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There is a new voters' bloc in America: lesbians, gays, bisexuals and transgender individuals. This guide provides a systematic empirical survey of the phenomemon, explains its origins and growth and puts it in context. Concurrent with the civil rights and women's rights movement of the 1960s, the homosexual rights movement has emerged as one of the most important, yet misunderstood social developments in American history. This volume traces its progress from the political closet to the pre-1950s era, through the Stonewall Riots of 1969 and the dark days of the AIDS epidemic, to the present day level of tolerance

Data from a cross-national survey (N = 801) of young adults in Australia, the Philippines, South Korea, and the U.S. (Guam, Hawaii, Continental U.S.) were analyzed to explore the relationships between the three subcomponents of the immersion motivation of video game play—discovery, role-play, and customization (Yee, 2006)—creative self-efficacy, and political participation. Findings reveal role-play and creative self-efficacy are positively associated with political participation; discovery and role-play are positively associated with creative self-efficacy. Furthermore, discovery, role-play, and customization had small indirect effects on political participation via creative self-efficacy.

Current concern about declining public participation has ignored the potential of workplace democracy to encourage citizen involvement in political activities. Yet, Carole Pateman, in one of the classic texts of participatory democratic theory, outlines the 'spillover thesis', which posits a direct link between workplace participation, political efficacy and public participation. The lack of strong empirical evidence supporting this causal relationship suggests that the processes underpinning the 'spillover thesis', particularly between workplace participation and political efficacy, are more complex than Pateman acknowledged. A detailed review of empirical studies of worker co-operatives indicates that the 'spillover thesis' needs respecification to take account of seven variables that can shape the relationship between workplace participation and political efficacy. The case for supporting worker co-operatives as an institutional solution to declining public participation is weak.

Intro -- Contents -- 1. The Value and Meaning of Political Participation -- 2. The Racialized Norms Model -- 3. Which Norms? -- 4. Finding Purpose in the Past -- 5. Taking Care of Those in Need -- 6. Norms and National Turnout -- 7. Norms and High-Cost Participation -- 8. The Present and Future of Participatory Social Norms -- Acknowledgments -- Appendix A. Participatory Social Norms Survey Instrumentation -- Appendix B. Supplemental Material for Qualitative Interviews -- Appendix C. Supplemental Empirical Analyses -- Notes -- References -- Index.

Political participation has seen substantial changes in terms of both its structure and its scope. One of the most prominent venues of citizen engagement today is participation that relies on online means. Several approaches to online participation have attempted to understand its nature as a continuation of offline acts into the online realm, or as an independent form. In this article, we determine the place of online participation in the repertoire of political participation with greater precision. We ask whether, in particular, digitally networked participation (DNP) is an expansion of lifestyle politics, or whether there are empirical grounds to classify it as a new, independent mode of participation. We study a large variety of participatory activities using data from an online survey conducted among 2,114 politically active individuals in Belgium in 2017. We use an innovative measurement approach that combines closed‐ with open‐ended questions, which allows us to explore new forms of participation that have previously not been considered or measured. Our results show that DNP is a core part of today's activists' repertoire and a distinct mode of political participation that is clearly attractive to younger, critical citizens.

This research study is aimed at investigating 1) the relationship between Thai youth leaders' levels of knowledge and understanding of democracy, of attitudes toward democracy and of the political behaviors, and 2) how their backgrounds and political culture would influence their level of political participation in the future. The participants in this study consisted of 1,064 members of the National Youth Council, and included representatives from all 76 provinces of Thailand. The result is that the majority of the participants had a) a high level of knowledge and understanding of democracy, b) a medium level of democratic political behaviors and culture, and c) a high level of interest in participating in politics in the future. การศึกษาวิจัยเรื่อง "ปัจจัยภูมิหลัง วัฒนธรรมทางการเมือง และการมีส่วนร่วมทางการเมืองของผู้นำเยาวชนไทย" มีวัตถุประสงค์สำคัญคือ การศึกษาความสัมพันธ์ระหว่างระดับความรู้ความเข้าใจต่อระบอบประชาธิปไตย ระดับทัศนคติทางการเมืองแบบประชาธิปไตย และพฤติกรรมทางการเมืองของผู้นำเยาวชนไทยและการศึกษาปัจจัยภูมิหลังและวัฒนธรรมทางการเมืองที่มีผลต่อการมีส่วนร่วมทางการเมืองของผู้นำเยาวชนไทย โดยศึกษาจากกรรมการสภาเด็กและเยาวชนแห่งชาติจาก 76 จังหวัดทั่วประเทศ จำนวน 1,064 คน ผลการวิจัยปรากฏดังนี้ ผู้นำเยาวชนไทยส่วนใหญ่มีความรู้ความเข้าใจต่อระบอบประชาธิปไตยและมีทัศนคติทางการเมืองแบบประชาธิปไตยในระดับสูง มีพฤติกรรมทางการเมืองและวัฒนธรรมทางการเมืองแบบประชาธิปไตยในระดับปานกลาง และผู้นำเยาวชนไทยส่วนใหญ่สนใจที่จะมีบทบาททางการเมืองในอนาคตในระดับสูง

This is a thought-provoking analysis on why democracy succeeds in some countries but not others, comparing the post-transition experiences of two cases of contemporary democratisation: Russia and Indonesia. Following authoritarian regimes, democracy eroded in Russia but flourished in Indonesia - so confounding dominant theories of democratisation that predicted the opposite outcomes based on their levels of socioeconomic development and histories of statehood. Identifying key behaviours and patterns of political participation as a factor, Lussier interweaves ethnographic interview and quantitative public opinion data to expand our understanding on how mass political participation contributes to a democracy's survival. The integration of both micro- and macro-level data in a single study is one of this project's most significant contributions, and will enhance its appeal to both researchers and instructors.

Estimates a comprehensive model of the impact of individuals' participation in different kinds of political activity on different aspects of their perceptions of political efficacy. Investigates the influence of participation in 3 modes of activity--partisan activism, community activism and political extremism--on individuals' perceptions of internal and external efficacy. (Abstract amended)

The effects of listening to talk radio, ie, Rush Limbaugh's radio program, on people's political participation are investigated, based on 1994-1996 longitudinal interview data from listeners & nonlisteners (initial N = 486) measuring four aspects of political participation: proselytizing, voting, contacting political officials, & participating in campaign activities. Participants were categorized according to listening frequency. It was hypothesized that listening to Limbaugh's program would increase conservative & moderate political participation, but decrease that of liberal listeners. Findings demonstrate support for both aspects of the hypothesis, though the negative effects of listening on liberal participants were not statistically significant. It is concluded that media forms can create social networks that function similarly to traditional social networks. 5 Tables, 24 References. J. W. Parker

"This title was first published in 2000. Drawing upon fieldwork conducted with Amnesty International, the Labour Party, Tenants' Associations and the Exodus collective, this work examines the nature of political activism. The author combines Habermasian theory and empirical fieldwork to critically analyze the nature of the political public sphere. While adopting a Habermasian approach, Clark recognizes the problems and limitations associated with notions of civil society and communicative action. An empirically formed critical stance is maintained throughout the work. Three main themes are drawn from this research: an analysis of structures of political participation; presentation of a typology of political activism?; analysis of the public process of participation. Essential reading for those studying public participation and its relationship to activism, as well as for students of politics, public policy and sociology."--Provided by publisher.