropologici, sociali, economici e politici significativi sia sui paesi di partenza che su quelli d'arrivo del migrante. Negli ultimi sessant'anni il fenomeno della mobilità umana è notevolmente aumentato, anche in connessione ai processi di globalizzazione e transnazionalizzazione. Nell'era della globalizzazione le migrazioni hanno assunto nuove caratteristiche, in primis sono divenute globali poiché implicano quasi tutti i paesi del mondo e devono pertanto essere analizzate come un fenomeno sociale globale, inerente tutti gli ambiti della vita sociale e individuale che coinvolge tanto gli emigrati, le società di partenza quanto quelle di arrivo. Da qui il concetto di migrazione circolare. La Commissione Europea, dagli anni 2000, ha iniziato a produrre una serie di documenti in cui sono stati messi in relazione fra loro i concetti di migrazione temporanea e circolare, migrazione e sviluppo nonché di controllo delle migrazioni irregolari nel territorio dell'Unione. Con il documento COM (2007) 248, è stata elaborata una definizione di migrazione circolare: "una forma di migrazione gestita in modo tale da consentire un certo grado di mobilità legale di andata e di ritorno tra due paesi", ponendo quindi l'accento sulla caratteristica della circolarità, cioè del ritorno nel paese di origine del migrante. Grazie a periodi di permanenza all'estero, e di successivo rientro nel contesto di origine, il migrante avrebbe la possibilità di interagire con due diverse tipologie di contesti, quello di origine e quello ospitante. Nel Paese di destinazione ha la possibilità di contribuire allo sviluppo dell'economia mettendo a disposizione conoscenza, manodopera e capacità. In quello di origine, una volta tornato e re-inseritosi, può mettere in campo e spendere le esperienze e le abilità implementate o acquisite ex novo. Studio e lavoro possono implementare l'acquisizione di capacità che, in un futuro prossimo, possono avere ripercussioni positive nella sfera economica, e in quella socio-politica, del Paese di partenza. Il cosviluppo è stato poi analizzato, inizialmente, con riferimento al livello internazionale, europeo e nazionale e infine regionale toscano. Per ciò che concerne il cosviluppo nel contesto internazionale si è fatto riferimento al Progetto Messicano Tres Por Uno Inciativa Ciudadana, mentre in quello europeo sono state passate in rassegna alcune esperienze comparate di cosviluppo in Francia, in Catalogna e in Belgio. Rispetto al cosviluppo nel contesto nazionale, l'attenzione è stata focalizzata al Sistema italiano della Cooperazione allo Sviluppo, alla Legge n.125 del 2014 con la quale i flussi migratori sono stati individuati come i processi che possono sostenere e facilitare lo sviluppo e le relazioni con i paesi d'origine, all'OIM (Organizzazione Internazionale per le migrazioni) di cui l'Italia è uno dei paesi fondatori. Il lavoro dell'OIM si basa sull'idea che tutte le migrazioni organizzate in condizioni umane, siano un beneficio sia per i migranti sia per la società di partenza che di arrivo, pertanto le migrazioni sono state ricomprese nel quadro dello sviluppo economico e sociale di un Paese. L'analisi del cosviluppo in Toscana si è sviluppata, dapprima, attraverso la descrizione del contesto normativo di riferimento in particolare della Legge n. 26 del 22 maggio 2009 "Disciplina delle attività europee e di rilievo internazionale della Regione Toscana" e della Legge n. 29 del 9 giugno 2009 "Norme per l'accoglienza, l'integrazione partecipe e la tutela dei cittadini stranieri nella Regione Toscana", in seguito attraverso la descrizione di alcuni bandi regionali per proposte progettuali di cosviluppo tra cui il "Bando per micro progetti per il cosviluppo e il progetto "Senza Frontiere. Associazioni di migranti protagoniste di una nuova dimensione della cooperazione internazionale Toscana". Prima di giungere all'analisi della teoria del programma negli interventi di cosviluppo promossi dalla Regione Toscana, nello specifico sui cinque progetti vincitori del suddetto bando, nel quarto capitolo tale teoria è stata analizzata negli interventi di cosviluppo in Francia (il GRDR: Groupe de recherche et de realisations pour le dèveloppement rural- Francia / Regione del bacino del fiume Senegal), in Catalogna (il Fons català de Cooperaciò al Desenvolupament- Cataluna/ Spagna) e in Belgio (il CIRE'asbl: Coordination et Initiatives pour et avec les Rè fugiès et Etrangers- Belgio). Tale scelta è derivata dalla volontà di far emergere convergenze e divergenze nei progetti/programmi di cosviluppo nei differenti paesi. La teoria del programma, di cui la teoria del cambiamento ne costituisce uno sviluppo (ToC), costituisce uno strumento sia di programmazione/progettazione che di valutazione dei programmi/progetti, è un insieme di approcci teorici che si caratterizzano, come ha affermato Weiss (1997), "per innescare una riflessione circa il perché dell'esistenza di alcune catene causali che permettono ai beneficiari di un programma o una politica di trasformare, o di non trasformare, le risorse che una politica mette loro a disposizione in vista della produzione di un cambiamento". Esistono molteplici definizioni della teoria del programma ma tutte convergono nell'identificarla come un insieme di assunzioni relative ai risultati che un determinato programma prevede di produrre e alle strategie, tattiche adottate dal programma stesso per raggiungere i suoi obiettivi. La Toc consiste, quindi, in una serie di assunti volti a spiegare come, e attraverso quali meccanismi, un programma può avere successo in determinate condizioni ovvero si esplicitano i requisiti necessari per ottenere i risultati attesi ovvero il meccanismo che collega input a output. Il cambiamento è prodotto dalla risposta che la sequenza di input genera nei beneficiari e nell'ambiente ( meccanismi). L'ultimo capitolo del presente elaborato è stato dedicato interamente all'analisi della ToC negli interventi di cosviluppo promossi dalla Regione Toscana e nello specifico nei cinque progetti vincitori del progetto "Senza Frontiere. Associazioni di migranti protagoniste di una nuova dimensione della cooperazione internazionale Toscana": "JOKKO: Migranti, reti territoriali, cosviluppo. Un ponte con il Senegal", "Italia–Bangladesh, un ponte per l'ambiente, la sostenibilità e la salute", "Diasporaid: Azione peril coinvolgimento della diaspora Tunisina in Toscana per il sostegno dell'imprenditoria femminile a Sidi Bouzid", "Un filo conduttore. Relazioni tessili e catene di valore tra Toscana e Perù" e "L'esperienza dei migranti al servizio delle comunità locali di origine". Il progetto "Senza Frontiere. Associazioni di migranti protagoniste di una nuova dimensione della cooperazione internazionale Toscana", è stato promosso nell'ambito delle iniziative finanziate dalla Regione Toscana e realizzato da ARCI Toscana, in collaborazione con Anci Toscana, CESVOT, COSPE, Euroafrican Partnership e Funzionari Senza Frontiere. Il progetto si propone di rafforzare le associazioni di migranti, valorizzare le loro competenze e conoscenze in materia di cooperazione internazionale e sostenere la creazione di reti di partenariato tra queste e gli attori della cooperazione toscana, gli attori istituzionali e della società civile. Come riportato dal Rapporto sulla Cooperazione Internazionale della Regione Toscana 2016-2019, la Cooperazione Internazionale della Regione Toscana si basa sul sostegno alla micro-progettualità che ha permesso, alle Associazioni interessate, di accedere a Bandi rivolti a finanziare progetti di cosviluppo e quindi ha garantito l'attivismo del locale e dei migranti. Il cosviluppo, come evidenziato nel corso nel presente elaborato, ha comportato e comporta un approccio innovativo al governo dei fenomeni migratori la dove si riconosce la migrazione come un motore di crescita per la società di accoglienza e per lo sviluppo della società di origine. Il tema del cosviluppo è un fattore fondamentale dell'associazionismo straniero in Toscana in quanto la maggioranza delle realtà associative ha una forte relazione con le varie comunità all'interno del paese di accoglienza, come anche con i paesi e le comunità di origine.

The objective of this report is to assess important developments in the global aviation industry and how this affects civil aviation in Norway and Europe. The report is based on an academic literature review and other secondary sources. The challenges brought about by deregulation and the emergence of low cost carriers (LCCs) as well as more recently, the 'Middle East 3' airlines (Emirates, Etihad Airways and Qatar Airways), call for major political attention from a range of stakeholders. With this in mind, we have drawn on a wide literature, both geographically and chronologically speaking, with a view to drawing insights from experiences of deregulation. An appraisal of the American deregulation experience is provided, which results in various unintended consequences whose ripple-effects continue to shape the sector. In particular, we point to changes in the field of labour, in the broad sense, and the network infrastructure. With regard to the former, it is apparent that a job in aviation no longer carries the prestige it once did. Intense competition has led to increased labour productivity and wage cuts. The example of Colgan Air bears out some of the risks identified with increased pressures and strains in aviation. However, it would be spurious to assume a connection between inferior labour conditions and LCCs. In terms of network and infrastructure, research identified so-called 'pockets of pain' where fare prices remain high while connectivity remains relatively low. Also, airline consolidation has not delivered the certainty purported by the economic theory. Despite initial innovations by LCCs, these airlines, in terms of service and fares, are now largely indistinguishable from their U.S. legacy counterparts. Today, we can speak of four major U.S. airlines. Consequently, yet another industry is deemed 'too big to fail' and its costs, some of which can be the result of poor decision-making, are borne by the general public. For some, this oligopolistic tendency is best addressed through further liberalization. This raises an important question regarding the efficient market hypothesis and the spatial boundaries of deregulation. While the European experience of deregulation in the aviation sector, by comparison, has been more piecemeal it has by no means been less complex. On the contrary, a variety of social and fiscal regimes has complicated matters considerably. This heterogeneity has implications for the industry structure, business and employment models as well as regulatory oversight mechanisms. In particular, LCCs adopt different business or employment models thereby defying a 'one-size-fits-all' approach. While intrinsically linked, it is important, for analytical purposes, to distinguish between the business and employment models that are adopted by airlines. Hence, understanding the specific models that LCCs adopt is critical to drafting a relevant and effective aviation strategy. In addition to the standard employment relationship, typified by the legacy carriers and some LCCs, this report examines four possible employment models that LCCs might use. Approaches can vary whether we speak of pilots or cabin-crew. By providing practical examples, it is possible to discern the increasingly contentious nature of such employment arrangements. For too long aviation has operated under the radar of public imagination. The findings of the so-called Ghent Report from 2015, which highlights the extent of atypical employment in the case of pilots, should not be overlooked. Nor should the potential consequences for flight safety be underestimated. Phenomena such as zero hour contracts and 'bogus' self-employment are becoming increasingly commonplace in the cockpits of aircraft. To boot, young and inexperienced pilots are entering schemes called pay-to-fly (P2F) on revenue-earning flights. There is an onus on politicians to be up to speed on such developments and their deleterious effects on the aviation sector. Equally, there is a responsibility on the media not to be co-opted by industry and to report accurately on such practices. This is in the public interest. For the best part, we have focused on the different employment and business models adopted by two LCCs that are of particular relevance to the Norwegian context, namely Ryanair and Norwegian Air Shuttle (NAS). Clearly, there is a preference for litigation in the legal arena where loopholes make a mockery of national legal systems. This is especially the case with Ryanair, and the Cocca case is demonstrable of this. This case can also help explain Ryanair's departure from Rygge airport. More recently there is evidence that NAS is becoming just as inclined to challenge, what might hitherto have been taken as granted, in a courtroom be it in Norway or further afield. In terms of business models, there is a marked difference between the two LCCs. For instance, NAS has created a number of subsidiaries (e.g. Norwegian UK). Since, May 2013, Norwegian has entered the long-haul market to Asia and the U.S. and has created two subsidiaries, Norwegian Long Haul (NLH) and Norwegian Air International (NAI), registered in Norway and Ireland, and with Norwegian and Irish AOCs, respectively. The decision to register NAI in Ireland has been the source of controversy, which is exemplified by the unprecedented delay in the U.S. DOT granting NAI a foreign carriers permit. The principal reason for this is that there is a genuine concern that NAI will operate trans-Atlantic flights with 'crews of convenience' from Asia. NAI deny any such intentions. Ryanair's corporate structure, on the other hand, is less fragmented; however, the Irish airline has a clear preference for the use of secondary airports, the use of which have been central to its competitive business strategy. This has put airports in direct competition with one another with, at times, perverse outcomes. In doing so, Ryanair seeks to extract concessions from airports. Negotiations take place under the threat of severe service reduction or even complete base abandonment. Furthermore, it is not unusual for such negotiations to be conducted in the public realm. Ryanair has become synonymous with publicity stunts in a bid to build their brand or strengthen their bargaining hand. The Rygge debacle is emblematic of such antics. While it is possible to discern variations between different airlines with regard to employment models vis-à-vis pilots there is a degree of commonality in consequential terms. The question is whether a culture of safety, integral to the aviation sector, is being replaced by a culture of fear? By removing any semblance of security, through employment legislation or trade union membership, a pilot's future employment is at the whim of the airline bosses. In such an environment, pilots are reluctant to raise their heads above the parapet for fear of being identified as being a troublemaker. Such a development inevitably impinges on the question of flight safety. To demonstrate the risks pilots run in highlighting safety concerns, we present the case of Captain Coleman. This case is indicative not only of the intimidating environment created through atypical employment, but also how regulatory oversight is compromised. The use of different business and employment models creates procedural ambiguity, which leads to a knowledge gap with regard to airline employees and/or a regulatory gap when it comes to determining with which regulatory agency responsibility actually lies. Individually or accumulatively, such ambiguity negatively affects a culture of safety. In light of these developments in the European aviation industry, a number of recommendations are made which should inform Norway's aviation strategy. These recommendations can be divided into four broad approaches: i) ensuring the continuance of a culture of safety is paramount; ii) addressing regulatory loopholes that facilitate social dumping by clarifying key concepts such as 'operator' and 'home base' is necessary to create a level playing field; iii) when engaging with the ME3s, a European strategy is essential so as to counter a divide and conquer strategy; and iv) increased demand for aviation must be met with a commitment to well-trained pilots with pay-to-fly schemes being prohibited. Naturally, these recommendations require political will. In addition, regulatory agencies, including the tax authorities, must work in close cooperation with each other. Addressing social dumping and regime shopping also requires cross-border action and greater coordination between national regulatory agencies, as well as an enhanced role for organized labour, so as to ensure that regulatory and knowledge gaps are closed. While the success of airlines' decisions are reliant on good timing, such a comfort cannot be afforded to the question of regulatory oversight. Hence, political will and the enactment of rules will not suffice. Coordinated and proactive oversight, both within and between countries, is fundamental.

The article considers the issues of using new information and communication technologies (ICTs) when conducting the Russian Census related to the introduction of mobile devices and the Internet, which provide new opportunities for improving the quality and timeliness of the collecting and primary processing of statistical information about the population.In 2010, the Russian Census was conducted in the Russian Federation, which had many differences from previous censuses. All the technological stages of Russian Census – 2010 were automated starting from the development of machine-readable forms of census questionnaires and up to the preparation of publications of its outcomes.In the course of the trial population census held in 2018, ROSSTAT first combined the use of the Internet and mobile devices for collecting the information about the population. So, from October 1 to October 10, 2018 an online census was conducted for the whole country. Then, from October 11 to October 14, 2018 the information collected during the online census was processed, from October 15 to October 31, 2018, a survey was conducted by census takers in the regions of the trial population census – 2018 with the use of tablets and machine-readable documents. However, as the experience of the trial population census – 2018 demonstrated, one method of collecting information about the population cannot be equally efficient in all regions of Russia, due to the different attitude of the population to the methods of collecting information, as well as the conditions for the availability of information and communication technologies (ICTs) to the population in each region.The experience gained indicates the need for each region to choose the method of collecting and primary processing of statistical information about the population for each region based on a combination of Internet, mobile and traditional technologies that is adaptive to the regional conditions of the population census (remoteness and inaccessibility of some regions, the unreadiness of individual segments of the population to use modern ICTs for collecting information, Internet accessibility in various regions, different attitude of the population to census methods). The solution of this problem is an important condition for increasing the coverage of the population, the accuracy and reliability of the results and reducing the cost of conducting a census in each subject of Russia.The use of new information and communication technologies related to introduction of mobile devices and the Internet opens up new opportunities for improving the quality and timeliness of the collection and primary processing of statistical information about the population. However, with the development of census technologies, the number of alternative options for organizing it is growing. All this makes it necessary to justify the selection of a rational method of collecting and primary processing of statistical information about the population based on the regional characteristics of the development and accessibility of ICT, the consent of the population to interact with public authorities through the Public Services Portal, availability of ICTs in households. The validity of this choice is associated with the use of methods and decision-making models that are adequate to the peculiarities of the task.Purpose. Development of models for the selection of the rational method of collecting and primary processing of information of the Russian Census for each region of Russia using mobile devices and Internet technologies that correspond to the existing technological environment and the specificities of organizing Russian Census processes.Materials and methods. In the process of performing the preset tasks, methods of system and statistical analysis, expert assessment and systems, the fuzzy-set theory and cluster analysis were used. Calculations were carried out using MS Excel application software packages and IBM SPSS STATISTICS statistical software package.Results. The scientific article describes the developed expert system and models for substantiating a rational method of collecting and processing primary information in each Russian region based on their clustering according to the features characterizing the level of ICT development and their accessibility to the population in each region, the population's consent to cooperate with governmental authorities through the Public Services Portal, accessibility of ICT use in households and identifying the compliance of possibilities provided by alternative methods of collecting and processing the information on the population to the characteristics of readiness of the population, census personnel and territorial state statistics agency for conducting a census using modern ICTs and the limitations on the cost of conducting Russian Census in each region.Conclusion. The paper discusses the methodology that allows for the implementation of basic concept of the Russian Census, which is to ensure maximum coverage of the population while making informed management decisions on the choice of methods for collecting and primary processing of Russian Census information in each region of Russia, taking into account regional characteristics of the development and accessibility of ICTs, the consent of the population to interaction with public authorities through the Public Services Portal, access to ICTs in households. ; В статье рассматриваются вопросы применения новых информационно-коммуникационных технологий при проведении Всероссийской переписи населения, связанные с внедрением мобильных устройств и сети Интернет, которые открывают новые возможности для повышения качества и своевременности сбора и первичной обработки статистической информации о населении.В 2010 году в Российской Федерации проводилась Всероссийская перепись населения (далее - ВПН-2010), которая имела много отличий от предыдущих переписей. Были автоматизированы все технологические этапы организации ВПН-2010 – от разработки машиночитаемых бланков переписных вопросников до подготовки публикаций с итогами.В ходе проведения пробной переписи населения 2018 года (далее – ППН-2018) Росстат впервые осуществил комбинирование применения сети Интернет и мобильных устройств для сбора сведений о населении. Так с 1 по 10 октября проводилась Интернет-перепись для всей страны, далее с 11 по 14 октября проводилась обработка сведений, собранных в ходе Интер- нет-переписи, затем с 15 по 31 октября 2018 года проводился опрос переписчиками в регионах ППН-2018 с применением планшетных компьютеров и машиночитаемых документов. Однако, как показал опыт проведения ППН-2018, один метод сбора сведений о населении не может быть одинаково эффективным во всех регионах России, вследствие различного отношения населения к способам сбора сведений, а также условий доступности информационно-коммуникационных технологий (ИКТ) для населения в каждом из них.Полученный опыт свидетельствует о необходимости выбора для каждого региона метода сбора и первичной обработки статистической информации о населении, основанного на комбинировании интернет, мобильных и традиционных технологий и адаптивного к региональным условиям проведения переписи населения (удаленности и труднодоступности некоторых регионов, неготовности отдельных слоев населения к применению современных информационно-коммуникационных технологий для сбора сведений, доступности сети Интернет в различных регионах, различного отношения населения к методам проведения переписи). Решение этой проблемы является важным условием повышения полноты охвата населения, точности и достоверности результатов и снижения расходов на проведение переписи населения в каждом субъекте России.Применение новых информационно-коммуникационных технологий, связанных с внедрением мобильных устройств и сети Интернет, открывают новые возможности для повышения качества и своевременности сбора и первичной обработки статистической информации о населении. Однако с развитием технологий проведения переписей растет количество альтернативных вариантов организации ее проведения. Все это обусловливает необходимость обоснования выбора рационального метода сбора и первичной обработки статистической информации о населении, учитывающего региональные особенности развитости и доступности ИКТ, согласие населения к взаимодействию с органами государственной власти через Единый портал государственных услуг, доступности использования ИКТ в домашних хозяйствах. Обоснованность такого выбора связывается с использованием адекватных особенностям поставленной задачи методов и моделей принятия решений.Цель. Разработка моделей выбора рационального метода сбора и первичной обработки информации Всероссийской переписи населения для каждого региона России с применением мобильных средств и Интернет-технологий, соответствующих имею- щимся технологическим условиям, особенностям организации процессов проведения ВПН с учетом региональных условий. Материалы и методы. В процессе решения поставленных задач использовались методы системного и статистического анализа, методы кластерного анализа, экспертных оценок и систем, теории нечетких множеств. Расчеты производились с использованием пакетов прикладных программ MS Excel, статистического пакета IВМ SPSS STATISTICS.Результаты. В научной статье разработана методика и модели обоснования рационального метода сбора и обработки первичной информации в каждом регионе России, основанная на их кластеризации по признакам, характеризующим уровень развитости и доступности ИКТ для населения в каждом регионе, его согласия к взаимодействию с органами государственной власти через Единый портал государственных услуг, доступности использования ИКТ в домашних хозяйствах и выявлении соответствия возможностей альтернативных методов сбора и первичной обработки информации о населении характеристикам готовности населения, переписного персонала и территориального органа государственной статистики к проведению переписи с применением современных ИКТ и ограничениям по затратам на проведение ВПН в каждом из них.Заключение. В статье рассматривается методика, позволяющая обеспечить выполнение основной концепции проведения Всероссийской переписи населения – обеспечить максимальный охват населения при принятии обоснованных управленческих решений в части выбора метода сбора и первичной обработки информации ВПН в каждом регионе России, учитывающего региональные особенности развитости и доступности ИКТ, согласие населения к взаимодействию с органами государственной власти через Единый портал государственных услуг, доступности использования ИКТ в домашних хозяйствах.

Playing curriculum development based on early childhood learning is a major issue in international early childhood education discussions. This study aims to look at the concepts and practices of play-based curriculum in early childhood education institutions. The study uses qualitative methods with the CIPP model program evaluation on play-based curriculum. Data collection techniqueswere carriedout using participatory observation, document studies and interviews. Participants are early childhood educators, early childhood and parents. The results found that the play-based curriculum has not yet become the main note in the preparation and development of concepts and learning practices in early childhood. Play-based curriculum quality standards have not provided a solid and clear concept foundation in placing play in the center of learning models. Other findings the institution has not been able to use the DAP (Developmentally Appropriate Practice) approach fully, and has not been able to carry out the philosophy and ways for developing a curriculum based on play. However, quite a lot of research found good practices implemented in learning centers in early childhood education institutions, such as develop children's independence programs through habituation to toilet training and fantasy play. Keywords: Play Based Curriculum, Center Learning Model, Curriculum Quality Standards, Early Childhood Education Reference Alford, B. L., Rollins, K. B., Padrón, Y. N., & Waxman, H. C. (2016). Using Systematic Classroom Observation to Explore Student Engagement as a Function of Teachers' Developmentally Appropriate Instructional Practices (DAIP) in Ethnically Diverse Pre- kindergarten Through Second-Grade Classrooms. 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