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The discipline of political science is concerned with differentials of power between groups. One of the starkest power differentials in society exists between men and women. Women are overwhelmingly represented in the category of unpaid workers, and noticeably absent in the category of property ownership, to give just one example. Is it enough for political science to add gender as one component to its other categories of caste and class, for instance, when it analyzes how power is structured in society? This article is a call for moving beyond this to examine the gendered nature of the concepts—of citizenship, productive work, social contract and the public and private—of political science.

This article identifies the main threads that have dominated thinking about family and citizenship in political theory. I situate recent research in both political theory and political science within these approaches and identify a traditional hostility to family life among theorists of politics, one legacy of which is a continuing neglect of family life in the field of political science. At a moment when profound changes in family structure and family life are taking root, and when rhetoric about family has become central to American politics, the field of political science needs to do a better job at reckoning with family life and the way it affects our capacities as citizens. I also identify a countervailing trend in political theory that demands that family life be taken seriously, as well as recent research in political science that begins to do so. Finally, in this context I revisit the psychoanalytic approach to studying the relationship between family and politics, and I suggest that it is among the most promising directions that future research in political theory and political science might take in regard to the political significance of the family.

Ecological restoration has taken on a new significance in the face of climate change and biodiversity loss. Despite its growing policy salience, however, the social and political sciences have paid limited attention to the study of ecological restoration policy and practice. By drawing upon the political science study of multilevel governance, institutions, power elations, and place-based politics, a flavour is given of what a political science engagement might contribute to the rich tapestry of analysis that has already been produced by other disciplines on ecological restoration. As the use of restoration grows, it is increasingly likely that it will give rise to social dispute and be brought into conflict with a variety of environmental, cultural, economic, and community interests. Restoration policy and projects encounter professional and institutional norms as well as place-specific interests and values. There is urgent need to investigate how and in what ways some interests become winners and others losers in these activities, and how this in turn can influence ecological restoration outcomes. A political science lens could help build new criteria for evaluating the success of ecological restoration, ones that combine both process- and product-driven considerations. ; Restore www.restore-project.org